Chapter II: Part 2

On the night of the 22nd of April, the party, with blackened hands and faces, and equipped with an assortment of weapons worthy of Mexican outlaws, presented themselves at the head of Thiepval Avenue, and filed up to the "starting point" to await the report of the Patrol under Lieut. MacRobert, who also had charge of the tape-laying party which included Corporal Chapman. At 9.30 p.m. our artillery suddenly opened on the enemy's salient, and poured down on it such a tornado of steel as the Germans had never experienced before. For twenty minutes our shells flayed the German front line, and under this arch of shrieking explosives the battle party crawled right up to the rim of the bombardment. What wire remained uncut was blown to fragments by a torpedo, and when the barrage lifted and came down behind, the raiders jumped into the enemy's trench and set to work. For twenty minutes they bombed and destroyed, cleared dug-outs, pulled down machine guns, barricaded communication trenches, and handed prisoners back to escorts. Then on a signal they as quickly withdrew, and still under cover of artillery fire made their own trench again. Thirteen affrighted Germans, of two different units, accompanied the party; and, finest of all, every man of the party returned. Eleven of them were wounded, but only one seriously. Among those slightly wounded was Lieut. Begg, who was the spirit of the assault.

As a result of this success many congratulatory messages were received and several decorations awarded. Among the list of telegrams were the following:--

From the G.O.C. 10th CORPS:--"Corps Commander congratulates the
17th H.L.I. on their successful enterprise, which reflects
great credit on all concerned."

From the G.O.C. 32nd DIVISION:--"I congratulate you. I was
confident that the 17th H.L.I. would do the trick. Convey this
message to them."

From Sir HENRY RAWLINSON, G.O.C. 4th ARMY:--"Please convey to 32nd
Division, and particularly to the 97th Brigade and 17th
Battalion Highland Light Infantry, my heartiest
congratulations on their successful raid last night. The
preparations were well and carefully thought out, the
Artillery support was good, and the whole conduct of the
operations reflects credit on all concerned."

From the G.O.C. 97th INFANTRY BRIGADE:--"Commander-in-Chief has
awarded the following decorations:--Lieut. Begg, and 2nd Lieut
Carpenter, Military Cross; 15507 Sergt.-Major Reith, D.C.M.;
15458 Sergeant Taylor, 2797 Private Leiper and 15720 Private
M'Intosh, Military Medal. All 17th H.L.I. Major-General
Rycroft offers his heartiest congratulations to above
officers, N.C.O.s and men on their decorations. Letter with
authority following."

The Battalion had three men killed and four wounded during enemy retaliation, but any serious effort by the enemy was checked, and on the 24th the unit went into reserve billets at Bouzincourt.

A LULL BEFORE THE STORM.

_Preparations commenced for the Somme offensive--a complimentary
shoot with "P" Battery--Divisional, Brigade and Battalion
identification marks--happy days at Rubempre._

On 27th April, in brilliant summer weather, the Commanding Officer, Company Commanders, the Intelligence Officer and four N.C.O.s per Company attended a Divisional Exercise at Baizieux, and this was the start of those preparations which were to culminate in the Battle of the Somme on 1st July.

On 3rd May the Colonel returned and took over command from Major Paul, and during the following day, Major Lawder, Commanding "A" Battery, 168th Brigade, R.F.A., entertained those who had taken part in the raid and allowed them to fire the guns which had rendered such fine support during the sortie.

Identification marks had now been issued for some time for major operations pending. The Divisional colours were crimson and the sleeve mark was a red circle for the 97th Brigade. The K.O.Y.L.I. had one bar below the circle; the Border Regiment, two; the 16th H.L.I., three; and the 17th, four bars, worn horizontally and parallel. Runners, bombers, etc., had further identification marks. Prior to this, from November 1915, to April, 1916, no distinctive mark had been worn on the sleeve, but on the centre of the tunic collar at the back there was worn a strip of ribbon coloured yellow, pale blue, and yellow. During the succeeding period, up to the disbandment of the Battalion, the sleeve marks were used only. While the circle was always red the bars were coloured respectively black for Headquarters; red for "A" Company; green for "B"; yellow for "C"; and blue for "D" Company. The Divisional sign on flags and limbers, etc., was a red coloured intertwined double 8.

