Chapter IV (1)

It was in the character of Administrator-in-Chief that Lieutenant-General Sir Gordon Drummond assumed the government of Lower Canada, on the 5th of April, 1816. The army bills were called in and honorably redeemed in cash, at the army bill office, in Quebec, and as if to show how beneficial the war had been to the country, first one new steamer arrived at Quebec, and then another from the already flourishing city of Montreal. The _Malshane_, built by Mr. John Molson, of Montreal, at that port, appeared at Quebec on the opening of the navigation, and was speedily followed by an opposition steamer built by an association of merchants in Montreal, and named:--The _Car of Commerce_. The inhabitants of Canada were, at this time, under 400,000 in number. About seven-eighths were of French descent, and the other eighth was composed of English, Irish, Scotch, Germans, Americans, and their descendants. Of the latter, the Scotch were the most numerous, and in their hands nearly the whole external trade of the country was placed. The French Canadians were chiefly agriculturists, but they had also a large share in the retail and internal trade. There was, at this period, no manufactories of note in the province. The manufacture of leather, hats, and paper, had been introduced, and _étoffe du pays_, manufactured by the farmers, constituted the garb of the Canadians generally. There were two iron works in the vicinity of Three Rivers. There was nothing more. It is said, not without reason, that one of the first improvements in any country should be the making of roads, and the speedy making of roads, both in Upper and Lower Canada, was one of the good effects of the war. Already there was a road from Point Levi across the portage of Temiscouata, from thence to the forks of the Madawaska, from thence to the Great Falls, from thence to Fredericton, in New Brunswick, from thence to St. Johns, on the Bay of Fundy, and from thence to Halifax, which was 618 miles long; there was a road from Quebec to Montreal, 180 miles in length, from thence to the Coteau-du-Lac, 225 miles, from thence to Cornwall, 226 miles, from thence to Matilda, 301 miles, from thence to Augusta, 335 miles, from thence to Kingston, 385 miles, from thence to York, 525 miles, from thence to Fort Erie, 560 miles, from thence to Detroit, 790 miles, and from thence to Michillimackinac, 1,107 miles; there was a road _en route_ to Boston, _via_ St. Giles, Ireland, Shipton, St. François, and the Forks of the Ascot, to the lines, 146 miles long; and there was a road from Laprairie, opposite Montreal, to Isle-aux-Noix, which was 28 miles long. Canals were contemplated to overcome the difficulties of the Lachine, Cedars, and Long Sault rapids, and indeed there was an eye to those improvements which never fail to develop the riches of a country. The landholders at this time were mostly French Canadians. There were some thousands of acres, however, which had been granted to the British population since 1796, occupied or settled upon by Americans, that is to say, former residents of the United States. Land was not by any means valuable, on account of the great distances from convenient markets, and the consequent length of time which it took the distant farmer to bring his produce to market. It was this drawback that produced in the Canadian the pernicious habit of merely producing enough for the consumption of his own family, and for the keep of his own farm stock. Farm lands were seldom held upon lease. The cultivators were the _bona fide_ proprietors of the soil, subject to a very inconsiderable annual rent to the seigneur and to a fine of a twelfth upon a change of proprietor by sale, a condition which, as a matter of course, would in time become intolerable and demand that remedy which has since been applied. In Lower Canada, the lands held by Roman Catholics, were subject to the payment of a tythe or a twenty-sixth part of all grain for the use of the curate, and to assessments for the building and repair of churches. Now with regard to the character of a people, who, not long after this period, exhibited an intolerance of tyranny and injustice, it may fairly be said that the French Canadians are naturally of a cheerful and lively disposition, but very conservative in their ideas. Outwardly polite, they are not unfrequently coarse in conversation. If the Canadian evinces respect, it is expected that he will be treated with respect in consideration therefor. His chief shortcoming is excessive sociability. When once settled among friends and relatives he cannot leave them--absence from home does in truth only make the heart grow fonder of home associations. He is active, compactly made, but generally below rather than above the middle size. His natural capacity is excellent, but when the mind is unimproved and no opportunity has been afforded for the acquisition of new ideas, little can be expected from even the most fertile understanding. All improvements have been the result of observation, there being nothing original in any one, nor an iota new under the sun. It is in the application of the natural elements only in which one individual excels another, his capacity for excellence, of course, favoring observation. As the bee sips honey from the flower, so does man inhale the poetry of nature, daguerreotyping it upon his understanding, either from the mountain's top, from the summit of the ocean wave, or from the wreck of battle; so does the astronomer learn from the firmament itself the relative proportions and distances, the transits, eclipses, and periodical appearances of other worlds, than that in which he lives, moves, and has his being; and so the man of science collects and combines the very elements themselves, either to purposes of destruction or towards the progress, improvement, and almost perfection of human nature. The Canadian could only reason from his own experience, and that was so exceedingly limited, that his backwardness in enterprise is less to be wondered at than the eagerness with which he copies the enterprise of others. The Canadian, like the native of old France, is a thinking animal. He is ever doubting, ever mistrustful. In spiritual matters, he is guided by his curate, who, if he wishes to stand well with him, must meddle with nothing else. And who will say that such a people are incapable of improvement? Railroads, intercourse with others, and time, will yet make the Canadian think for himself much sooner than they will influence others, more naturally confiding, generous, and credulous than he is, but whose very energy and bravery only cover a multitude of sins.

