Chapter I: Queen Jane and Queen Mary (8)

Renard, who was only anxious that the marriage should go off quietly, agreed in the desirableness of a dissolution. He told the queen that the reform of religion must be left to a better opportunity; and the prince could not, and should not, set his foot in a country where parties were for ever on the edge of cutting each other's throats. It was no time for her to be indulging Gardiner in humours which were driving men mad, and shutting her ears to the advice of those who could ruin her if they pleased; she must think first of her husband. The queen protested that Gardiner was acting by no advice of hers; Gardiner, she said, was obstinate, and would listen to no one; she herself was helpless and miserable. But Renard was not to be moved by misery. At all events, he said, the prince should not come till late in the summer, perhaps not till autumn, not, in fact, till it could be seen what form these wild humours would {p.134} assume; summer was the dangerous time in England, when the people's blood was apt to boil.[318]

[Footnote 318: Pour ce qui ordinairement les
humeurs des Angloys boulissent plus en l'este que
en autre temps.]

Gardiner, however, was probably not acting without Mary's secret approbation. Both the queen and the minister especially desired, at that moment, the passing of the Heresy Bill, and Renard was obliged to content himself with a promise that the dissolution should be as early as possible. Though parliament could not meet at Oxford, a committee of Convocation had been sitting there, with Dr. Weston, the adulterous Dean of Windsor, for a president. Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer had been called upon to defend their opinions, which had been pronounced false and damnable. They had been required to recant, and, having refused, they were sentenced (April 20), so far as the power of the court extended, to the punishment of heretics.

Cranmer appealed from the judgment to God Almighty, in whose presence he would soon stand.

Ridley said the sentence would but send them the sooner to the place where else they hoped to go.

Latimer said, "I thank God that my life has been prolonged that I may glorify God by this kind of death."

Hooper, Ferrars, Coverdale, Taylor, Philpot, and Sandars, who were in the London prisons, were to have been simultaneously tried and sentenced at Cambridge. These six, however, drew and signed a joint refusal to discuss their faith in a court before which they were to be brought as prisoners; and for some reason the proceedings against them were suspended; but whether they refused or consented was of little moment to the Bishop of Winchester; they were in his hands--he could try them when he pleased. A holocaust of heresiarchs was waiting to be offered up, and before a faggot could be lighted, the necessary powers had to be obtained from parliament.

The bishop, therefore, was determined, if possible, to obtain those powers. He had the entire bench of prelates on his side; and Lord Howard, the Earl of Bedford, and others of the lay lords who would have been on the side of humanity, were absent. The opposition had to be conducted under the greatest difficulties. Paget, however, fought the battle, and fought it on broad grounds: the bishops' bill was read twice; on the third reading, on the 1st of May, he succeeded in throwing it out: the Lollards' bill came on the day after, and here his difficulty was far greater; for toleration was imperfectly understood by {p.135} Catholic or Protestant, and many among the peers, who hated the bishops, equally hated heresy. Paget, however, spoke out his convictions, and protested against the iniquity of putting men to death for their opinions.[319] The bill was read a first time on the day on which it was introduced; on the 4th of May it was read again,[320] but it went no further. The next day parliament was dissolved. The peers assured the queen that they had no desire to throw a shield over heresy; the common law existed independent of statute, and the common law prescribed punishments which could still be inflicted.[321] But, so long as heresy was undefined, Anabaptists, Socinians, or professors of the more advanced forms of opinion, could alone fall within the scope of punishments merely traditional.

[Footnote 319: Quant l'on a parle de la peyne des
heretiques, il a sollicite les sieurs pour non y
consentir, y donner lieu a peyne de mort.--Renard
to Charles V., May 1.]

[Footnote 320: _Lords Journals._]

[Footnote 321: There can, I think, be no doubt that
it was this which the peers said. The statute of
Henry IV. was not passed; yet the queen told
Renard, "que le peyne antienne contre les
heretiques fut agree par toute la noblesse, et
qu'ilz fairent dire expressement et publiquement
qu'ilz entendoient l'heresie estre extirpee et
punie." The chancellor informed Renard that,
"Although the Heresy Bill was lost, there were
penalties of old standing against heretics which
had still the form of law, and could be put in
execution." And, on the 3rd of May, the privy
council directed the judges and the queen's learned
counsel to be called together, and their opinions
demanded, "what they think in law her highness may
do touching the cases of Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer,
being already, by both the Universities of Oxford
and Cambridge, judged to be obstinate heretics,
which matter is the rather to be consulted upon,
for that the said Cranmer is already
attainted."--_MS. Privy Council Register._ The
answer of the judges I have not found, but it must
have been unfavourable to the intentions of the
court. Joan Bocher was burnt under the common law,
for her opinions were condemned by all parties in
the church, and were looked upon in the same light
as witchcraft, or any other profession definitely
devilish. But it was difficult to treat as heresy,
under the common law, a form of belief which had so
recently been sanctioned by act of parliament.]

The tempers of men were never worse than at that moment, Renard wrote. In the heat of the debate, on the 28th of April, Lord Thomas Grey was executed as a defiance to the liberal party. Gardiner persuaded the queen, perhaps not without reason, that he was himself in danger of being arrested by Paget and Pembroke;[322] and an order was sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower that if the chancellor was brought thither under warrant of the council only, he was not to be received.[323]

[Footnote 322: Renard to Charles V., May 13: _Rolls
House MSS._]

[Footnote 323: Noailles.]

