Chapter I: Part 1

THE
SCOTTISH JOURNAL
OF
_Topography, Antiquities, Traditions,_

&c. &c.

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No. 22. Edinburgh, Saturday, January 29, 1848. Price 1½d.

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SOME PARTICULARS REGARDING THE FAMILY OF INVERNAHYLE.

COPIED FROM A MANUSCRIPT IN THE POSSESSION OF DR THOMSON, LATE OF APPIN,
BY JOSEPH TRAIN.

ALEXANDER, the first Invernahyle, was son to Allan Stewart, third Laird of Appin. He married Margaret Macdonald, daughter of Donald Macdonald of Moidart, commonly called _Donul an Lochan_.[1] He had only one child, Donald, who succeeded him. Alexander, it would appear, lived in Island Stalker. He rose early on a summer morning, and stepped over to the _Nan Gall_,[2] which lies contiguous. He had in his hand a Lochaber axe, which at that period was frequently used instead of the sword. He reclined upon a verdant spot of the isle, with his Lochaber axe laid carelessly by him. A deadly feud existed at that time between his family and that of Dunstaffnage. A brother of Dunstaffnage, called _Cailen Uaine_,[3] arrived at the island with his barge, and a number of men to assist him in executing his bloody purpose. He landed unperceived by Alexander. Upon being observed, he assumed the mask of friendship, and was about to salute him; but, seeing Alexander defenceless, he cast his eye on the axe, which still lay upon the ground, and eager to be possessed of that which, if in the hands of the other, might make him pay dear for his expedition, he hastily grasped it, expressing himself thus—“Sma an tua so Alasdair na on bioda leor sauich innte.”[4] Alexander quickly replied—“Bheil duil agad nach eil sin innte,”[5] and also laid hold of the axe, being fully sensible of the spirit of Colin’s remark. During the struggle, Colin’s men surrounded Alexander, and basely murdered him. Donald, his infant son, was suckled by Morag, a woman from Moidart, and wife to _Rab a Pheti_, the smith of that district. Colin, foreseeing that the black deed he had committed might not pass unrevenged, was very anxious to destroy the child. In this, however, he was disappointed by the prudence and activity of the faithful nurse, who, with a strength of attachment truly valuable, understanding what had happened, regardless of her own safety, fled away with the child to her own country. Having informed her husband of the circumstances, they agreed to bring up the child as if he was their own, and to keep the secret of his parentage concealed from the world, even from himself, till a proper time arrived for disclosing it.

Donald was accordingly educated in the family of Rab a Pheti, the blacksmith. When he acquired some strength, he was often called to assist his supposed father in carrying on his trade. Being of a strong, athletic make, he performed every task proposed to him with ease, little thinking he had any right to be otherwise employed. One day, when about eighteen years of age, it being his turn to work in the smithy, he took hold of a large hammer, which required the strength of any ordinary man to wield with both hands, and, of course, deemed too unweildly for a stripling of his age, yet he found so little difficulty in managing it, that he wrought it with one hand; and not satisfied with this exertion, he took another hammer of the same size in his other hand, and beat away with both alternately, without much apparent exertion. His supposed father, Rab a Pheti, seeing this, gave up his work and went to the faithful nurse to tell what he had seen. This honest couple, who had as much affection for Donald as though he had been their own child, came to the resolution of disclosing to him the secret they had so long kept of his birth and parentage. Donald was called, and the mournful tale of his father’s death, and the risk he ran of sharing the same fate, was circumstantially laid before him. If we can judge by his future actions, we may conclude that he listened to the mournful story with strong emotions. The smith took him in his arms and embraced him. “Your education,” he said, “has been necessarily obscure, but I trust the blood that runs in your veins, and the spirit of your fathers, will ever inspire your conduct and direct your steps.” The smith then presented him with a sword, tempered with all the art of his trade, praying it might be the means of clearing his way through difficulties, and extricating him from every danger. Donald received it as a valuable token of love. Nor did he allow it long to remain peaceful in its scabbard. Previous to his setting out for Appin, he, by the advice of his foster-mother, Morag, waited on his mother’s brother, Macdonald of Moidart, who gave him a very warm and hearty reception, and offered freely to support him with his interest and influence in recovering his paternal property, which had been taken back to the family, on the supposition of his death when a child.[6]

Donald, upon coming to Appin, and his history being made public, got the name of _Donul nan Ord_,[7] by which he was known ever after. Nature was very kind to Donald. He had ready wit, a quick invention, an excellent address, an uncommon degree of firmness of mind, strength of body, and activity. Those qualities rendered him a fit leader of a chosen band in those restless and warlike times. He soon became a terror to the enemies of his clan and of his friends. His first step was to kill _Cailen Uaine_,[8] the murderer of his father. Nor did he stop till he had destroyed nine other gentlemen of the family of Dunstaffnage. This cost Donald several skirmishes; but his attacks were so bold, and so well managed, that he was always successful. Argyle soon came to be interested in the distress that Donald was bringing on his clan, and employed several parties to cut him off, but in vain. Donald seeing Argyle’s intention, instead of being intimidated, penetrated with his chosen band into the heart of Argyle’s country, spoiled his tenants, carrying away a considerable booty from the sides of Lochow, which at that time gave a title to the chief of the clan.