Lieutenant-General Sir Gordon Drummond met the parliament of Lower Canada on the 26th of January, 1816. He informed the two Houses that the Regent had committed to him the administration of the government of Lower Canada, that he had entered on the duties of his trust with a deep sense of their importance and with a more earnest desire to discharge them for the general advantage of a province in the capital of which he had been born; the King was no better in health, but had no corporeal suffering and only continued in a state of undisturbed tranquillity; Buonaparte had been exiled and the family of Bourbon restored to the throne of their ancestors; Waterloo had consummated the high distinction obtained by the British forces under Wellington. He recommended the renewal of the Militia Act, and in consequence of many discontented adventurers, and mischievous agitators, from the continent of Europe, having thrown themselves into the neighbouring States, he strongly recommended the immediate revival of the Act for establishing regulations respecting aliens, with such modifications as circumstances might render it proper to adopt; the executive government had redeemed its pledge by calling in and paying with cash the army bills which were in circulation; a statement of the revenue and expenditure of the past year would be laid before the Assembly; the Prince Regent viewed with much pleasure the additional proof of patriotism afforded by the sum voted towards the completion of a proposed canal from Montreal to Lachine; His Majesty's government duly appreciating the many important objects with which the canal was connected, were interested in its early execution; and he awaited only further instructions upon the subject to carry it into effect. He pressed upon the attention of both Houses the importance of further promoting the internal improvements of the province. He trusted that this session of parliament would be distinguished for accordant exertion and for efficient dispatch in conducting the public business; and for his own part, he could assure honorable gentlemen that he would most cordially co-operate in every measure which might tend to advance the interests and promote the welfare of the province. His Excellency the Administrator-in-Chief made allusion to his native city after the manner of a somewhat notorious, if not a celebrated judge of the present time, who was accustomed to boast in the Assembly of being the representative of his native city. Sir Gordon, however, only meant to be conciliatory, and indeed there was no objectionable egotism in a governor putting himself forth as a colonist by birth, or in one sense placing himself on a level with the governed. The pity is that so few governors had even that interest in Canada which, to however limited a degree, must have weighed with Sir Gordon Drummond. The House was glad that a native of Quebec had so distinguished himself as a soldier, and indeed in all else, echoed His Excellency's speech.

The transaction of business had hardly begun when a message was received from the Administrator-in-chief. His Royal Highness, the Regent, had commanded His Excellency to make known his pleasure to the House of Assembly on the subject of certain charges preferred by the House against the Chief Justices of the province and of Montreal, in connection with certain charges against a former governor, Sir James Craig. The Regent was pleased to say that the acts of a former governor could not be a subject of enquiry, whether legal or illegal, as it would involve the principle that a governor might divest himself of all responsibility on points of political government; the charge referred by the Regent to the Privy Council, was only such as related to the Rules of Practice, established by the Judges, in their respective Courts, and for which the Judges were themselves solely responsible; and the Report of the Privy Council was that the Rules of Practice complained of were made not by the Chief Justices alone, but in conjunction with the other Judges of the respective Courts, as rules for the regulation and practice of their respective Courts, and that neither the Chief Justices, nor had the Courts in which they presided, exceeded their authority in making such rules, nor had they been guilty of any assumption of legislative power. Further, His Excellency was commanded to express the regret with which the Regent had viewed the late proceedings of the House of Assembly against two persons who had so ably filled the highest judicial offices in the colony, a circumstance calculated to disparage their character and services, in the eyes of the inconsiderate and ignorant, and so diminish the influence which a judge ought to possess. The other charges with regard to the refusal of a writ of _Habeas Corpus_, by Mr. Chief Justice Monk, of Montreal, were considered to be totally unsupported by any evidence whatever. The message from the administrator, by order of the Regent, had been somewhat too soon communicated to the Assembly for "accordant exertion" in legislation. A call of the House was ordered for the 14th of February, and the message was to be referred to a committee of the whole on that day. That day came and the committee of the whole referred the message to be reported upon by a select committee of nine members, and the report of the committee was to the effect that a humble representation and petition to the Regent must be prepared, and that before doing so, the sense of the House, as expressed in a committee of the whole, should be obtained. Accordingly, the House again resolved itself into committee, on the 24th, when it was reported that the House in impeaching the Chief Justices was influenced by a sense of duty, by a desire to maintain the laws and constitution, and by a regard for the public interest, and for the honor of His Majesty's government; that the House was entitled to be heard, and to have an opportunity of adducing evidence in support of the impeachments; that the opposition and resistance of the Legislative Council prevented the appointment of an agent from the Assembly, to maintain and support the charges; and that a petition should be presented to the Regent, appealing to the justice of His Majesty's government and praying that an opportunity might be afforded to the Commons of Canada to be heard and to maintain their charges. The resolutions were adopted by a very large majority of the House, and a special committee was appointed to prepare an address in accordance with the resolutions. But before this could be done, Sir Gordon Drummond, in accordance with his instructions, dissolved the House. He prorogued the parliament on the 26th, because his reasonable expectations, with regard to their diligent application to the business which he had recommended to their attention had been disappointed; because the Assembly had again entered upon the discussion of a subject on which the pleasure of the Regent had been communicated to them; and because, he, therefore, felt it to be his duty to prorogue the present parliament, and to resort to the sense of the people by an immediate dissolution. Only one Act received the royal assent, that to regulate the trial of controverted elections.