On the other hand, twelve noblemen and gentlemen undertook to stand by Mary if she would arrest Paget and Pembroke. The chancellor, Sir Robert Rochester, and the Marquis of Winchester {p.136} discussed the feasibility of seizing them; but Lord Howard and the Channel fleet were thought to present too formidable an obstacle. With the queen's sanction, however, they armed in secret. It was agreed that, on one pretence or another, Derby, Shrewsbury, Sussex, and Huntingdon should be sent out of London to their counties. Elizabeth, if it could be managed, should be sent to Pomfret, as Gardiner had before proposed; Lord Howard should be kept at sea; and, if opportunity offered, Arundel and Paget might, at least, be secured.[324]

[Footnote 324: Renard to Charles V., May 13:
Tytler, vol. ii.]

But Pomfret was impossible, and vexation thickened on vexation. Lord Howard was becoming a bugbear at the court. Report now said that two of the Staffords, whom he had named to command in the fleet, had joined the exiles in France; and for Lord Howard himself the queen could feel no security, if he was provoked too far. She was haunted by a misgiving that, while the prince was under his convoy, he might declare against her, and carry him prisoner to France; or if Howard could himself be trusted, his fleet could not. On the eve of sailing for the coast of Spain, a mutiny broke out at Plymouth. The sailors swore that if they were forced on a service which they detested, both the admiral and the prince should rue it. Lord Howard, in reporting to the queen the men's misconduct, said that his own life was at her majesty's disposal, but he advised her to reconsider the prudence of placing the prince in their power. Howard's own conduct, too, was far from reassuring. A few small vessels had been sent from Antwerp to join the English fleet, under the Flemish admiral Chappelle. Chappelle complained that Howard treated him with indifference, and insulted his ships by "calling them cockle-shells." If the crews of the two fleets were on land anywhere together, the English lost no opportunity of making a quarrel, "hustling and pushing" the Flemish sailors;[325] and, as if finally to complete the queen's vexation, Lord Bedford wrote that the prince declined the protection of her subjects on his voyage, and that his departure was postponed for a few weeks longer.

[Footnote 325: Les ont provoque a debatz, les
cerrans et poulsans.--Renard to Charles V.: Tyler
vol. ii. p. 413.]

The fleet had to remain in the Channel; it could not be trusted elsewhere; and the necessity of releasing Elizabeth from the Tower was another annoyance to the queen. A confinement at Woodstock was the furthest stretch of severity that the country would, for the present, permit. On the 19th of May, {p.137} Elizabeth was taken up the river. The princess believed herself that she was being carried off _tanquam ovis_, as she said--as a sheep for the slaughter. But the world thought that she was set at liberty, and as her barge passed under the bridge Mary heard, with indignation, from the palace windows, three salvoes of artillery fired from the Steelyard, as a sign of the joy of the people.[326] A letter from Philip would have been a consolation to her in the midst of the troubles which she had encountered for his sake; but the languid lover had never written a line to her; or, if he had written, not a line had reached her hand; only a ship which contained despatches from him for Renard had been taken, in the beginning of May, by a French cruiser, and the thought that precious words of affection had, perhaps, been on their way to her and were lost, was hard to bear.

[Footnote 326: Samedy dernier Elizabeth fut tiree
de la Tour et menee a Richmond; et dois ledict
Richmond l'on l'a conduit a Woodstock pour y estre
gardee surement jusques l'on la fasse aller a
Pomfret. Et s'est resjouy le peuple de sa departye,
pensant qu'elle fut en liberte, et passant par
devant la Maison des Stillyards ilz tirerent trois
coups d'artillerie en signe d'allegrie, que la
reyne et son conseil ont prins a desplaisir et
regret, et estimons que l'on en fera
demonstration.--Renard to Charles V.: _Granvelle
Papers_, vol. iv.]

In vain she attempted to cheer her spirits with the revived ceremonials of Whitsuntide. She marched day after day, in procession, with canopies and banners, and bishops in gilt slippers, round St. James's, round St. Martin's, round Westminster.[327] Sermons and masses alternated now with religious feasts, now with _Diriges_ for her father's soul. But all was to no purpose; she could not cast off her anxieties, or escape from the shadow of her subjects' hatred, which clung to her steps. Insolent pamphlets were dropped in her path and in the offices of Whitehall; she trod upon them in the passages of the palace; they were placed by mysterious hands in the sanctuary of her bedroom. At length, chafed with a thousand irritations, and craving for a husband who showed so small anxiety to come to her, she fled from London, at the beginning of June, to Richmond.

[Footnote 327: Machyn's Diary; Strype's _Memorials
of the Reformation_.]

The trials of the last six months had begun to tell upon Mary's understanding: she was ill with hysterical longings; ill with the passions which Gardiner had kindled and Paget disappointed. A lady who slept in her room told Noailles that she could speak to no one without impatience, and that she believed the whole world was in league to keep her husband from her. She found fault with every one--even with the prince himself. Why had he not written? she asked again and again. Why had she never {p.138} received one courteous word from him? If she heard of merchants or sailors arriving from Spain, she would send for them and question them; and some would tell her that the prince was said to have little heart for his business in England; others terrified her with tales of fearful fights upon the seas; and others brought her news of the French squadrons that were on the watch in the Channel.[328] She would start out of her sleep at night, picturing a thousand terrors, and among them one to which all else were insignificant, that her prince, who had taken such wild possession of her imagination, had no answering feeling for herself--that, with her growing years and wasted figure, she could never win him to love her.[329]

[Footnote 328: Le doubte luy est souvent augmentee
par plusieurs marchants mariniers et aultres
malcontens de son marriage qui venans de France et
Espaign luy desguisent et luy controuvent un
infinite de nouvelles estranges, les ungs du peu de
volunte que le prince a de venir par deca, les
aultres d'avoir ouy et entendus combats sur la mer,
et plusieurs d'avoir descouvert grand nombre de
voisles Francoises avec grand appareil.--Noailles
to the King of France: _Ambassades_, vol. iii. p.
253.]