There is still handed down a little roundlet, which narrates this transaction—

“Donal nan Ord, dalt a gothain
Alleagan nan luarach leabhair,
Thog thu creach o’ thaogh Locho,
Nach dean Mhac Callen a thoghadh,
Na Mhac, na Earo na Otha.”[9]

Argyle, much enraged at the affront offered him by Donald, began to think of serious revenge, by raising his whole clan and followers to destroy him; but wisely seeing that this could not be done without some noise, and aware that Donald might be supported by his mother’s powerful friends, and also by the Camerons, set on foot a negotiation with the Laird of Appin, to get Donald to make restitution and be peaceful. The result was, that Appin, and his other friends, insisted with Donald that he should come to terms with Argyle, threatening, if he did not comply, to leave him to his fate. Donald, unwilling to split with his friends, and thinking that he had done enough in revenging his father’s death, complied, and actually went to Inverary with a single attendant, to hold a conference with Argyle, at his own place, and among his numerous friends. Argyle, who was a man of the world, conceived that, from Donald’s rusticity, he could easily, by persuasion, get him into a scrape that might prove fatal to him. But Donald, though he agreed all at once to the terms proposed, got himself easily extricated. Upon Donald’s reaching Inverary, he met Argyle in the fields, and is said to have accosted him thus—

“A Mhic Callen griomach ghlais,
Is beag an hachd a thagad dhiom,
Is nar a Phillis mi air mais
Mas a mo a thaghain dhiot.”[10]

In the course of conversation, it would appear that Donald not unfrequently indulged in a loud hoarse laugh—a habit which some of his descendants were noted for, as far down as the eighth generation. To rally Donald a little upon this, Argyle desired him to look at a rock in a hill above Ardkinglass, then in their view, which resembles a man’s face reclined backwards, the mouth being considerably expanded. He asked if he knew the name that rock went by. Donald answered in the negative. Argyle then told him it was _Gaire Granda_.[11] Donald perceiving the allusion, and, with his other qualifications, being no mean poet, replied off hand—

“Gaire Granda as ainm don Chreig,
Is fanaidh i mar sin a ghna;
Gheabh a leitheid agad fein,
Nan sealadh tu nan eadan do mhna.”[12]

When at length they came to talk of business, the terms upon which Argyle offered peace were, that Donald should raise a hership in Moidart, and another in Athole, thinking probably that he would be cut off in these attempts; or if successful against such powerful people, that his disgrace would be less in what was done to his own lands. Donald readily agreed to the terms. He set out openly for Moidart, discovered to his uncle the engagement he had come under, and asked his advice. His uncle told him that the people of certain farms in that neighbourhood having offended him, to go and spoil them; that he, to save appearance, when it came to his knowledge, should pursue him to retake the spoil; but should not be in such haste that Donald ran any risk of being overtaken. Donald did so; carried off his spoil; set fire to two or three farms, and got safe off. The affair made a great noise, and reached Argyle’s ears, who was astonished at Donald’s rashness. He went next to Athole, and played the same card with equal success; came back to Argyle, and a peace was concluded, though not with much cordiality upon either side.

There is a well-known anecdote, which we cannot pass over in silence. Donald was, on a time, returning from an expedition into Stirlingshire, and, passing through Monteith, called at a tenant’s house, where they were preparing a wedding dinner. The Earl of Monteith was at the marriage, and was to partake of the dinner. Donald and his men were hungry, and asked for a supply of meat, which being refused, they were so unpolite as step in and eat up the whole dinner. Upon the Earl’s arrival with the marriage people, they were enraged at the affront put upon them. They pursued Donald, and soon came up with him. They called to him to halt, which he did, and one of the Earl’s men cried out ironically to Donald and his men, alluding, no doubt, to the quantity of broth they had consumed—

“Stuarticdh bhuidh nan tapan,
A bheiradh glag air a chal.”[13]

One of Donald’s men, with great coolness, drawing an arrow out of his quiver, replies—

“Ma tha’n tapan again mar dhuchas,
Is du dhuin gun tarin sin tarsid.”[14]

And with this took his aim at the Monteith man, and shot him through the heart. An engagement ensued betwixt the parties, in which the Earl was killed, and a number of his followers.

Donald was twice married; first to M. Stewart, daughter of John Stewart of Bun Rannock, _alias_ Jan MacRoibeart. By her he had four sons, 1. Alexander, who had the misfortune at an early period to be afflicted with the stone. Breadalbane took a particular concern in the young man. He carried him to Taymouth, and got the most able medical assistance for him. The operation of lithotomy was performed upon him, but he did not long survive it. 2. Duncan, who succeeded him. 3. Allan, of whom the present Laird of Ballechelish. 4. John, commonly called John Du MacDhonuil. He had the lands of Littershuna. He had a daughter, who was married to Archibald Campbell, _alias_ Gillesbuegdie, of whom the present Achaladair is descended. Donald married, secondly, —— Campbell, second daughter of John Gorm of Lochnell, and widow of James nan Gleann. By her, he had a daughter who was married to Macdonnell of Achatriachatan, of whom the present Laird of Achatriachatan is descended. During Donald’s life the feud that subsisted between him and the family of Dunstaffnage did not entirely subside. It gave much trouble and uneasiness to the friends of both parties. It was very prudently concluded, in order to put a final end to it, that Duncan should pay his addresses to a daughter of Dunstaffnage, which he did with success. This was carried on unknown to Donald, and when the marriage took place, he was in very bad blood with his son. It cost the friends a great deal of work to get him reconciled to him. It was brought about so far, that he gave him the farm of Inverfolla to live in with his wife. Duncan had the misfortune soon afterwards to incur his father’s displeasure, by what _Donald nan Ord_ looked upon as a greater crime than even marrying Miss Campbell. It was this: Duncan being a good, honest, domestic man, and the world around him being in peace and quietness, thought fit to amuse himself with husbandry, which accorded not with the warlike spirit of Donald. He thought it much beneath the dignity of a gentleman, and frequently expressed his disgust. One day as he was walking upon the green of Invernahyle, he looked across the river, and saw a number of his followers with spades preparing a piece of ground for sowing seed. He thought to himself that he was wont to give a different sort of employment to his adherents, and that Duncan had no spirit. Meanwhile, Duncan came up to his men—took a spade in his hand, and began to work along with them. This was too much for the old gentleman to bear, and he marched in wrath across to Inverfolla. Though many years had impaired his strength, yet rage gave vigour to his steps. He was observed approaching. The fury of his looks struck terror around him. Duncan was advised to fly from the impending storm. The incensed hero looked for his degenerate son. Where is he? He is gone towards the house. Towards the house marched Donald, inquired and searched, but could not find the object of his wrath. At length he thought he found him under the bedclothes, in his own bed. He could contain himself no longer. He drew his hanger, and made a deadly stroke at the supposed Duncan. Though the arm was old, it had not wholly lost its strength. He cut through all the bed-clothes, and made a large gash—in the bolster! His rage by degrees abated, and he returned home in calmness.