The writs for the new elections were issued in haste. Indeed so early as the month of March, they were completed, the greater number of the members of the previous Assembly having been re-elected. But before even the elections had been completed, General Drummond was notified of the appointment of Sir John Sherbrooke, the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, to the Governor-Generalship of British North America, and leaving Major-General Wilson in temporary charge of the government, he sailed for England on the 1st of May.

It is impossible to speak of Sir Gordon Drummond's civil government. The measures which he proposed were well calculated to benefit the country. He was thwarted, possibly in good intentions, by the commands of the imperial government, requiring him imperatively to obtain the submission of the colonial legislature to Downing-street dictation, without remonstrance. A colonial legislature, tethered as it is, and ever will be, until the Governor is elected by the people, to English administrative incapacity might, with no lack of prudence, have been permitted rope enough to wander round the tethering post, so that it would only have been at considerable intervals that the effect of the tethers would have been in any degree galling or even felt.

In 1815, the revenue of Lower Canada amounted to £150,273 currency, the expenditure to £125,218 sterling, in which was included £16,555 for the erection of the gaol in Quebec; £26,439 for militia services; and £35,325, the proportion of duties to Upper Canada. Only 194 vessels of 37,382 tons, were cleared at Quebec, not taking into account ten new vessels of only 1,462 tons altogether, hardly equal to the tonnage of a single vessel of the present day.

Sir John Sherbrooke did not arrive at Quebec until the 21st of July. He was then received with all the honors due to his rank and station. Every body was as obsequious as any body could be, and great things were, of course, expected from the new man. Nor was Sir John deficient in ability. He had been most successful in his government of Nova Scotia, and he had been most prudent in his negotiations with the people of Maine. He had too an opportunity for acquiring popularity immediately on his arrival, and he did not suffer the opportunity to escape him. The wheat crop had failed in the lower part of the district of Quebec. The days though warm as usual were succeeded by cold frosty nights, which killed the wheat. There was indeed a prospect of a famine. Representations of anticipated distress, came pouring in upon him from first one parish and then another. A less decided man would have called upon the provincial parliament to have acted as became the emergency. Sir John threw open the King's stores, and on his own responsibility, advanced a large sum of money from the public treasury, for the purchase of such supplies as the imperial store-houses did not afford. The season, in Lower Canada, he knew was a short one, and to have procrastinated would have been fatal to the farmer.

Nor was Sir John less prudent in other matters. He saw the mistake committed by his predecessor with regard to the impeachments and he endeavored to avoid any similar mistake. He wrote to England for instructions, taking care to inform the Minister of State for the Colonies of the true state of public opinion in the province. He represented that the appeal to the people by Sir Gordon Drummond had entirely failed; the people were irritated at the appeal to them under such circumstances; the dissolution of a parliament was not, in his opinion, at any time calculated to do much good, but was often seriously productive of evil; in a small community it was more difficult to correct public opinion than in a larger one; he would carry out whatever instructions should be given to him; but these were his views and he would await an answer. He went still further. He informed the Colonial Secretary that Chief Justice Sewell was unpopular, not with the Assembly alone, but with all classes of the people. No matter whether the feeling proceeded from the acts and calumnies of designing demagogues, it existed. It was indeed believed in the Palace of the Roman Catholic Bishop, and in the cottage of the humblest peasant, that Chief Justice Sewell had outraged their feelings of loyalty and religion. When Attorney-General, Mr. Sewell had maintained doctrines and supported measures that clashed with the religious opinions of the Canadians. A dislike, amounting to infatuation, had been confirmed by the part which he was supposed to have taken in the government after his promotion. It was this gradually increasing dislike which had led to his impeachment. Sir John believed that a hearing to both parties, on the impeachment, even had the decision been the same, would have been conducive to the peace of the province, as it would have deprived the party hostile to the Chief Justice of a pretext of complaint, by which, in a free country, the people will always be interested. The impression was that the government of England had come to a decision on an _exparte_ hearing. Chief Justice Sewell should have been permitted to retire on a pension. That step would have had the effect of getting rid of a grievance. Agreeably to his instructions, he would support the Chief Justice even should the wrath of the Clergy be the result. He would also cultivate a good understanding with the Roman Catholic Bishop, but neither argument nor coercion could destroy public opinion. Prorogation might succeed prorogation, and dissolution, but there would be a revolution in the country sooner than a change in the feelings of its inhabitants with regard to Chief Justice Sewell. He would suggest the appointment of an agent in England, as had long been desired, and as had been effected in almost every other colony. The opposition to this measure was even ascribed to the Chief Justice. He would further suggest that Mr. Stuart should be detached by motives of self-interest, from the party with whom he acted, and which it was supposed, would dwindle into insignificance without him. If the Attorney-Generalship should become vacant, it might be offered to him. The most fruitful source of all the dissensions in Canada was, nevertheless, according to Sir John Sherbrooke, the want of confidence in its executive government,[28] not so much in the personal character of the Governor as in the Executive Council, who have come to be considered the Governor's advisers, and who are watched with a jealousy that hampered every governmental operation. To remove the distrust, the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly should, _ex officio_, be a member of the Executive Council.