[Footnote 329: L'on m'a dict que quelques heures de
la nuict elle entre en telle resverie de ses amours
et passions que bien souvent elle se met hors de
soy, et croy que la plus grande occasion de sa
douleur vient du desplaisir qu'elle a de veoir sa
personne si diminuee et ses ans multiplier en telle
nombre qu'ilz luy courent tous les jours a grande
interest.--Noailles to the King of France:
_Ambassades_, vol. iii. p. 252.]

"The unfortunate queen," wrote Henry of France, "will learn the truth at last. She will wake too late, in misery and remorse, to know that she has filled the realm with blood for an object which, when she has gained it, will bring nothing but affliction to herself or to her people."[330]

[Footnote 330: Ibid. p. 255.]

But the darkest season has its days of sunshine, and Mary's trials were for the present over. If the statesmen were disloyal, the clergy and the Universities appreciated her services to the church, and, in the midst of her trouble, Oxford congratulated her on having been raised up for the restoration of life and light to England.[331] More pleasant than this pleasant flattery was the arrival, on the 19th of June, of the Marquis delas Navas from Spain, with the news that by that time the prince was on his way.

[Footnote 331: Nuper cum litterarum studia pene
extincta jacerent cum salus omnium exigua spe
dubiaque penderet quis non fortunae incertos eventus
extimescebat? Quis non ingemuit et arsit dolore?
Pars studia deserere cogebantur; pars huc illucque
quovis momento rapiebantur; nec ulli certus ordo
suumve propositum diu constabat.--The happy change
of the last year was then contrasted with proper
point and prolixity.--The University of Oxford to
the Queen: _MS. Domestic, Mary_, vol. iv.]

It was even so. Philip had submitted to his unwelcome {p.139} destiny, and six thousand troops being required pressingly by the emperor in the Low Countries, they attended him for his escort. A paper of advices was drawn for the prince's use by Renard, directing him how to accommodate himself to his barbarous fortune. Neither soldiers nor mariners would be allowed to land. The noblemen, therefore, who formed his retinue, were advised to bring Spanish musketeers, disguised in liveries, in the place of pages and lacqueys; their arms could be concealed amidst the baggage. The war would be an excuse for the noblemen being armed themselves, and the prince, on landing, should have a shirt of mail under his doublet. As to manner, he must endeavour to be affable: he would have to hunt with the young lords, and to make presents to them; and, with whatever difficulty, he must learn a few words of English, to exchange the ordinary salutations. As a friend, Renard recommended Paget to him; he would find Paget "a man of sense."[332]

[Footnote 332: "Homme d'esprit."--Instructions
donnees a Philippe, Prince d'Espagne: _Granvelle
Papers_, vol. iv. p. 267.]

Philip, who was never remarkable for personal courage, may be pardoned for having come reluctantly to a country where he had to bring men-at-arms for servants, and his own cook for fear of being poisoned. The sea, too, was hateful to him, for he suffered miserably from sickness. Nevertheless, he was coming, and with him such a retinue of gallant gentlemen as the world has rarely seen together. The Marquis de los Valles, Gonzaga, d'Aguilar, Medina Celi, Antonio de Toledo, Diego de Mendoza, the Count de Feria, the Duke of Alva, Count Egmont, and Count Horn--men whose stories are written in the annals of two worlds: some in letters of glorious light, some in letters of blood which shall never be washed out while the history of mankind survives. Whether for evil or good, they were not the meek innocents for whom Renard had at one time asked so anxiously.

In company with these noblemen was Sir Thomas Gresham, charged with half a million of money in bullion, out of the late arrivals from the New World; which the emperor, after taking security from the London merchants, had lent the queen, perhaps to enable her to make her marriage palatable by the restoration of the currency.[333]

[Footnote 333: Gresham's Correspondence: _Flanders
MSS._ State Paper Office. The bullion was
afterwards drawn in procession in carts through the
London streets.]

Thus preciously freighted, the Spanish fleet, a hundred and fifty ships, large and small, sailed from Corunna at the beginning {p.140} of July. The voyage was weary and wretched. The sea-sickness prostrated both the prince and the troops, and to the sea-sickness was added the terror of the French--a terror, as it happened, needless, for the English exiles, by whom the prince was to have been intercepted, had, in the last few weeks, melted away from the French service, with the exception of a few who were at Scilly. Sir Peter Carew, for some unknown reason, had written to ask for his pardon, and had gone to Italy;[334] but the change was recent and unknown, and the ships stole along in silence, the orders of the prince being that not a salute should be fired to catch the ear of an enemy.[335] At last, on the 19th of July, the white cliffs of Freshwater were sighted; Lord Howard lay at the Needles with the English fleet; and on Friday, the 20th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the flotilla was safely anchored in Southampton Water.

[Footnote 334: Wotton's Correspondence: _French
MSS._ State Paper Office. The title of the Queen of
Scots was, perhaps, the difficulty; or Carew may
have felt that he could do nothing of real
consequence, while he might increase the difficulty
of protecting Elizabeth.]

[Footnote 335: Noailles to the King of France, July
23: _Ambassades_, vol. iii.]

The queen was on her way to Winchester, where she arrived the next morning, and either in attendance upon her, or waiting at Southampton, was almost the entire peerage of England. Having made up their minds to endure the marriage, the lords resolved to give Philip the welcome which was due to the husband of their sovereign, and in the uncertain temper of the people, their presence might be necessary to protect his person from insult or from injury.