Donald’s mother was left a widow when young. She married Maclean of Inverscadale, of whom the present Inverscadale.

DUNCAN, the third Invernahyle, married —— Campbell, daughter of Campbell of Dunstaffnage, by whom he had three sons: 1. Alexander, who succeeded him; 2. Dugald; 3. Allan.

ALEXANDER, the fourth Invernahyle, married —— Stewart, only daughter of Duncan Stewart, fifth Laird of Appin, and had issue twelve sons, who all came to the age of men, and went all one Sabbath to the church, along with their father, in kilted plaids and armed. Their names, so far as can be recollected, were in the following order: Donald, James, John Dhu, John More, George, Dugald, William, Alexander, Duncan and Allan.

DONALD, the fifth Invernahyle, was married to Margaret Campbell, daughter to the Laird of Lochnell, and had issue four sons and two daughters: 1. Alexander, who succeeded him; 2. Duncan, of whom Strathgarry; 3. Donald, married to Margaret Stewart, daughter to Alexander Stewart of Acharn, issue, sons; 4. Allan, married to Margaret Campbell, daughter to John Campbell of Achaoran, issue, sons. His oldest daughter, Margaret, married Donald Campbell of Greenyards, Secretary to the Bank of Scotland. The second daughter, Anne, married Maccalman of Arivian, and had issue.

ALEXANDER, the sixth Invernahyle, married Mary Macdonnell, daughter to Macdonnell of Fersid, by whom he had issue, Duncan, who succeeded him, and a daughter, Catharine, who was married to James Stewart in Ardnamurchan. But Alexander was first married to Isabel Campbell, daughter of John Campbell of Kirktown, in Mucharn, by whom he had two daughters: 1. Anne, married to Dugald Stewart of Achnacon, of whom the present Achnacon; 2. Margaret, married to Duncan Stewart, son to Innishchaorach.

DUNCAN, the seventh Invernahyle, was bred to the law in Edinburgh, where he had an opportunity of cultivating a fine natural taste for music, to the enjoyment of which he very much devoted himself in his latter days. He married, when young, Mary Campbell, daughter of Alexander Campbell of Barcaldine, and by her had a numerous offspring, of whom there came to maturity—1. Alexander, the present Invernahyle, who is married to Catharine Stewart, daughter to Robert Stewart of Appin, and has issue; 2. John, who died while at his education, and was buried at the church of Kilmadock, in Perthshire; 3. Dugald was bred to the Church, but preferred going abroad, to push his fortune, and after being successful for some time in Jamaica was robbed by a partner. He went to America, and died there; 4. Robert, who was bred a wine merchant in Leith, died abroad; 5. Allan, who has all along followed the army, is now on half-pay, a Lieut.-Colonel; 6. James, who was educated for the Church, and also as a physician, made choice of the occupation of a farmer and merchant. He is married to Robina Edmondstoune, daughter to John Edmondstoune of Cambus-Wallace, and has issue: 1. Margaret, married to Campbell of Achraran, issue, sons; 2. Mary, married to Macnicol of Sonoch, and has issue; 3. Anne, married to the Rev. John Connochar, and has issue.

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DESCENDANTS OF INVERNAHYLE.

_Ballechelish._

Allan, the first Ballechelish, third son to Donul nan Ord, married —— Macdonnell, daughter to Macdonell of Coillickonid, by whom he had issue: 1. Alexander, who succeeded him; 2. Donald; 3. Allan.

Alexander, the second Ballechelish, married his cousin, a daughter of John du MacDhonuil, and had issue; 1. John, who succeeded; 2. Alexander, _alias_ Alisdair More, who was wadsetter of Achalader, and married a daughter of Campbell of Barcaldine, by whom he had issue.

John, the third Ballechelish, married a daughter of Stewart of Ardsheils, and had issue. He was succeeded by his nephew, Alexander, son to Alisdair More.

Alexander, the fourth Ballechelish, was first married to a daughter of Stewart of Ardsheils, issue, sons. He married after her, Isabel Stewart, daughter to Alexander Stewart of Annat, in Perthshire, and had issue: 1. John, the present Ballechelish; 2. Alexander, who was killed at Falkirk in 1746; and one daughter, Isabel, married to Donald Stewart, nephew to Alexander Stewart, fourth Ballechelish, and son to Donald Mac Alisdair Mhoir.

_Littershuna._

John du MacDhonuil, fourth son to Donald nan Ord. He married a daughter of James Stewart of Glens, commonly called _Ni Mhic Sheumais_. By her he had one son and seven daughters. His son, along with another youth, a son of Sir Donald Campbell of Ardnamurchan, during the rage for suppressing Popery, went to Craig, a place sacred to Saint Curulames, carried away the images, and burnt them in the castle of Island Stalker, offering impious scoffs and insults to the images as they were burning. They both died when young. One of the daughters was married to Stewart of Ardsheil; another to Cameron of Collard; another to Stewart of Fasnacloich; another to Campbell of Clannamacrie, of whom Combie and Edorline; another to Campbell of Stonefield, of whom the present Lord Stonefield, and of whom is also descended the present Earl of Breadalbane; another was married to Macdougall, Baron Dunach, and another to Stewart of Ballechelish.