The weather was now very fine, and when not in the line, delightful days were spent at Rubempre, Contay and Warloy, and strenuous days on Divisional exercises at Baizieux in preparation for the Somme. From this it will be seen that the Battalion was not engaged in killing Germans all the time, or being killed by them. At times they had a change. There were periods of rest. The word "rest" is very often the subject of sarcastic humour amongst troops. "Resting" may mean anything. It may be quite a good time or it may be worse than the firing line. Too often it is simply an occasion of smartening up--guards, ceremonial parades, saluting, and "spit and polish" generally--in fact the things that can be indulged in to excess. And very often a rest simply means preparation for a big stunt. But the 17th will remember occasions when they did have a real rest. This was particularly the case at Rubempre. The weather was good, and they had a comparatively easy time. They had about three hours' training in the forenoons. Thereafter they were free. There were sports and games in the afternoons for the enthusiasts. There were entirely successful concerts and sing-songs in the evenings. It was a change to see and be among civilians--to be welcome in the village houses--and generally to experience peace time conditions again. This may not seem to amount to very much, but it meant a lot then. And it certainly had a fine effect on the morale of the Battalion. It was a sheer relief to be out of sound of the guns, to forget the mud, the exhaustion, mental and physical, the weary night watches, standing to, and working parties.

But such days passed quickly, and all too soon they found themselves on the road again, loaded up, silent, thoughtful, on the way back to the firing line.

THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME.

_Spirit of the Battalion prior to the battle--zero and "over the
top"--Leipzig Trench carried--flanks exposed--precarious
position of the unit--great casualties--protective bombing
posts--consolidation--Battalion relieved--Victoria Cross gained
by Sergeant Turnbull--Roll Call._

Signs of the coming conflict were everywhere. The tremendous accumulation of men and material had been going on unceasingly for weeks, and during the long June days clouds of dust hung in the hot, still air above the roads. For the roads all led towards the line, and the tramp of men, and the rumble of wheels were unending. The Battalion had long ago recovered from a hard and monotonous winter of trench warfare. To each man there remained the joy of remembering days and nights that were unpleasant--for it is a joy to remember, in the comfort and happiness of to-day, the discomforts and sorrows of yesterday. Now the sun was shining. Training was going on apace under the pleasantest of conditions. They were a healthy family. Each man felt his potentiality, and unconsciously boasted it in his every action. Such was the feeling in the Battalion when the certainty of conflict came. To everyone it was the "Big Push"--the mighty Armageddon--of which all had thought and spoken during the winter of waiting. There was no doubt as to the issue. Each man went about his duties with an eye to an immediate and definite future. If anything he gave greater care to his rifle. In his feeling the edge and point of his bayonet, there was something of a caress. Now was the look in each eye born of the lust of killing. It was the knowledge that on a bright morning--now only a few hours distant--man would be matched against man. "Justice of our cause may have been somewhere in our sub-consciousness. Certainly it was not uppermost. To each man the coming conflict savoured of individual mortal combat. The days of waiting were gone. He was going forward to prove his manhood"--so write two veterans of that fight.

The story of that morning is an epic. For every man it was the first experience of "over the top." In sun-baked trenches everyone longed for the zero hour, while the guns rolled and shells crashed with ever-increasing intensity. Nothing was real. Men stood and waited as if in a dream. They felt as if they were listening to the overture; that soon the curtain would rise. Even when the guns ceased their roar for a few moments towards the end, and in the death-like stillness was heard the warbling of birds in "no man's land"--the grim reality of it all was felt. With the lifting mist of the morning, the curtain rose....