[28] True, and which an elective government will altogether
remove, to the great advantage and enduring honor of Great
Britain.

Sir John had stated a series of truths, since made apparent, by the disclosures of Mr. Ryland.

The new parliament was convened for the dispatch of business, on the 15th of January, 1817, when Mr. Papineau was re-elected Speaker. The Governor then formally opened the business of the session, by stating that having ascertained that the crops had failed in several parts of the province, he had taken steps to prevent the mischief that threatened the country, the particulars of which should be laid before the parliament; that he relied upon the liberality of the Assembly to make the necessary provision for defraying the expenses already incurred; that he felt assured such further aid would be granted as necessity might require; that he would lay before the House a statement of the revenue and expenditure of the province: that he felt it to be his duty to call early attention to the renewal of the militia and several other Acts, which either had expired or were about to expire; and he intimated that the advantages to result from every improvement calculated to open up the commerce of the country and encourage agriculture were of themselves sufficient to recommend that matter to their attention. The Assembly replied in the usual way and immediately afterwards appointed the committees. There was a grand committee of grievances, a committee on courts of justice, a committee on agriculture and commerce, and a special committee of five members to keep up a good understanding between the two Houses, hitherto antagonistic. Immediately after these committees had been named, a message was received from the Governor, intimating that the Regent of the United Kingdom and of the Empire had been pleased to assent to the bill granting a salary of £1,000 a year to the Speaker of the Assembly. The House then voted £14,216 to relieve the distressed parishes, with the view of making good the advances made by the Governor, and also voted the additional sum of £15,500, with the same view, and £20,600 more, for the purchase of seed grain, for distribution among such as could not otherwise procure it, to be repaid at the convenience of the recipients. This business being settled, Mr. Cuvillier presented to the House articles of impeachment against Mr. Foucher, a Judge of the King's Bench, at Montreal, for malversation, corrupt practices, and injustice. A committee was appointed to examine into these charges, and having reported adversely to the judge, the House prepared and adopted an address to the Regent, asking for Mr. Foucher's removal from office, and that justice should otherwise be done. The House further requested the Governor-in-Chief to suspend Mr. Foucher, while the charges made against him were pending. The Governor complied with the request of the House, by desiring Mr. Foucher to abstain from taking his seat upon the Bench, until the will of the Regent should have been ascertained. The Legislative Council were most indignant. They remonstrated against the suspension of Mr. Foucher. Every public officer was by the assent given to the act of the Assembly, liable to be put to the expense of going to England before he could even get a hearing, if at the mere dictation of the Assembly, a public officer was to be suspended. The Assembly replied that, if suspension could not take place, offenders, out of the reach of ordinary courts of justice, could not be brought to trial, and that an illegal, arbitrary, tyrannical, and oppressive power, over the people of the province, would be perpetuated. And so the suspension did take place. The judges were in very bad odour in those days. They were between two fires. If they thwarted the government, they were dismissed, and if they annoyed the people they were impeached. Another complaint was made against Mr. Chief Justice Monk. He, it was alleged by the family of the late François Corbeil, had exceeded his authority, by issuing a warrant for the arrest and imprisonment of Corbeil, on a charge of treasonable practices, well knowing that such changes were notoriously false, and, by so doing, had accelerated or caused the death of Corbeil, the disease of which he died having been contracted while in prison. Mr. Samuel Sherwood also complained, on his own behalf, against the Chief Justice of Montreal. It appeared that he had been prosecuted and imprisoned for libel, in having burlesqued the pamphlet published and circulated by the Chief Justices in Montreal and Quebec, to show to the public and their friends that the impeachments against them had fallen through. At the trial for the libel, Mr. Chief Justice Monk presided. He seemed to be both prosecutor and judge. The jury box was packed. The court was specially held. The indictment against Sherwood had been framed on suspicion. In the pretended libel the name of James Monk was thirty times mentioned, and yet James Monk, in the character of Chief Justice, sat upon the Bench. He took a lively interest in the prosecution. He had fiercely assailed a member of the Bar, who had smiled during the reading of the indictment, and threatened to remember the smile in his address to the jury. Such an example of a judge, sitting in his own cause, was not even afforded by Scraggs or Jefferies. Mr. Sherwood had been falsely imprisoned, arbitrarily held to excessive bail, his liberties, as a British subject, violated, and his privileges as a member of the Assembly had been set at nought. The petition was referred to a select committee, and no more heard of. Yet it had an effect. Chief Justice Monk was compelled to explain and to defend himself.