_Innishchaorach._

Dugald, second son to Duncan the third Invernahyle, purchased from Campbell of Lawers the lands of Innishchaorach, Duaireachan, and Innishdainh, in Glenlochy, Breadalbane. He married and had issue: 1. Allan, who succeeded; 2. Neil, who married a daughter of Stewart of Druimcharrie, in Perthshire, and had issue.

Allan, second Innishchaorach, married —— Burdin, daughter of Burdin of Fidals, and had issue; 1. James, who succeeded; 2. Duncan, who married a daughter of Invernahyle; 3. Dugald, married to a daughter of Alexander Stewart of Acharn; 4. Alexander, who married —— Macgregor, daughter of Alexander Macgregor, _alias_ Alisdair Saoileach, and had issue; 5. John, married —— Farquharson.

James, the third Innishchaorach, married —— Stewart, daughter to Stewart of Annat, and had issue, Alexander and Neil, who died unmarried.

Neil, second son of Dugald, the first Innishchaorach, was the male heir to Innishchaorach. He was wadsetter to Ledcharrie and Edarramhionoich, in Glendochart, and had issue, John, Charles, and Neil. Charles succeeded to the wadset, which was paid up to him, and with the money he bought the lands of Bohalic, in Athole, of which he died possessed. He left them to his daughter, having no male issue.

James, second son to Alexander, the fourth Invernahyle, was wadsetter of Inverkinglass, in Glenkinglass. He was married, and had a son, Allan, who settled in Ardnamurchan. Allan married a daughter of Mr Maccalman, minister of Appin, by whom he had four sons—James, John, Allan and Dugald. Dugald had an estate in Jamaica, called Mounstewart. It was sold and divided among his relations. Allan had a son called Andrew, who settled in Perth, and left a son, a glover. Andrew has two sons, Peter, a glover, and Thomas, a shipmaster and an heritor.

_Strathgarry._

Duncan, second son to Donald the fifth Invernahyle, was bred a clergyman, and settled first at Kilmun, in Cowal; but, upon the abolition of Prelacy, removed to Blair, in Athole, where he continued to preach as an Episcopal clergyman all his days. He first purchased the lands of Strathgarry, and afterwards those of Inverchaddan. Mr Duncan married, first, —— Maclean, daughter of Angus Maclean, who was son to Bishop Maclean of the Isles. By her he had issue: 1. Alexander, who succeeded as Strathgarry; 2. Donald, who married —— Stewart, daughter of Urchalbeg, and had issue, three daughters: 1. Jean, who was married to Donald Maccalman, son of the Minister of Appin; 2. Margaret, who was married to a brother of Urchalbeg; 3. Mary, married to Alexander Robertson, had no issue; and again to a brother of Glenlyon, and had issue. Mr Duncan married, secondly, Janet Maccalman, by whom he had issue: 1. John, who died unmarried; 2. Allan, to whom he gave the lands of Inverchaddan: 1. Margaret, married to Stewart of Dunbealeach; 2. ——, married to Alexander Campbell, second son to Glenlyon; 3. Elizabeth, married to Donald Maclaren of Invernenty; 4. Robina, married to _Rab a Pheti_.

Alexander, second Strathgarry, married —— Robertson, daughter of Robertson of Kincraig. He had two sons, Alexander, who succeeded him, and lived in Ruhip, a purchase by his father, and Allan, minister of Killespendy, and several daughters.

Alexander, third Strathgarry, was minister of Blair, in Athole. He married Isabel Robertson, daughter of Mr Patrick Robertson, brother of Lude, and left issue, the present Strathgarry, Mr Duncan Stewart, minister of Balquhidder, Mr Alexander, minister of Mullien, and three daughters.

_Inverchaddan._

Allan, first son by the second marriage of Mr Duncan Stewart, son to Donald, the fifth Invernahyle. He married Christian Macnab, daughter to the Laird of Macnab, and left two sons, Duncan, the present Inverchaddan, and Allan.

The sword, made by the smith, and given to _Donald nan Ord_, is still in the possession of Captain Dugald Stewart, the present heir of Invernahyle, together with his steel-cap and _luireach_, or coat of mail; also the hammers used by him when in the smith’s family.

[We are indebted for the foregoing interesting paper to Mr
Train, Castle Douglas, who copied it from a manuscript in the
possession of Dr Thomson of Appin. Part of the MS. was
communicated by Mr Train to the late Sir Walter Scott, who
supplied from it the story of “Donald the Hammerer,” printed in
the Introduction to Jamieson’s edition of Burt’s “Letters from a
Gentleman in the North of Scotland to his Friend in London,”
published in 1822. Sir Walter made various alterations on the
MS., in the narrative as well as in the style; but, the object
of our _Journal_ being the preservation of what is original,
rare, or curious, rather than the cultivation of fine writing,
we have preferred adhering to the copy, which is more complete
than when in the hands of the _Author of Waverley_, several
additions having been made to it by Mr Stewart, Excise Officer,
Kirkcudbright, who claims kindred with the Stewarts of Appin. It
will be interesting to the reader to compare our pages with the
story as related by the “Great Magician.”]

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HOLY ISLAND PRIORY.

BY HENRY CLARKE, M.D.[15]

I have been induced to draw up the following sketch of the Priory of Holy Island, from its being the most beautiful fragment of antiquity in the district to which our researches are confined, as well as from its presenting one of the most remarkable architectural remains of the period to which it belongs in the kingdom.

It need scarcely be mentioned that, in the earlier periods of Christian history, the choice of so unattractive a site was in obedience to the idea which indicated the remote and scarcely accessible island, and the lone and unfrequented desert, as spots peculiarly fitted for that contemplative life, and withdrawal from the world, in which the perfection of religion was supposed to consist.