At 7.23 a.m. the Battalion started moving across "no man's land." When the barrage lifted the men entered the enemy front line and the work of the moppers-up soon began. The advance across the open was splendidly carried out, all ranks behaving magnificently, as was the case throughout the entire action. Leipzig Trench was taken and the leading lines advanced against the Hindenburg Trench. These were mown down and by 8.15 a.m. every Company Officer was a casualty. It now became obvious to Colonel Morton that Leipzig Trench must be held, as without reinforcements, no further advance could be made, both flanks being exposed, as the 8th Division on their right had been driven back. The left was particularly exposed and parties under Sergt. Macgregor and Sergt. Watt were organised and sent to strengthen the left where "B" and "D" Companies had been almost annihilated. It was now 9 o'clock and the Battalion casualties now amounted to 22 officers and 400 other ranks. The bombers, who had been sent up to replace casualties, were holding the flanks successfully. By 11.15 the entire line was very weak, and still at 2 o'clock in the afternoon the situation was unchanged, 2nd Lieut. Morrison and 2nd Lieut. Marr working and organising the protective flank bombers without the least regard for personal safety. At 4 o'clock the 2nd Manchesters reinforced them with two Companies. Just at this time the line wavered a little in face of the overwhelming bombardment and the appalling casualties, but control was immediately gained. At 5 the shattered unit was ordered to consolidate the ground taken. This was done and two strong enemy counter attacks repulsed. At 9.30 the Battalion started to be relieved by the Manchesters, but the relief was not wholly carried out until near midnight, although several bombing parties had to carry on till well towards mid-day of the following day before being relieved. The 17th concentrated on Campbell Post and held the line in that Sector. In the evening of the next day the Battalion was relieved and returned to dug-outs at Crucifix Corner.

The first V.C., not only for the Battalion, but of the Division was gained in this battle and was won by Sergeant James Young Turnbull.

The following is the extract from _The London Gazette_, of 25th December, 1916, intimating the award of the Victoria Cross:--

"No. 15888 Sergeant JAMES YOUNG TURNBULL,
late Highland Light Infantry.

"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty, when, having
with his party captured a post apparently of great importance to
the enemy, he was subjected to severe counter attacks, which
were continuous throughout the whole day. Although his party was
wiped out and replaced several times during the day, Sergeant
Turnbull never wavered in his determination to hold the post,
the loss of which would have been very serious. Almost
single-handed he maintained his position and displayed the
highest degree of valour and skill in the performance of his
duties.

"Later in the day this gallant soldier was killed whilst bombing
a counter-attack from the parados of our trench."

Of all the units operating in that ghastly Sector, the 17th H.L.I. was the only Battalion which reached and occupied and held the enemy's trenches from La Boiselle northwards. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, writing of the battle of the Somme in his history of the war, emphasises what this unadorned record of the day's fighting bears out--that there had been no flinching anywhere, and the military virtue shown had been of the highest possible quality; but the losses from the machine guns and from the barrage was so heavy that they deprived the attack of the weight and momentum necessary to win their way through the enemy's position. "In the desperate circumstances," he says, "it might well be considered a remarkable result that a stretch of the Leipzig Redoubt should be won and permanently held by the Highlanders, especially by the 17th Highland Light Infantry."

Throughout these terrible operations Colonel Morton was present in the most advanced positions encouraging and cheering the men by his personal example and utter disregard for danger. In this work he was gallantly seconded by his Adjutant and his Headquarters' Staff, who were individually forward directing operations when all the Company Officers had been knocked out. It is not too much to say that the resolute spirit and example of the Colonel rallied the Battalion to heights of endurance and endeavour which found their greatest inspiration in his presence in the firing line.

Great work was also done by Captain D.C. Evans, R.A.M.C., who, for over forty-eight hours, without interval or rest, attended to the Battalion wounded. Throughout the action he carried on his task of relieving suffering and saving life quite heedless of the shelling and firing and quite cool in the face of the ever growing number of cases demanding his attention and skill.