There was yet another similar matter to be proceeded with. There was the revival of the impeachments to be taken in hand. The House had been clumsily baulked in their attempt to remonstrate with the Regent concerning his will and pleasure, as far as his royal will and pleasure related to the impeachments of Chief Justices Sewell and Monk, and there seemed to be a _sub rosa_ disposition to get rid of the disagreeable affair by management. Mr. Stuart, keen-sighted as he was, both saw and felt that the tools, with which he worked, required sharpening up. They had been handled. They had been in other hands than his. They had apparently been rendered almost unfit for use. He would, however, move for a call of the House, on the 21st of February. The cards had been admirably shuffled. The Panets, Vanfelsons, Gugys, Ogdens, Vezinas, Taschereaus, Malhiots, Cherriers, were all wonderfully intermingled in an adverse vote. The motion was rejected by a vote of 23 nays to 10 yeas. Mr. Stuart tried the 20th of February. Still it would not do. The Assembly had become suddenly tired of impeachments. Again, the matter was tried on the following day, when the House consented not to revive the impeachments but to reconsider the message addressed to the Assembly on the 2nd of February last, by the late Administrator-in-Chief. Mr. Stuart had some business to transact in Montreal, and he left Quebec to attend to it. During his absence the impeachments were forgotten; his measures were paralysed by _sub rosa_ negociation; Mr. Sewell was recompensed for the ill-treatment he had experienced, and the government was relieved of anxiety. The Speaker of the Assembly was informed that for this parliament as well as for the last parliament he would be permitted to receive £1,000 a year, and that Mr. Sewell, who, as Chief Justice, was Speaker of the Upper House, might be recompensed for his ill-treatment, by the attachment of a salary of £1,000 to an office which it was designed he should hold for life. The Assembly, accordingly, applied to His Excellency to _allow_ their Speaker £1,000 a year, and to confer some signal mark of the Royal favor on Dame Louise Philippe Badelard, widow of Mr. Speaker Panet. His Excellency, the Governor, unhesitatingly complied with the request of the Assembly, the more especially as on the request of the Council he had consented to a similar salary being paid to their Speaker, and he had further pleasure in authorising the payment of a pension of £300 a year, to Dame Louise Philippe Badelard. The whole was most cheerfully agreed to by all the parties interested, and thus was the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada betrayed and dealt with for the consideration of a few thousand pieces of silver. On the 17th of March, Sir John Sherbrooke intimated by message that he had conferred upon the two honorable Speakers the salaries of £1,000 each per annum. Two days afterwards, Mr. Sherwood moved that the message of the late Administrator-in-Chief should not be considered until the 27th of March, and that a call of the House should be made for that day. Mr. Ogden, however, bluntly moved for the discharge of the order of the day, and that the subject should not be taken into consideration at all during the session. The debate was loud and long continued. James Stuart and Andrew Stuart were brilliant; the Gugys, the McCords, and the Ogdens, were dumb. The Vezinas, the Vigers, the Panets, the Languedocs, and the Badeaux, had changed sides. Night came and still the debate continued, the midnight hour was passed and yet the war of words was fiercely going on, and morning came only to find the impeachments, which the Assembly had so long cherished, finally buried in oblivion, by 22 votes in favor of the abrupt motion of Mr. Ogden, while there were only 10 votes against it. Mr. Stuart was abandoned. There was now a greater than he to lead the Assembly. Sir John Coape Sherbrooke thoroughly understood the materials with which he had to deal, and he dealt with them accordingly. The Assembly had no longer independence: spirit, self-respect, power was sacrificed for that which gives wisdom to the foolish and judgment to the weak. The sum of £55,000 was appropriated for the improvement of roads, canals, and bridges; £2,000 was voted for the encouragement of inoculation with vaccine virus as a preventative of small pox; the revenue for 1816 was £144,625; the expenditure £75,638, less £24,495, the proportion of duties payable to Upper Canada for 1815; the expenses of the legislature for the same period were £3,203 currency; the salaries of the judges were now £1,000 currency per annum each, and yet at the disposal of the legislature there was the sum of £140,153.[29] The session was closed on the 22nd of March, by receiving the thanks of the Governor General for the extraordinary application to business which had distinguished this session from any preceding session of the parliament of Lower Canada.

[29] Christie's History, page 290.

In the course of the summer (1817) three hundred and three vessels with five thousand three hundred and seventy-five new settlers had arrived at Quebec, and banks were established both in Montreal and Quebec, named after the cities in which they were set afloat. About the 15th of November it was remarked that the Montreal Bank had commenced with quite an unexpected confidence from every part of the community, so much so that the merchants were realising more convenience from it than they ever anticipated; and that since it had commenced business, the profits were reported to have been immense.