When the monastic system was introduced into the West, this was its leading and characteristic feature, and the same spirit which had selected the inhospitable island of Iona, induced the monk who issued thence for the conversion of Northumberland, to prefer the bleak sands of Lindesfarne to the present valleys of the adjacent continent.

It would be needless also to dwell upon the advantages derived from monastic establishments during the darker periods of history—their preservation of literature and religion—the solace they afforded to the way-farer and the pilgrim—the asylum they furnished to the poor, the sick, the impotent, and the aged—the influence which they exerted in alleviating, where they could not prevent, the various evils incident to a barbarous age—the peaceful arts which they cultivated, and especially that which enabled them to raise those august and sumptuous edifices, which still remain the grandest examples of architectural skill, and defy all approaches of the moderns to a parity of excellence.

The exercise of these and kindred virtues ought to redeem the monastic institution, when reviewed in a candid and equitable spirit, from the unmeasured obloquy and censure which the license and misrule of some of its branches in later times have drawn down upon it.

There is no doubt, however, that the very virtues, which originally inspired awe and attracted esteem, tended, by a natural process, frequently renewed, and always with similar results, to the gradual corruption and final overthrow of the monastic system.

Long before the Reformation the elements of discontent had been at work, and the clamour against the monasteries had been gradually acquiring force and fixedness, when in the person of

“the majestic lord
Who broke the bonds of Rome,”

was found a fitting instrument for the expression of the popular will.

In the year 1536, the lesser monasteries were doomed to destruction by the execrable tyrant who wielded the sceptre of England, and the Priory of Holy Island was included in the general wreck.

From that hour it dates its gradual decay and present state of irretrievable ruin. Sir Walter Scott has thus described it in “Marmion:”

“In Saxon strength that abbey frown’d,
With massive arches broad and round
That rose alternate row on row,
On ponderous columns short and low,
Built ere the art was known,
By pointed aisle and shafted stalk,
The arcades of an alley’d walk,
To emulate in stone.”

The latter part of the stanza is a complimentary allusion to the fanciful theory of Sir James Hall concerning the origin of the pointed arch. The application of the term _Saxon_, it would be impossible to verify or substantiate.

There are no buildings in this country with the characteristic forms of this church, or the distribution into nave and aisles, that belong to so early a period. A few rude structures there certainly are which may have been erected by Saxon architects, one of which occurs in our own district—the tower of Whittingham Church, Northumberland—characterised by a peculiar sort of quoining—consisting of long and short stones, placed alternately over each other—small round-headed apertures divided by a rude balastre, and the absence of buttresses. The term Norman may be safely used, if it be understood simply to designate a style which appeared in this country at the conquest, and prevailed for 125 years, during the Norman rule; but it is in reality Roman, and was derived from the imperial city by the architects who diffused it over Europe, with the religion to which these structures were consecrated. It flourished during the first thousand years of the Christian era, with long interruptions during the dark ages, but its rudiments maybe discerned at this day in the Temple of Peace at Rome, erected during the first century, and in the Halls of the Baths—those colossal structures in which the grandeur of thought and magnificent aims of the Roman people are most conspicuously combined. In these edifices we perceive the general arrangement of our Norman and Gothic churches—a wide central space arched over at top, with the vaults resting on pillars corresponding to our nave; between these pillars lofty arches open into as many vaulted apartments on either side intercommunicating by similar archways and constituting side-aisles. The roof of the side-aisles being considerably lower than that of the central vault, admits the insertion of lights in the main wall looking into the cave, which correspond with our clerestory windows.

The general character of Holy Island Priory is Norman, or to speak more correctly, Romanesque. The West front is almost perfect—remarkably so when we consider that, in buildings of that period, this part has generally undergone a change, by the insertion of windows of a later style, leaving only the Norman door below to point to the real date of the structure. Here, we have a door of great depth and richness of effect from the number and boldness of the ornaments. On either side are plain semicircular blank arches—but not intersecting—and the whole were flanked by towers, one of which still exists. Of the nave, the southern portion as well as the south aisle, is entirely gone, but that on the north is tolerably complete. The piers, with their capitals, which bore up the arches, are of various patterns, channelled, lozenged, shafted, and shewing in their sculptured surfaces, and the various fretwork of the arches, that is, in the only decoration which the style admitted—the germ of that inexhaustible variety and multiplicity of ornament which was in the sequel to characterize the Gothic.

The nave, as well as aisles, has been vaulted in stone, as is evidenced from the vaulting shafts, and commencing springers still seen at the junction of the nave and transepts, and from the curve of the vault itself, yet traceable at the west end, but denuded of its ribs. This is a remarkable and almost singular instance of the centre aisle of a Norman building receiving a vault of stone. Both in England and on the Continent, the nave was covered simply by a flat boarded roof, to which were in a great degree owing the frequent and destructive fires of our early churches.

There are six arches in the nave, but the last is of smaller dimensions than the rest. This peculiarity is not unfrequent in Norman and Gothic churches, as if the architect had not previously calculated the space to be occupied by his arcade. The effect here has been to produce a horse-shoe instead of a semicircular arch, from its being of the same height, but lesser span, than the others. This arch is very rare, even in Norman buildings.

Above the pier-arches there has existed a triforium, of which the only remains are a single shaft at either end of the nave, the beginning and termination of the arcade. The Norman triforium is in England simply a row of openings or pannels in the wall, to fill up, ornamentally, what would otherwise have been a blank space. In Germany it is a real gallery, and appropriated to the young men, and called the Männer-chor.

Of the vaulting of the north aisle one arch still remains, but flattened at top, and only retained in its position by the wedge-form of the stones which compose it. This will soon fall, and yet might be easily preserved. The vaulting was quadripartite—the piers, with their cushioned capitals, and transverse ribs, are yet seen. In one or two places, the vaulting from pier to pier yet remains, though the ribs which would have appeared to support it are gone. This is a proof that the ribs used in vaulting were introduced merely to satisfy the mind by _appearing_ to support the arches above, and that the eye, which had been accustomed to strong lines in every other part of the building, should not here rest in a blank surface.