It was an age of glitter, pomp, and pageantry; the anchors were no sooner down, than a barge was in readiness, with twenty rowers in the queen's colours of green and white; and Arundel, Pembroke, Shrewsbury, Derby, and other lords went off to the vessel which carried the royal standard of Castile. Philip's natural manner was cold and stiff, but he had been schooled into graciousness. Exhausted by his voyage, he accepted delightedly the instant invitation to go on shore, and he entered the barge accompanied by the Duke of Alva. A crowd of gentlemen was waiting to receive him at the landing-place. As he stepped out--not perhaps without some natural nervousness and sharp glances round him--the whole assemblage knelt. A salute was fired from the batteries, and Lord Shrewsbury presented him with the order of the Garter.[336] An enthusiastic eye-witness thus describes Philip's appearance:--

[Footnote 336: Antiquaries dispute whether Philip
received the Garter on board his own vessel or
after he came on shore. Lord Shrewsbury himself
settles the important point. "I, the Lord Steward,"
Shrewsbury wrote to Wotton, "at his coming to land,
presented the Garter to him."--_French MSS. Mary_,
State Paper Office.]

{p.141} "Of visage he is well favoured, with a broad forehead and grey eyes, straight-nosed and manly countenance. From the forehead to the point of his chin his face groweth small. His pace is princely, and gait so straight and upright as he loseth no inch of his height; with a yellow head and a yellow beard; and thus to conclude, he is so well proportioned of body, arm, leg, and every other limb to the same, as nature cannot work a more perfect pattern, and, as I have learned, of the age of 28 years. His majesty I judge to be of a stout stomach, pregnant-witted, and of most gentle nature."[337]

[Footnote 337: John Elder to the Bishop of
Caithness: _Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, appendix
10. Elder adds that his stature was about that of a
certain "John Hume, my Lord of Jedward's kinsman,"
which does not help our information. Philip,
however, was short.]

Sir Anthony Brown approached, leading a horse with a saddlecloth of crimson velvet, embroidered with gold and pearls. He presented the steed, with a Latin speech, signifying that he was his highness's Master of the Horse; and Philip, mounting, went direct to Southampton church, the English and Spanish noblemen attending bareheaded, to offer thanks for his safe arrival. From the church he was conducted to a house which had been furnished from the royal stores for his reception. Everything was, of course, magnificent. Only there had been one single oversight. Wrought upon the damask hangings, in conspicuous letters, were observed the ominous words, "Henry, by the Grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, and Supreme Head of the Church of England."[338]

[Footnote 338: Baoardo.]

Here the prince was to remain till Monday to recover from his voyage; perhaps to ascertain, before he left the neighbourhood of his own fleet, the humour of the barbarians among whom he had arrived. In Latin (he was unable to speak French) he addressed the lords on the causes which had brought him to England, the chief among those causes being the manifest will of God, to which he felt himself bound to submit. It was noticed that he never lifted his cap in speaking to any one,[339] but he evidently endeavoured to be courteous. With a stomach unrecovered from the sea, and disdaining precautions, he sate down on the night of his arrival to a public English supper; he even drained a tankard of ale, as an example, he said, to his Spanish companions.[340] The first evening passed off well, and he {p.142} retired to seek such rest as the strange land and strange people, the altered diet, and the firing of guns, which never ceased through the summer night, would allow him.

[Footnote 339: Non havendo mai levato la berretta a
persona.--Baoardo.]

[Footnote 340: Noailles.]

Another feature of his new country awaited Philip in the morning (July 21); he had come from the sunny plains of Castile; from his window at Southampton he looked out upon a steady downfall of July rain. Through the cruel torrent[341] he made his way to the church again to mass, and afterwards Gardiner came to him from the queen. In the afternoon the sky cleared, and the Duchess of Alva, who had accompanied her husband, was taken out in a barge upon Southampton Water. Both English and Spaniards exerted themselves to be mutually pleasing; but the situation was not of a kind which it was desirable to protract. Six thousand Spanish troops were cooped in the close uneasy transports, forbidden to land lest they should provoke the jealousy of the people; and when, on Sunday (July 22), his highness had to undergo a public dinner, in which English servants only were allowed to attend upon him, the Castilian lords, many of whom believed that they had come to England on a bootless errand, broke out into murmurs.[342]

[Footnote 341: Crudele pioggia.--Baoardo.]

[Footnote 342: La Dominica Mattina se n'ando a
messa et tornato a casa mangio in publico servito
da gli officiali che gli haveva data la Reina con
mala satisfattione degli Spagnuoli, i quali
dubitando che la cosa non andasse a lungo,
mormoravano assai tra di loro.--Baoardo.]

Monday came at last; the rain fell again, and the wind howled. The baggage was sent forward in the morning in the midst of the tempest. Philip lingered in hopes of a change; but no change came, and after an early dinner the trumpet sounded to horse. Lords, knights, and gentlemen had thronged into the town, from curiosity or interest, out of all the counties round. Before the prince mounted it was reckoned, with uneasiness, that as many as four thousand cavaliers, under no command, were collected to join the procession.

A grey gelding was led up for Philip; he wrapped himself in a scarlet cloak, and started to meet his bride--to complete a sacrifice the least congenial, perhaps, which ever policy of state extracted from a prince.