In 1816, a settlement of emigrants was begun, under the direction of the military, in Bathurst, Drummond, Beckwith and Golbourne. The first settlers of Canada had a free passage afforded them from the United Kingdom, and were provided with rations and tools on their arrival in the colony. In 1816, rations and tools were furnished to 2,000 emigrants, who came out at their own expense, and in 1817 multitudes came out in the expectation of being favored in the same way, but were disappointed, nothing having been given to them but 100 acres of land each, which many of them were too poor to occupy.[30] There were not yet seven persons to the square mile, in the Upper Province. There were only twenty places of worship and thirty-five resident preachers:--fifteen methodists, five baptists, four quakers, three presbyterians, three Roman Catholics, three episcopalians, one tunker and one menonist--in the Western, London, Gore, and Niagara districts, with a population of 26,977 souls; and there were for the same population, 20 medical practitioners, 132 schools, 114 taverns, 130 stores, 79 grist-mills, and 116 saw-mills. The Home district contained 7,700 people; the Newcastle, 5,000; the Midland, 14,853; the Johnstown, 9,200; the Eastern, 12,700; and the Ottawa, 1,500; the total population of Upper Canada being then estimated at 83,250 souls. York, the capital of the Upper Province, situated on a beautiful plain, in a rich soil, and temperate climate, was, at this period, more than a mile and a half in length. It was laid out in regular streets, lots, and squares, having the garrison, and the site of the parliament house on its two wings, and a market near the centre. There was a public square open to the water. Many neat and some elegant houses had been erected. The town had a mixed appearance of city and country. Kingston was yet the town of most note and indeed, in every respect, the most entitled to civic consideration of any town then in the province. Parallel with its spacious and convenient harbour were the streets, at convenient distances from each other, and intersected, at right angles, by cross streets, dividing the town into squares. One square was an open public area in front of the Court House, and gaol, and episcopal church. The market was held in that area. But there were other public buildings in Kingston, besides the Court House, gaol, and episcopal church. There was a new catholic church, a barracks for the troops in garrison, an hospital, and a residence for the commandant. The town consisted of 300 private dwelling houses, a number of warehouses and stores, about 50 shops, in which goods were sold, several public offices, a respectable district school, a valuable library, mechanics' shops &c. The Court House, gaol, Catholic Church, and the principal dwelling houses were built of the bluish limestone obtained in large quantities in the middle of the town; but were more substantial than elegant in design. Kingston wanted a populous back country then, and still wants it because the soil is stoney and not therefore so well adapted for agricultural operations as the soils of other parts of the province. The Upper, as well as the Lower province had profitted by the circulation of army bills and by the requirements of the troops. Government transactions had given a spirit to trade and industry, and only for a system of government, which, as far as any government can do, crushed enterprise and fettered trade, both provinces would have so flourished immediately after the war that the reaction which the withdrawal of a few troops produced would scarcely have been felt. As matters stood the provinces were already flourishing, and schemes of improvement were everywhere in contemplation. Steam navigation, which had proved so useful on the St. Lawrence, and had, as it were, drawn, the two chief cities of the Lower Province more closely together, was about to be attempted on Lake Ontario. Already the keel of a steamboat, to be 170 feet on deck, was in process of construction at the village of Ernest-town, for certain gentlemen resident in Kingston. If possible, the new boat was to transport both goods and passengers for the whole extent between Queenston and Prescott. It was, however, feared that the rough water of the lake would be too much for any steamer to contend against. The Americans were also building a smaller steamboat at Sackett's Harbour. A year later and the steamboat _Walk-in-the-Water_, plied between Black Rock, near Buffalo and Detroit, on Lake Erie, occasionally to Michillimackinac.

[30] Gourlay's Canada, page 523. vol. 1.