At the Battalion parade for Roll Call on the 4th of July, the casualties totalled 22 officers and 447 other ranks.

A DIARY ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE.

_Extract from the personal diary of the late Lieut. B. Meadows
giving a wonderfully realistic picture of the July 1st Battle._

The narrative of the 1st of July Somme Battle as written in the diary of the late 2nd Lieut. B. Meadows, who, before taking his commission, served with the 17th H.L.I., gives such an impressive account of the battle that we include it here almost in entirety. The foregoing chapter gives a general idea of the intensity of the great battle from the impersonal and official viewpoint, with data checked and balanced. But the following account introduces the personal and human element with poignant effect. Some of the very minor facts are a little inaccurate, but that is inevitable when an individual soldier describes a general action from his own viewpoint. Nevertheless the editors consider that in no other Battalion source is there such a vivid record of experiences to be got which reflect the feelings of all those who took part in the action concerned.

"The last four days before zero," he writes, "were known as 'W,' 'X,' 'Y,' and 'Z' days. By 'W' every enemy observation balloon had been destroyed and so dense a fleet of aircraft patrolled the battle area as to make it impossible for the enemy aircraft to approach the lines. Thus the enemy was made blind. On the night of 'W' we got orders to move forward. Before leaving the billet we made a large bonfire with boxes from the C.Q.M.'s stores. On this we burned all our letters, and round it we had the last sing-song the old 'Seventeenth' ever had. We then believed it 'Y' night, not 'W' night. The night before we had gone up to the trenches through Aveluy and Authuille with petrol tins full of water. These were stocked in dug-outs and along the trench and formed our reserve water supply. Many of our guns were firing 'gun fire,' yet the enemy made little artillery reply. He retaliated chiefly on the front line defences with trench mortars. Of such a violent nature was this bombardment that the Lonsdales had to call on our 'D' Company for support to make up for their casualties in shell shock, etc. Curiously enough, during the days 'D' Company held the line they suffered no casualties, although the trench was battered out of all recognition. When it was dark on 'W' night we marched to Bouzincourt. Here we spent the night in huts. Before daybreak we were shelled and had one man killed. Day showed an extraordinary sight. Bouzincourt stands on the hill, the battle area stretched out like a map below. Near the Crucifix on the Aveluy road a long naval gun barked. Just behind us was a 15 inch howitzer. Its shells could easily be watched in their flight overhead. In front were an infinite number of guns all in action. A long line of observation balloons made a crescent round Albert. One could count over twenty, and not one German. The air was thick with our aeroplanes. The German lines looked like long ribbons of white fur. The air was full of shrapnel balls, especially over the woods, and the villages were burning. The heavy howitzers were causing dreadful eruptions on the German strong points. La Boisselle, believed impregnable, was a concentrated hell. The Germans were putting shrapnel into the woods that lie in the triangle between Hamel, Bouzincourt and Aveluy. Here our guns were massed. And now and then a mushroom of smoke would spring up in unexpected places. The noise was so terrific that it became monotonous. We were served out with cotton wool for our ears, but in spite of this the concussion on the 1st of July was so great that we all became stone deaf, and for days after almost without the use of our voices. We prepared for 'battle order.' All our belongings we packed into our valises, and these were stored in an empty house in Bouzincourt. We wore steel helmets, at that time they were without sandbag coverings, and in strong sunlight reflected almost as brilliantly as polished steel. I noticed on the 1st July, looking back from the advanced line to the German original front line, how the helmets of our reserves holding that line shone up and made their wearers clear targets. We wore the haversack on our back containing mess tin, small kit, two days' rations, 'iron rations,' pair of socks and waterproof sheet. We carried four sandbags just below. Then we had the usual equipment, pouches containing 120 rounds, bayonet, water bottle and entrenching tool. Another 100 rounds in bandoliers, and I had extra an apron containing 12 Mill's bombs and butterfly wirecutters. The