The train could move but slowly. Two miles beyond the gates a drenched rider, spattered with chalk mud, was seen galloping towards them; on reaching the prince he presented him with a ring from the queen, and begged his highness, in her majesty's name, to come no further. The messenger could not explain the cause, being unable to speak any language which {p.143} Philip could understand, and visions of commotion instantly presented themselves, mixed, it may be, with a hope that the bitter duty might yet be escaped. Alva was immediately at his master's side; they reined up, and were asking each other anxiously what should next be done, when an English lord exclaimed in French, with courteous irony, "Our queen, sire, loves your highness so tenderly that she would not have you come to her in such wretched weather."[343] The hope, if hope there had been, died in its birth; before sunset, with drenched garments and draggled plume, the object of so many anxieties arrived within the walls of Winchester.

[Footnote 343: "Sire, la Nostra Reina ama tanto
l'Altezza vostra ch'ella non vorebbe che pigliasse
disagio di caminar per tempi cosi
tristi."--Baoardo.]

To the cathedral he went first, wet as he was. Whatever Philip of Spain was entering upon, whether it was a marriage or a massacre, a state intrigue or a midnight murder, his opening step was ever to seek a blessing from the holy wafer. He entered, kissed the crucifix, and knelt and prayed before the altar; then taking his seat in the choir, he remained while the choristers sang a _Te Deum laudamus_, till the long aisles grew dim in the summer twilight, and he was conducted by torch-light to the Deanery.

The queen was at the bishop's palace, but a few hundred yards distant. Philip, doubtless, could have endured the postponement of an interview till morning; but Mary could not wait, and the same night he was conducted into the presence of his haggard bride, who now, after a life of misery, believed herself at the open gate of Paradise. Let the curtain fall over the meeting, let it close also over the wedding solemnities which followed with due splendour two days later. There are scenes in life which we regard with pity too deep for words. The unhappy queen, unloved, unlovable, yet with her parched heart thirsting for affection, was flinging herself upon a breast to which an iceberg was warm; upon a man to whom love was an unmeaning word, except as the most brutal of passions. For a few months she created for herself an atmosphere of unreality. She saw in Philip the ideal of her imagination, and in Philip's feelings the reflex of her own; but the dream passed away--her love for her husband remained; but remained only to be a torture to her. With a broken spirit and bewildered understanding, she turned to Heaven for comfort, and, instead of heaven, she saw only the false roof of her creed painted to imitate and shut out the sky.

{p.144} The scene will change for a few pages to the Low Countries. Charles V. more than any other person was responsible for this marriage. He had desired it not for Mary's sake, not for Philip's sake, not for religion's sake; but that he might be able to assert a decisive preponderance over France; and, to gain his end, he had already led the queen into a course which had forfeited the regard of her subjects. She had murdered Lady Jane Grey at the instigation of his ambassador, and under the same influence she had done her best to destroy her sister. Yet Charles, notwithstanding, was one of nature's gentlemen. If he was unscrupulous in the sacrifice of others to his purposes, he never spared himself; and in the days of his successes he showed to less advantage than now, when, amidst failing fortunes and ruined health, his stormy career was closing.

In the spring he had been again supposed to be dying. His military reputation had come out tarnished from his failure at Metz, and while he was labouring with imperfect success to collect troops for a summer's campaign, Henry of France, unable to prevent the English marriage, was preparing to strike a blow so heavy, as should enable him to dictate peace on his own terms before England was drawn into the quarrel.

In June two French armies took the field. Pietro Strozzi advanced from Piedmont into Tuscany. Henry himself, with Guise, Montmorency, and half the peerage of France, entered the Low Countries, sweeping all opposition before him. First Marienbourg fell, then Dinant fell, stormed with especial gallantry. The young French nobles were taught that they must conquer or die: a party of them flinched in the breach at Dinant, and the next morning Henry sat in judgment upon them sceptre in hand; some were hanged, the rest degraded from their rank: "and whereas one privilege of the gentlemen of France was to be exempt from taylles payable to the crown, they were made tayllable as any other villains."[344]

[Footnote 344: Wotton to the Queen; cypher: _French
MSS. Mary_, bundle xi.]

From Dinant the French advanced to Namur. When Namur should have fallen, Brussels was the next aim; and there was nothing, as it seemed, which could stop them. The imperial army under the Prince of Savoy could but hover, far outnumbered, on their skirts. The reinforcements from Spain had not arrived, and a battle lost was the loss of Belgium.

In the critical temper of England, a decisive superiority obtained by France would be doubly dangerous; and Charles, seeing Philibert perplexed into uncertain movements which {p.145} threatened misfortune, disregarding the remonstrances of his physicians, his ministers, and his generals, started from his sick bed, flew to the head of his troops, and brought them to Namur, in the path of the advancing French. Men said that he was rushing upon destruction. The headstrong humour which had already worked him so heavy injury was again dragging him into ruin.[345] But fortune had been disarmed by the greatness with which Charles had borne up against calamity, or else his supposed rashness was the highest military wisdom. Before Henry came up he had seized a position at an angle of the Meuse, where he could defend Namur, and could not be himself attacked, except at a disadvantage. The French approached only to retire, and, feeling themselves unable to force the imperial lines, fell back towards the Boullonnois. Charles followed cautiously. An attack on Renty brought on an action in which the French claimed the victory; but the emperor held his ground, and the town could not be taken; and Henry's army, from which such splendid results had been promised, fell back on the frontier and dispersed. The voices which had exclaimed against the emperor's rashness were now as loud in his praise, and the disasters which he was accused of provoking, it was now found that he only had averted.[346] Neither the {p.146} French nor the Imperialists, in their long desperate struggle, can claim either approval or sympathy; the sufferings which they inflicted upon mankind were not the less real, the selfishness of their rivalry none the less reprehensible, because the disunion of the Catholic powers permitted the Reformation to establish itself. Yet, in this perplexed world the deeds of men may be without excuse, while, nevertheless, in the men themselves there may be something to love, and something more to admire.