We now reach the intersection of the nave and transepts. Here in the strong and massive piers, we have slender circular shafts set in square recesses—a style of transition from the short and heavy Norman to the loftiness and exility of the Gothic, by which the weights above being distributed to different and independent props, an air of lightness and grace is produced without any diminution of security or strength.

Above, arose the tower which crowned the whole structure, but of its existence the only remaining evidence is the most singular and beautiful feature of the ruin. It is the great cross rib traversing the vault diagonally from N.W. to S.E., and spanning the mid-air free and unconnected with the building but at its spring. Had this been a pointed arch, it would have fallen with its superstructure, but the pressure of the round arch being only at the sides, it is likely to endure as long as the parts which buttress it up.

The chancel beyond the transepts had originally a semicircular termination, as is still discernible on the floor—a feature retained in all the Norman churches abroad. In this part of the edifice, it is to be regretted, is a departure from the unity of style which pervades the rest of the fabric—the circular apse has given place to a rectangular, lighted by pointed windows, in compliance with the fashion of the day, and in violation of the grave simplicity of the rest of the structure.

Buttresses of slight projection run all round the building. They were scarcely needed by the Norman architects, from the enormous thickness of their walls, and their inferior height; but in them we may trace the rudiments of what became, in the hands of the Gothic builders, so beautiful and necessary a member, shooting up into airy pinnacles and spires, and impressing a lofty and majestic character upon the whole.

Of the conventual buildings the traces are few and indistinct. The most important to their comforts—the vast kitchen chimney yet remains in all its original strength and completeness. The large walled space adjoining was probably the Refectory, with which the kitchen would communicate by the buttery-hatch.

The building is now secured from violence and wanton dilapidation, and as it has only to contend against the silent erosion of lichen and wallflower, we may hope that it will long continue to adorn our district—a monument of a far distant age and far different state of society, and a beautiful and affecting link between the past and the present.

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CENTENARY OF THE “ABERDEEN JOURNAL.”

ON Wednesday evening, January 5, 1848, the gentlemen connected with the city and county of Aberdeen gave a splendid entertainment to Mr David Chalmers, the present proprietor of the “Aberdeen Journal,” in celebration of the centenary of that newspaper, it being exactly one hundred years that day since its first number was published.

The art of printing was introduced into Aberdeen in the year 1622, by Edward Raban, the “Laird of Letters,” as he styled himself, who printed the first Aberdeen Almanack, “long the only work of its kind in Scotland, and, as such, acquiring a sort of proverbial celebrity. The password of pious Mr Turnbull, in the novel of _Red Gauntlet_—‘a plague on all Aberdeen Almanacks’—will readily occur to the reader.”

Raban commenced business in Aberdeen under the auspices of the magistracy and University, and one of his successors in trade and patronage was Mr James Chalmers, son of the then Professor of Divinity in Marischal College, the projector of the “Aberdeen Journal,” and grandfather of its present proprietor. “Early in life,” said Mr David Chalmers, at the centenary celebration above alluded to, “my grandfather commenced business, as Printer to the City of Aberdeen, and was but a young man when our country became convulsed by the bold and chivalrous attempt of the last of the Stuarts to regain the throne of his ancestors. My grandfather, himself a Protestant, warmly embraced the cause of the House of Hanover, and through his press and his pen, gave wide circulation to principles of attachment to the reigning sovereign. This made him rather a marked man; so that his life was sometimes in danger; and he had on one occasion to fly from his own house, and seek refuge in that of a friend in Old Aberdeen, a Professor in King’s College. In the memorable spring of ’46, the town of Aberdeen had a visit from the royal army, on its way to the field of Culloden. My grandfather joined the king’s standard, and took part in this battle, which forever crushed the hopes of Prince Charles and his gallant and devoted followers. The services of my ancestors were for a time rewarded by an official appointment, namely, that of receivers of the rents of some of the forfeited estates in this county; but these were soon after restored; and are now happily in the hands of their rightful owners. At this period, there were in Edinburgh but two papers, the ‘Evening Courant’ and the ‘Caledonian Mercury’: and one in Glasgow, which has long ceased to exist. It is known that, at this period, the Government of the day had much to do in order to efface the painful recollections, and to appease the angry feelings of the people, justly irritated and incensed by the needless cruelties which followed that fatal fight. They, therefore, felt anxious to see the principles of loyalty and good order widely diffused among the population of the North. My grandfather, impressed with the same views, engaged in the undertaking which has given birth to the present meeting. During the progress of, and subsequent to, the rebellion of ’45, he had published occasional reports, or what would be now called bulletins, of the state of public affairs; but it was not until the beginning of 1748 that the ‘Aberdeen Journal’ took the form of a regular newspaper. From that period, it was published by him, with varying success, until the year 1764, when he died, and was succeeded by my venerated and respected father, who conducted it until his death, in 1810. It then fell into my unworthy hands; but with this consoling reflection, that during the last twelve years of his life, I had had the privilege and the happiness of aiding and assisting him in the laborious duties and distracting cares of an Editor. Such has been the birth and parentage of the ‘Aberdeen Journal,’ whose life now presents the somewhat singular feature of having reached its hundredth year during the lives of three successive generations of the same family.

The few following extracts from No. 1. of the ‘Journal’ will give some idea of newspaper writing one hundred years ago, and also indicate the state of public feeling at that day towards our Gallic neighbours:

“As the publick may be alarmed with the report that ran so currently yesterday upon the Exchange, that a contract is negociating for the delivery of 400,000 quarters of wheat to our mortal enemy the French, we hope every Englishman will judge so tenderly of his neighbour, as not to believe it possible any merchant can entertain so pernicious a thought, or be such a traitor to his country, at a time when our allies the Dutch have totally prohibited all commerce with that perfidious nation under the severest penalties.”