The legislative affairs of the Upper Province have as yet hardly warranted comment. There were so very few people in the province for whom legislation was necessary, and there was so much sameness about the business transacted in parliament that comment was barely needful. At first sight it seems that all went smoothly. There could not have been factionists where there were no French people entertaining seditious ideas and cherishing revolutionary projects. But red-tapism is every where the same. In Upper as in Lower Canada, there were only two legislative branches, a Lower, or People's House, a Crown, or Upper House. There was also a certain amount of Crown influence in the Lower House, which made constitutional government a sham. The freedom of speech was not even permitted to some members of the Assembly; and it was quite impossible to hint at corruption in those times, far less to insist upon the nomination of a corruption committee. There was a continued interruption of harmonious intercourse between the Legislative Council and the Legislative Assembly. As the Assembly of Lower Canada had done and had been treated with regard to an offer to defray the expenses of the civil list, so precisely had the Assembly of Upper Canada acted, and so had they been treated, when an exactly similar offer was made. And why? Because the legislative and executive functions were united in the same persons. His Majesty's Executive Council was almost wholly composed of the members of the Legislative Council. Both Councils then consisted of the Deputy Superintendent General of the Indian Department, the Receiver General, the Inspector General, the Chief Justice, the Speaker of the Legislative Council, and the Honorable and Reverend Chaplain of the Legislative Council. The Upper House was the mere instrument of some designing confidential secretary to a weak-minded or, at least, credulous governor. Nay, it was said that "ruffian magistrates" abounded in those days along the banks of the St. Lawrence, from Brockville to Cornwall, inclusive, the Lieutenant-Governor being held in leading strings, by the Honorable and Reverend Chaplain of the Legislative Council of Upper Canada and one of His Majesty's Executive Councillors for that province.[31] It is indeed asserted that after the passage of the Sedition Act of 1804, the misrule of Upper Canada came to a pitch so extraordinary, that it was exclaimed against from the Bench, while a jury applauded. Governor Gore appeared to have been creating at the same time, and with the same effect, those treasonable practices which were so pleasing to Mr. Witsius Ryland, in Lower Canada, and which had evidently been stirred up, by the men-in-office, with the view of depriving both provinces of the "exact image and transcript of the British constitution," with which the Canadas had been favored in 1791. Until the invasion, in 1811, political discontent was loud and incessant, as well in Upper as in Lower Canada; and it was the misrepresentations of the governing party and the outcries of the governed in both provinces, that induced the government of the United States to make war, on false pretences, upon the government of Great Britain. There were persecutions for opinion's sake in Upper as in Lower Canada. The newspaper was as odious to the government in one province as in the other. In 1806, a sheriff of the Home District, in opposition to the will of the Governor, voted at an election. He lost the shrievalty for his stubborn independence. Thrown upon his own resources, he established a newspaper, which he called _The Upper Canada Guardian, or Freeman's Journal_. He spoke with considerable freedom of the governor. He attacked the ministerial party. He exhibited abuses with wonderful dexterity and skill. The ex-sheriff, Joseph Wilcocks, was rapidly rising into note. It was time to restrain him. A Captain Cowan was induced to be his persecutor. The truth rapidly becoming dangerous to those whose business consists in concealing the truth, cannot always be told with safety. Wilcocks alleged that the Governor or his Executive Council had bribed several members of the Assembly with land, to induce them to vote against the interests of their constituents. Captain Cowan knew that the assertion was without foundation. Wilcocks was prosecuted but was acquitted, gained popularity in return for his persecution, and ultimately obtained a seat in parliament. There was no more freedom for Wilcocks in parliament than out of it. For some extra freedom of speech on the floor of the House, he was thrust into prison. Nevertheless, he acquired an ascendancy in the Assembly, to the great regret of the ministerialists. He became still more the object of governmental wrath, and when the war broke out, he was deprived of his paper. In 1812, he fought as a volunteer against the Americans. He was present at the battle of Queenston. He did all that within him lay, for his country and for his king; but the government of the province hated and persecuted him, so that starving and exasperated,[32] he deserted to the enemy, carrying with him a corps of Canadians. Joseph Wilcocks, who was an Irishman of good family, and who was persecuted by the office-men of Upper Canada, to the prejudice and without the knowledge of the British government, was driven into hostile opposition to Britain by the most petty and contemptible tyranny of a few fellow colonists holding office, and was killed during the siege of Fort Erie. Had war occurred while Sir James Craig held Bedard in gaol and kept the _Canadien_ printing press in the vaults of the Court House, at Quebec, it is difficult to say whether a feeling very different to that elicited by the prudent management of Sir George Prevost, might or might not have been exhibited. The government of the province should from the very outset have been only responsible to the people of the province, and Great Britain have only maintained in acknowledgement of her supremacy a military protectorate of British North America. But Francis Gore, Esquire, Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, again met the parliament of that province, on the 6th of January, 1816. The business done consisted in an Act to alter the time of holding Courts of Quarter Sessions in the London and Johnstown districts, an Act to repeal part of the Act constituting the counties of Prescott and Russell a separate district, under the name of the District of Ottawa; an Act to make more effectual provision for the collection of the revenue; an Act to provide for the appointment of Returning Officers; an Act to extend the jurisdiction of the Court of Requests; an Act to provide, for a limited time, for the appointment of a Provincial Aid-de-Camp, to be appointed by the Governor, and to have ten shillings a day in war, and five shillings a day in peace; an Act to provide £165 a year for the Adjutant-General of Militia; an Act to enable the Governor to establish one or more additional ports of entry; an Act to remunerate William Dummer Powell, Esquire, in the sum of £1,000, for his services in ascertaining titles to land; an Act repealing part of an Act for granting to His Majesty an additional duty on shop and tavern licences; an Act to amend an Act to prevent damage to travellers on the highways; an Act to grant relief to Catherine McLeod, whose son was killed in war; an Act to relieve Charlotte Overholt whose husband had been peculiarly killed; an Act to extend the limits of the town of Niagara; an Act granting £799, as a provision for the contingent expenses of both Houses of Parliament; an Act to relieve persons holding lands in the district of Niagara, whose title deeds, conveyances, or wills, had been destroyed when the enemy burnt the town; an Act to continue the Act for the appointment of Returning Officers; an Act to alter and extend the provisions of the Act granting pensions to the widows and children of persons killed in the king's service; an Act authorising the construction of a gaol and Court House in the town of York; an Act to erect the District of Gore out of certain parts of the Home and Niagara Districts; an Act granting £425 4s. 6d. to several inspectors who disbursed that amount for teamwork and the apprehension of deserters; an Act to revive the Act affording relief to persons entitled to claim lands in the province, as heirs or devisees of the nominees of the Crown, in cases where no patent had issued; an Act to grant annually, for four years, £470, as an increase to the salaries of certain officers of the Council and Assembly; an Act granting, £513 for the repair of certain highways; an Act appropriating £800 for the purchase of books for the formation of a library for the use of both Houses; an Act to continue an Act to facilitate the circulation of Lower Canada army bills; an Act appropriating £2,500 annually for defraying the expenses of the civil administration of the government; an Act to increase the salary of the present Speaker of the Assembly, and to remunerate the present Speaker for past services, granting £800 as four years' additional salary, and, in future, £200 to be paid annually, in addition to the former annual payment of £200; an Act regulating the trade between the United States and the province, permitting the Governor to make regulations as to duties, but not prohibiting the admission of wheat, flour, peas, beans, oats, barley, and all other articles of provision and travellers' baggage; an Act to continue for a limited time the provisional agreement entered into between Upper and Lower Canada, relative to duties; an Act appropriating £155 7s. 3d., to remunerate Elizabeth Wright, whose husband was a tailor, for militia clothing; an Act appropriating £1,000 as an encouragement for the cultivation of hemp; an Act regulating the police within the town of Kingston; an Act granting to His Majesty duties on licences to hawkers, pedlars, and petty chapmen, and other trading persons; £10 to be the cost of a license to a person travelling on foot; £10 for every horse, ass, mule, or other beast of burden; £5 for every other beast; £50 for a decked vessel; £40 for every boat; and for every non-resident of the province £50 a year; an Act providing a salary of £500 a year for a Provincial Agent in Great Britain, to correspond with the Governor and with the Speakers of the Legislative Assembly and Legislative Council, who was to be removed on addresses from the Legislative Council and Legislative Assembly; an Act granting £6,000 to His Majesty for the use of common schools; to the Home District £600 annually; to the District of Newcastle £400; to the Midland District £1,000; to the District of Johnstown £600; to the Eastern District £800; to the London District £600; to the Gore District £600; to the Niagara District £600; to the Western District £600; and to the Ottawa District £200; an Act granting £21,000 for the building and repairing of bridges and for the repairing of highways; an Act granting £1,000 to defray the expenses of any commission for ascertaining titles to lands in the Niagara District; and an Act to repeal and amend part of an Act for laying out and repairing the public highways.