[Footnote 345: "You shall understand that the
Emperor hath suddenly caused his army to march
towards Namur, and that himself is gone after in
person; the deliberation whereof, both of the one
and the other, is against the advice of his
council, and all other men to the staying of him.
Wherein Albert the Duke of Savoy, John Baptiste
Castaldo, Don Hernando de Gonzaga, and Andrea Doria
have done their best, as well by letter as by their
coming from the camp to this town, _viva voce_
alleging to him the puissance of his enemy, the
unableness as yet of his army to encounter with
them, the danger of the chopping of them between
him and this town, the hazard of himself, his
estate, and all these countries, in case, being
driven to fight, their army should have an
overthrow; in the preservation whereof standeth the
safety of the whole, and twenty other arguments.
Yet was there no remedy, but forth he would, and
commanded them that they should march _sans plus
repliquez_. His headiness hath often put him to
great hindrance, specially at Metz, and another
time at Algiers. This enterprise is more dangerous
than they both. God send him better fortune than
_multi ominantur_."--Mason to Petre, Brussels, July
10; _German MSS. Mary_, bundle 16, State Paper
Office.]

[Footnote 346: "The Emperor, in these nine or ten
days following of his enemy, hath showed a great
courage, and no less skilfulness in the war; but
much more notably showed the same when, with so
small an army as he then had, he entered into
Namur, a town of no strength, but commodious for
the letting of his enemy's purpose, against the
advice and persuasion of all his captains; which,
if he had not done, out of doubt first Liege, and
after, these countries, had had such a foil as
would long after have been remembered. By his own
wisdom and unconquered courage the enemy's meaning
that way was frustrated."--Mason to the Council,
Aug. 13: _German MSS. Mary_, bundle 16, State Paper
Office.]

{p.147} CHAPTER III.

RECONCILIATION WITH ROME.

Mary had restored Catholic orthodoxy, and her passion for Philip had been gratified. To complete her work and her happiness, it remained to bring back her subjects to the bosom of the Catholic Church. Reginald Pole had by this time awoke from some part of his delusions. He had persuaded himself that he had but to appear with a pardon in his hand to be welcomed to his country with acclamation: he had ascertained that the English people were very indifferent to the pardon, and that his own past treasons had created especial objections to himself. Even the queen herself had grown impatient with him. He had fretted her with his importunities; his presence in Flanders had chafed the parliament, and made her marriage more difficult; while he was supposed to share with the English nobles their jealousy of a foreign sovereign. So general was this last impression about him, that his nephew, Lord Stafford's son, who was one of the refugees, went to seek him in the expectation of countenance and sympathy: and, farther, he had been in correspondence with Gardiner, and was believed to be at the bottom of the chancellor's religious indiscretions.[347] Thus his anxiety to be in England found nowhere any answering desire; and Renard, who dreaded his want of wisdom, never missed an opportunity of throwing difficulties in the way. In the spring of 1554 Pole had gone to Paris, where, in an atmosphere of so violent opposition to the marriage, he had not thought it necessary to speak in favour of it. The words which Dr. Wotton heard that he had used were reported to the emperor; and, at last, Renard went so far as to suggest that the scheme of sending him to England had been set on foot at Rome by the French party in the Consistory, with a view of provoking insurrection and thwarting the Imperial policy.[348]

[Footnote 347: Renard.]

[Footnote 348: Que pourroit estre l'on auroit mis
en avant au consistoire cette commission par
affection particuliere pour plustot nuire, que
servir aux consciences; attendu qu'ilz sont
partiaulx pour les princes Chrestiens, et souvent
meslent les choses seculieres et prophanes avec les
conseils divins et ecclesiastiques.--Renard to
Philip: _Granvelle Papers_, vol. iv.]

{p.148} The emperor, taught by his old experiences of Pole, acquiesced in the views of his ambassador. If England was to be brought back to its allegiance, the negotiation would require a delicacy of handling for which the present legate was wholly unfit; and Charles wrote at last to the pope to suggest that the commission should be transferred to a more competent person. Impatient language had been heard of late from the legate's lips, contrasting the vexations of the world with the charms of devotional retirement. To soften the harshness of the blow, the emperor said that he understood Pole was himself weary of his office, and wished to escape into privacy.

The respect of Julius for the legate's understanding was not much larger than the emperor's; but he would not pronounce the recall without giving him an opportunity of explaining himself. Cardinal Morone wrote to him to inquire whether it was true that he had thought of retirement; he informed him of the emperor's complaints; and, to place his resignation in the easiest light (while pointing, perhaps, to the propriety of his offering it), he hinted at Pole's personal unpopularity, and at the danger to which he would be exposed by going to England.

But the legate could not relinquish the passionate desire of his life; while, as to the marriage, he was, after all, unjustly suspected. He requested Morone, in reply, to assure the pope that, much as he loved retirement, he loved duty more. He appealed to the devotion of his life to the church as an evidence of his zeal and sincerity; and, although he knew, he said, that God could direct events at his will and dispense with the service of men, yet, so long as he had strength to be of use, he would spend it in his Master's cause. In going to England he was venturing upon a stormy sea; he knew it well;[349] but, whatever befell him, his life was in God's hands.

[Footnote 349: He begged Morone not to suppose him
ignorant, "quale sia il mare d'Inghilterra nel
quale io ho da navigare et che fortuna et travagli
potrei haver a sostinere per condurre la navi in
porto."--Pole to Morone: _Epist._ Reg. Pol. vol.
iv. I have not seen Morone's first letter. The
contents are to be gathered, however, from Pole's
answer, and from a second letter of apology which
Morone wrote two months later.]