“However the report yesterday might arise, of a particular contract for sending 400,000 quarters of wheat to France, it is certain that an article from Bourdeaux, in a late Dutch Mail, mentions that a large number of English ships, laden with corn, had put in there, and caused a sudden plenty in the midst of scarcity; adding, that these ships had sailed under a pretence of being bound for the Mediterranean. If these were private traders only, who ventured thus to risk their fortunes, in contempt of their duty and allegiance, the affair deserves to be particularly enquired into, that the delinquents, if taken, may be punished. But if their voyage was in virtue of a contract, that is a _jobb_; the business is the more iniquitous, as it must be a transaction among persons of no small distinction. We shall not pretend to guess who the jobbers may be; but it was very imprudent of the French who were to be essentially served, to blab a secret that may prevent their friends here from making a little more profit of our present plenty.

“We hear that it having been affirmed, in a certain H—— Assembly, that a practice of sm——g would never have arisen to its late pitch but for the encouragement of some R—— H—— persons, one, who seemed to be severely wrung, exclaimed loudly on the occasion, and affected to clear himself and friends, by calling for such proof as he knew it was impossible at that time to adduce.”

While the initials and dashes in the last quotation form a striking contrast to the out-spoken manner of the press now-a-days, the following _jeu d’esprit_ denotes the unchangeable and everlasting grumble against taxation:

“NO MORE GAMBOLS.

’Twas merry at Christmas, when money was plenty,
And taxes took off not above five in twenty:
But how is it possible mirth should arise?
Now all that can make it is under Excise.
When light is not free in the worst of dull weather;
Wheels pay, if we ride; if we foot it, shoe-leather.”

Such was the “Aberdeen’s Journal” a hundred years ago. Its first number contained 39,560 separate pieces of type; its 5217th No. extends to above 750,000, or in other words 3 of the 48 columns of the present paper contains an entire reprint of the first No.

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CHARTER,

Granted in the Reign of Malcolm the III., King of Scotch, at Fordie,[16]
5th October 1051, to the Masons in Glasgow.

Malcom the III., by the Grace of God, King of Scots, wishes health and safety to the Bishops, Princes, Earls, Barons, Ministers, and Administrators of our Law, and all good men of the nation, both Clergy, Laicks, or Common people, and to all whom these presents shall come, greeting. Whereas our trusty and well-beloved friends, the Operative Masons in the City of Glasgow, Hath, by their Petition, humbly represented to us, that the inhabitants of this City has been imposed upon by a number of unskilled and unsufficient workmen, that has come to work at our Cathedral, and other parts of the City; and, also, has erected lodges, contrary to the rules of Masonry: And being desirous of putting a stop to such unskilled and irregular Brothers, most humbly prays us to grant them our Royal Licence and protection for stopping such unregular disorders: And we being willing to give all due encouragement to so reasonable a Petition, are graciously pleased to condescend to their request: And we do, by these presents, ordain and grant to our Petitioners to Incorporate themselves together in an Incorporation: And we strictly discharge any Mason within the foresaid City, to work in it until he serve his time as an apprentice, for the space of Seven years, or be married to a freeman’s daughter: And he or they shall be Examined anent their Skill and Knowledge of the Mason Craft by three of the Ablest of the Mason trade; and if he or they be found of cunning and knowledge to be received into the Incorporation, each shall pay Twenty Pounds Scots to the common funds, and three pounds to the Altar, and clerk’s and officer’s dues, which the foresaid Incorporation shall always be allowed to be judges of that and other laws made for the behoof of the foresaid Incorporation. _Item_, that the free Incorporate Masons of Glasgow shall have a lodge forever at the City of Glasgow; none in my dominions shall erect a lodge until they make application to the St John’s Lodge, Glasgow: And they considering their Petition, and examining their character and behaviour, grant them a charter conform to their regulations. _Item_, that all the members of said Incorporation shall have liberty to quarry stone, lime, sand, and other materials from the ground of persons, for paying the damages of what they occupy, or damage, for building of the foresaid Cathedral. But if the owners of the said Lands and the foresaid workmen do not agree, each party is to chuse an honest man to value the expence of the foresaid damages. _Item_, and that any having power from me, maintain my peace firm and stable against all other pretenders and usurpers, who encroach on me or my subjects to disturb our peace. _Item_, and that you and all my subjects in this obey the Magistrates in all things relating to my peace and the good of the City. _Item_, and that you instruct and teach apprentices; and that none take, or employ, any man’s apprentice when their time of apprenticeship is not completed, under the pain of paying Twenty Pounds, the one-half to the Incorporation, one-fourth to the Lodge, and one-fourth to Saint Thomas’s Altar, to say mass to their Soul. _Item_, and I strictly charge and command, that none take in hand any way to disturb the free operative masons from being incorporated freemen, or to have a free lodge, to take away their good name or possession, or harrass or do any injury to my free masons and Petitioners, under the peril of my highest displeasure. And we order that notice be taken, that due obedience may be rendered to our pleasure herein declared. Given at our Court at Fordie, the 5th day of October 1051[17] years, before these Witnesses, Earl David, my Brother, Earl Duncan, Earl Gilbert of Monteith,[18] Sir Robert of Velen, Adam of Stenhouse, and Andrew Hamilton,[19] Bishop of Glasgow.[20]

Extracted from the Records.[21]

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ORIGIN OF THE GUIDE-BOOKS OF SCOTLAND.

THE following letter to the Editor of the _Weekly Magazine_, in 1772, may be regarded as originating the idea of the _Guide-Books_ to Scottish Scenery, now so numerous. It is interesting to look back upon the writer’s notions of “a New Tour,” as he calls the contemplated work, and his implied admiration of the Highlands. Sir Walter Scott had not then imparted that charm which his genius has now thrown around so many localities of his native land, still, as the writer informs us, it had become, even then, “fashionable among the English to make a tour into Scotland.”