[31] Gourlay, page 512, vol. 2.

[32] Gourlay, page 316, vol. 2.

Parliament was again assembled on the 4th of February, 1817, by Governor Gore, during the session of which an Act was passed providing for the representation of the commons of the counties of Wentworth and Halton in parliament; also an Act to establish a police in the towns of York, Sandwich, and Amherstburgh; an Act granting to His Majesty £2,578 for the administration of justice; £900 for the Lieutenant-Governor's Office; £737 for the Office of the Receiver General; £2,300 for the Surveyor General's Department; £650 for the Executive Council Office; £36 for the Crown Office; £90 for the Attorney General's Office; £400 for the Secretary's Office; £200 for the Registrar of the Province; £620 for the Inspector General's Office; £620 for pensions to wounded officers; £400 for four clergymen; £50 for one minister of the Gospel; £200 for repairs to Government House; and £500 for casual and incidental expenses; an Act to establish a market in the town of Niagara; an Act to repeal, amend and extend the Act granting pensions to persons disabled in the service, and to the widows and children of persons killed in war; an Act granting £1,576 0s. 8d. for the clerks and for the contingencies of the last session of parliament; an Act in part repealing and in part altering and amending an Act providing for the appointment of parish and town officers; an Act to continue the Act making provision for certain sheriffs; and an Act to enable the commissioner of gaol delivery and Oyer and Terminer to proceed, although the Court of King's Bench be sitting in the Home District, for which they are commissioned.

This parliament was prorogued suddenly and unexpectedly, on the 7th of April, 1817. The sudden prorogation was resorted to because the Assembly had, on the 3rd of April, resolved itself into a committee of the whole to take into consideration the state of the province. The propriety or expediency of preventing immigration from the United States, was to be discussed; the management of the Post Office establishment was to be examined into; the manner of the disposal of the Crown and Clergy Reserves was to be looked at; and the granting lands to the volunteer flank companies, and the incorporated militia who served during the late war, was to be investigated. It was resolved to present an address to the Lieutenant-Governor, requesting him to inform the Assembly, whether any orders had been received from England, making an allotment of lands to the volunteer and incorporated militia, who served during the war. The Assembly further resolved that an Act had been passed in the reign of George the Second, for naturalizing such foreign protestants as were then or should thereafter be settled in any of His Majesty's colonies in North America; that an Act had been passed in the thirtieth year of the reign of George the Third, for encouraging new settlers in His Majesty's North American colonies; and that these Acts were expressly enacted for facilitating and encouraging the settlement of His Majesty's American dominions.

The good resolutions of the Assembly were, however, frustrated by His Excellency the Governor, who, having assented to several bills, and reserved for His Majesty's pleasure, a bill for a Bank and another to enable creditors to sue joint debtors separately, summoned the Commons to the Bar of the Legislative Council, and thus addressed the Parliament:--The session of the legislature has been protracted by an unusual interruption of business at its commencement and your longer absence from your respective avocations must be too great a sacrifice for the objects which may remain to occupy your attention. I come to close the session and so permit you to return home. In accepting the supply for defraying the deficiency of the funds which have hitherto served to meet the charges of the administration of justice, and support of the civil government of this province, I have great satisfaction in acknowledging the readiness manifested to meet this exigence.