A fortnight after (May 25), he wrote again, replying more elaborately to the emperor's charges. It was true, he admitted, that in his letters to the queen he had dwelt more upon her religious duties than upon her marriage: it was true that he had been backward in his demonstrations of pleasure, because he was a person of few words. But, so far from disapproving of that marriage, he looked upon it as the distinct work of God; {p.149} and when his nephew had come with complaints to him, he had forbidden him his presence. He had spoken of the rule of a stranger in England as likely to be a lesson to the people; but he had meant only that, as their disasters had befallen them through their own king Henry, their deliverance would be wrought for them by one who was not their own. When the late parliament had broken up without consenting to the restoration of union, he had consoled the queen with assuring her that he saw in it the hand of Providence; the breach of a marriage between an English king and a Spanish princess had caused the wound which a renewed marriage of a Spanish king and an English queen was to heal.[350]

[Footnote 350: Scrissi alla Regina non la volendo
contristare condolermi di cio, che lo interpretava
et intendeva che questa tardita non venisse tanto
da lei quanto delle Providentia di Dio, il qual
habbia ordinato che si come per discordia
matrimoniale d'un Re Inglese et d'una Regina
Hispana fu levata l'obedientia della chiesa de quel
Regno cosi dalla concordia matrimoniale d'un Re
Hispano et d'una Regina Inglese ella vi doverse
ritornare.--Pole to Morone: _Epist._ Reg. Pol. vol.
iv.]

The defence was elaborate, and, on the whole, may have been tolerably true. The pope would not take the trouble to read it, or even to hear it read;[351] but the substance, as related to him by Morone, convinced him that the emperor's accusations were exaggerated: to recall a legate at the instance of a secular sovereign was an undesirable precedent;[352] and the commission was allowed to stand. Julius wrote to Charles, assuring him that he was mistaken in the legate's feelings, leaving the emperor at the same time, however, full power to keep him in Flanders or to send him to England at his own discretion.

[Footnote 351: E benche S. Sanctita non havesse
patienza secundo l'ordinario suo di leggere o di
udir la lettera, nondimeno le dissi talmente la
summa che nostro restare satisfattissima, e disse
esser piu che certa che quella non haveva dato
causa ne all' Imperatore ne ad altri d'usar con lei
termini cosi extravaganti.--Morone to Pole:
Burnet's _Collectanea_.]

[Footnote 352: Ibid.]

Pole was to continue the instrument of the reconciliation; the conditions under which the reconciliation could take place were less easy to settle. The popes, whose powers are unlimited where the exercise of them is convenient for the interests of the Holy See, have uniformly fallen back upon their inability where they have been called on to make sacrifices. The canons of the church forbade, under any pretext, the alienation of ecclesiastical property; and until Julius could relinquish _ex animo_ all intention of disturbing the lay holders of the English abbey lands, there was not a chance that the question of his supremacy would be so much as entertained by either Lords or Commons.

{p.150} The vague powers originally granted to the legate were not satisfactory; and Pole himself, who was too sincere a believer in the Roman doctrines to endure that worldly objections should stand in the way of the salvation of souls, wrote himself to the Holy See, entreating that his commission might be enlarged. The pope in appearance consented. In a second brief, dated June 28th, he extended the legate's dispensing powers to real property as well as personal, and granted him general permission to determine any unforeseen difficulties which might arise.[353] Ormaneto, a confidential agent, carried the despatch to Flanders, and on Ormaneto's arrival, the legate, believing that his embarrassments were at last at an end, sent him on to the Bishop of Arras, to entreat that the perishing souls of the English people might now be remembered. The pope had given way; the queen was happily married, and the reasons for his detention were at an end.[354]

[Footnote 353: Powers granted by the Pope to
Cardinal Pole: Burnet's _Collectanea_.]

[Footnote 354: Charles V. to Renard: _Granvelle
Papers_, vol. iv.]

Both Arras and the emperor, however, thought more of Philip's security than of perishing souls. Arras, who understood the ways of the Vatican better than the legate, desired that, before any steps were taken, he might be favoured with a copy of these enlarged powers. He wished to know whether the question of the property was fairly relinquished to the secular powers in England, and whether the church had finally washed its hands of it;[355] at all events, he must examine the brief. On inspection, the new commission was found to contain an enabling clause indeed, as extensive as words could make it; but the See of Rome reserved to itself the right of sanctioning the settlement after it had been made;[356] and the reservation had been purposely made, in order to leave the pope free to act as he might please at a future time. Morone, writing to Pole a fortnight after the date of the brief, told him that his holiness was still unable to come to a resolution;[357] while Ormaneto said openly to Arras, that, although the pope would be as moderate as possible, yet his moderation must not be carried so far as to {p.151} encourage the rest of Christendom in an evil example. Catholics must not be allowed to believe that they could appropriate church property without offence, nor must the Holy See appear to be purchasing by concessions the submission of its rebellious subjects.[358]

[Footnote 355: Che gran differenza sarebbe se fosse
stata commessa la cosa o al S. Cardinale, o alli
Serenissimi Principi.--Ormaneto to Priuli, July 31:
Burnet's _Collectanea_.]

[Footnote 356: Salvo tamen in his, in quibus
propter rerum magnitudinem et gravitatem haec sancta
sedes merito tibi videretur consulenda, nostro et
praefatae sedis beneplacito et confirmatione.--Powers
granted by the Pope to Cardinal Pole: Ibid.]

[Footnote 357: Nondimeno non si risolveva in tutto,
com anco non si risolveva nella materia delli beni
ecclesiastici, sopra la qual sua Sanctita ha
parlato molte volte variamente.--Morone to Pole,
July 13: Ibid.]