Jan. 27, 1772.

Sir—It is now become fashionable among the English to make a
tour into Scotland for some few weeks or months; and there is a
moral certainty of the fashion increasing, as the foolish
prejudices against the country and its inhabitants daily
decrease. But it is to be regretted, that an intelligent curious
traveller from England has no proper helps to assist him; so
that it often happens, that many return without having seen one
third of what is most curious in the country, although, perhaps,
they have passed within some few hours ride, or rather some few
yards, of such articles of importance; owing to the want of
proper information, or too great hurry in making the survey.

To remedy this, it is proposed, that a new tour through Scotland
be published, in two pocket-volumes, divided into a number of
little circuits of some few days ride, which may be laid down
from the map. This work, if properly executed, will be useful to
the country in general, to the traveller in particular, and
advantageous to its author.

Nothing sets off a work of this kind more than proper plates. As
they take time to contract and engrave, these may be going on,
while a ride is performing in May from Edinburgh to Berwick, up
to Kelso, Melrose, Jedburgh, Hawick, Langholm, Moffat; back to
Edinburgh. At Moffat, that grand fall of water, the _Gray Mare’s
Tail_, and the curious loch it issues from, are worth notice.
The latter is called _Loch-Skeen_, and is of a pretty large
extent; in the midst of which is an island, where a pair of
eagles nestle every year. This loch is clear on one side, where
trouts, beautifully speckled, are to be had, and muddy on the
other, where black trouts take up their abode.

Then a ride in the end of June, or beginning of July, to
Dumfries, Drumlanrig, Kirkcudbright, Air, Saltcoats, Irvine,
Greenock, Paisley, Glasgow, Hamilton, Linlithgow; back to
Edinburgh.

In the end of August, or beginning of September, to Hopeton,
Borrowstounness, Falkirk, Carron, the Canal, Stirling, Alloa,
Dunfermline, Inverkeithing, Dunybristle, Kinghorn; back to
Edinburgh.

Next year, in May, to Kinghorn, coast-side to St Andrew’s,
Cupar, Falkland, Abernethie, Perth, Scoon, Carse of Gowrie,
Dundee, coast-side to Inverness, making little excursions from
the coast into the country, to remark what is curious, as
Forfar, Glammis, Brechin, &c.

Then let the curious traveller take a proper time to journey
into Rosshire, Sutherland, and Caithness, to John o’ Groat’s
House. If he thinks fit to stretch his tour into Orkney and
Zetland, he will find many particulars worthy of observation. In
returning, let him visit the Weem, Blair of Athol, Dunkeld,
Taymouth, Inverary, Loch-Lomond, &c.

The traveller will find his curiosity particularly gratified in
traversing the Highlands of Scotland. Icolmkill, though visited
by many, and though there are some accounts of it, with
drawings, both in manuscript and in print, ought not to be
omitted.—Roslin and Hawthornden should by no means be
overlooked.

Plates may be copied from Sletzer’s _Theatrum_ _Scotiæ_,
Gordon’s _Itinerarium Septentrionale_, and the Master of
Elphinston’s plates of Edinburgh. Keith’s Map of the Frith of
Forth, and Bryce’s Map of the north coast of Britain, from Row
Stoir of Assynt to Wick in Caithness, &c., may prove very
useful; as may Straloch’s Maps, though not easily to be had.

But there are many noble find landscapes, which I have not seen
any draught of, as from Drummond Castle, the top of the hill of
Myat, one of the _Montes Ocelli_, from Stirling-castle, from
Arthur-seat, Hopeton-house, Inveresk, &c. If the author has a
knowledge in drawing, these may be easily done.

A map of Scotland prefixed to this work, with a preliminary
discourse, giving a concise, geographical description of the
country, of its monarchy, the changes made, first, by the union
of the two crowns, usurpation of Cromwell, then by the
restoration, revolution, and union of the two kingdoms, could
not fail to be acceptable to the inquisitive and candid reader.

But the greatest care should be taken to stand clear of all
party-work, either in religion or politics, because such
peculiarities will disgust some readers, and thereby effectually
condemn the work, be its merit otherwise ever so great.

Many helps may be had to compile such an useful and entertaining
performance: such as Maitland’s History of Scotland; his History
of Edinburgh; Guthrie’s History of Scotland; Gordon’s
Itinerarium Septentrionale; Chamberlain’s Present State; The
Tour through Britain, vol. 4; Martin’s History of the Isles;
Macaulay’s ditto of St Kilda; Sacheverell’s Voyage to Icolmkill;
History of Orkney, now to be published by Coke; Sibbald’s
History of Fife; Sir John Dalrymple’s Late Memoirs; Moyes’s
Tour; Pennant’s Tour, &c.

One that has made some trips into the Highlands of Scotland,
depictures them in the following manner:

“Let others think and rove as they please; for my own part, I
look upon the Highlands of Scotland as the most delightful
country in the world during the summer-season: where one
cannot fail to be seized with a kind of religious veneration,
when viewing, with an heedful eye, the high hills and lofty
mountains, whose summits are in the clouds, and their sides
covered over with the verdant grass, the flowery heath in its
purple glow, or the tall trees, particularly the towering
firs, waving their tops in the heavens; the awful rocks
hanging over the heads of the travellers, and threatening, as
it were, to tumble down upon them; the fine natural falls of
water here and there, cascading with a mighty, noisy, and
resounding rush; the large extended lakes, enriched with
innumerable finny tribes of different kinds, and their grassy
banks forming beautifully-spangled lawns; and sometimes the
curling waves, or the roaring billows, of the majestic and far
sounding-ocean.