[Footnote 358: Il scauroit bien user de moderation
quant aux biens occupez; mais que toutesfois il
fauldroit que se fust de sorte que la reste de la
Chrestiente n'en print malvais exemple; et
signamment que aucuns Catholiques qui tiennent
biens ecclesiastiques soubz leur main ne
voulsissent pretendre d'eulx approprier avec cest
exemple; et que de vouloir laisser les biens a
ceulx qui les occupent, il ne conviendroit pour ce
qu'il sembleroit que ce seroit racheter, comme a
deniers comptans l'auctorite du siege apostolique
en ce coustel-la. The Emperor to Renard: _Granvelle
Papers_, vol. iv. pp. 282, 283.]

This language was not even ambiguous; Pole was desired to wait till an answer could be received from England; and the emperor wrote to Renard (August 3), desiring him to lay the circumstances before the queen and his son. He could believe, he said, that the legate himself meant well, but he had not the same confidence in those who were urging him forward, and the pope had given no authority for haste or precipitate movements.[359]

[Footnote 359: Nous scavons que le diet Cardinal
n'a commission de presser si chauldement en cette
affaire--ains avons heu soubz main advertissement
du nunce propre de sa Sainctete que la resolution
de la commission dudict Cardinal est que toutes
choses se traictent comm'il nous semblera pour le
mieulx et qu'il tienne cecy pour regle.--_Granv.
Papers_, vol. iv.]

The emperor's letter was laid before a council of state at Windsor, on the 6th of August; and the council agreed with Charles that the legate's anxieties could not for the present be gratified. He was himself attainted, and parliament had shown no anxiety that the attainder should be removed. The reimposition of the pope's authority was a far more ticklish matter than the restoration of orthodoxy,[360] and the temper of the people was uncertain. The cardinal had, perhaps, intelligence with persons in England of a suspicious and dangerous kind, and the execution of his commission must depend on the pleasure of the next parliament. He was not to suppose that he might introduce changes in the constitution of the country by the authority of a papal commission, or try experiments which might put in peril the sacred person of the prince.[361]

[Footnote 360: Trop plus chastolleux que celuy de
la vraye religion.--Renard to the Emperor: Ibid. p.
287.]

[Footnote 361: Ibid.]

Once more the cup of hope was dashed to the ground, and Reginald Pole was sent back to his monastery at Dhilinghen like a child unfit to be trusted with a dangerous plaything. In times of trial his pen was his refuge, and in an appeal to Philip he poured out his characteristic protest.

{p.152} "For a whole year," he wrote, "I have been now knocking at the door of that kingdom, and no person will answer, no person will ask, Who is there? It is one who has endured twenty years of exile that the partner of your throne should not be excluded from her rights, and I come in the name of the vicar of the King of kings, the Shepherd of mankind. Peter knocks at your door; Peter himself. The door is open to all besides. Why is it closed to Peter? Why does not that nation make haste now to do Peter reverence? Why does it leave him escaped from Herod's prison, knocking?

"Strange, too, that this is the house of Mary. Can it be Mary that is so slow to open? True, indeed, it is, that when Mary's damsel heard the voice she opened not the door for joy; she ran and told Mary. But Mary came with those that were with her in the house; and though at first she doubted, yet, when Peter continued knocking, she opened the door; she took him in, she regarded not the danger, although Herod was yet alive and was king.

"Is it joy which now withholds Mary, or is it fear? She rejoices, that I know, but she also fears. Yet why should Mary fear now when Herod is dead? The providence of God permitted her to fear for awhile, because God desired that you, sire, who are Peter's beloved child, should share the great work with her. Do you, therefore, teach her now to cast her fears away. It is not I only who stand here--it is not only Peter--Christ is here--Christ waits with me till you will open and take him in. You who are King of England, are defender of Christ's faith; yet, while you have the ambassadors of all other princes at your court, you will not have Christ's ambassador; you have rejected your Christ.

"Go on upon your way. Build on the foundation of worldly policy, and I tell you, in Christ's words, that the rain will fall, the floods will rise, the winds will blow, and beat upon that house, and it will fall, and great will be the fall thereof."[362]

[Footnote 362: Pole to Philip: _Epist._ Reg. Pol.
vol. iv.]

The pleading was powerful, yet it could bear no fruits--the door could not open till the pope pronounced the magic words which held it closed. Neither Philip nor Mary was in a position to use violence or force the bars.

After the ceremony at Winchester, the king and queen had gone first to Windsor, and thence the second week in August they went to Richmond. The entry into London was fixed for the 18th; after which, should it pass off without disturbance, {p.153} the Spanish fleet might sail from Southampton Water. The prince himself had as yet met with no discourtesy; but disputes had broken out early between the English and Spanish retinues, and petty taunts and insolences had passed among them.[363] The prince's luggage was plundered, and the property stolen could not be recovered nor the thieves detected. The servants of Alva and the other lords, who preceded their masters to London, were insulted in the streets, and women and children called after them that they need not have brought so many things, they would be soon gone again. The citizens refused to give them lodgings in their houses, and the friars who had accompanied Philip were advised to disguise themselves, so intense was the hatred against the religious orders.[364] The council soon provided for their ordinary comforts, but increase of acquaintance produced no improvement of feeling.

[Footnote 363: Avecques d'aultres petits
depportements de mocquerie qui croissent tous les
jours d'ung couste et d'aultre.--Noailles to the
King of France, August 1.]

[Footnote 364: Noailles, and compare Pole to
Miranda, Oct. 6: _Epist._ Reg. Pol. vol. v.]