whole formed fairly heavy equipment. In the late afternoon when we were all lined up prepared to march off, orders came to cancel all orders. We stood by for two days. On 'X' night the 16th H.L.I. sent a platoon over to find out the condition of the enemy defences. Owing to an accident they were almost entirely wiped out. On the following morning while playing a football match the Sixteenth again suffered casualties from a 5.9 which burst between the goal posts. In the evening of 'Z' day, the 30th of June, we marched off by platoons. The thunder of the heavy guns as we passed through their belt was almost unbearable, and nearer the lines long lines of eighteen-pounders were giving 'battery fire' down long rows of twenty batteries, sometimes all speaking at once. We entered 'Oban Avenue' at the right end of the village of Authuille. It was the 'up' trench for the advance and 'Campbell Avenue' the 'down.' Both trenches had been deepened, in some places, to twelve feet, and were fairly safe from shrapnel. The line in which we were to spend the night had been blown almost completely out of existence and it was difficult to find sufficient cover for the men. I and the bomber who was next to me in the line found a corner and there slept for the night. We were once disturbed by the enemy destroying a trench mortar store situated close to where we slept. Daybreak came and still there was no word of 'zero.' We made some breakfast, and about half-past five word was passed along that zero was 7.30, and to move into battle positions. We moved to the right until we were in contact with the next Company. At 6.25 a.m. the final bombardment commenced. Every gun was firing 'gunfire' and the rush of metal overhead was extraordinary. The reply was feeble. At 7.25 we left the trench and walked over to within 60 yards of the barrage. At 7.30 the barrage lifted and we rushed the front line defences, destroying the garrison, in and out of dug-outs. I have few definite memories from the time we first saw the Germans to the time the machine gun swept us down outside the Liepzig Redoubt. It became evident that we, who were working up between two communication trenches, after two or three rushes, that further advancing was impossible without support. We waited for our own reserve waves and the Lonsdales who should have come on behind. But no reserves reached us and we saw our only hope lay in the fact that they had rushed one of the communication trenches and might manage to bomb out the machine gun. But the bombers were checked out of range of the gun. We began to work towards the communication trench, but owing to the lie of the ground we were badly exposed and I at length found myself the only living occupant of that corner. About twelve o'clock I managed to leap the parapet without being hit. I found my platoon officer, Lieut. MacBrayne, lying shot through the head. Of the others of my platoon I could get no news, except those I saw lying dead or wounded. Tom Train had completely disappeared. An order came up the trench, '17th H.L.I. move to the left and prepare to support the Dorsets.' The communication trench was at this time chiefly manned by K.O.Y.L.I. (who should have supported the 16th H.L.I. who had been held up by the German wire and cut up before able to take the first line of defences. Those left were forced to retire to their own line). A few Lonsdales (the 11th Borderers had been cut up coming up through 'Blighty Wood,' Colonel and Adjutant killed and all officers casualties) were able to give us practically no support, and a Company of Manchesters, sent from Divisional Reserve. I moved to the left. An officer suddenly jumped the parapet and shouted 'Come on, the 17th!' I followed him along with about twenty others. But we found the barbed wire impossible to cut through and he gave us the order 'Every man for himself.'

"Making my way back to the trench I rested in a shell hole occupied by a Sergeant wounded in the leg. Whilst talking to him we both fell asleep and slept until about 5 p.m., when the Germans counter-attacked. Their artillery became violent and they attempted to come over the open. We ran for the communication trench and found it disorganised. Orders got mixed and some seemed anxious to retire. Fortunately the 17th H.L.I. bombers, who were in the advanced position, held their ground, driving the enemy back with their own bombs, and the attack over the open was checked by our brigade machine guns which had been massed in the German front line. During the whole action we lost no ground that had previously been gained. By this time our Battalion had been badly hit. 'B' Company on our left had been caught in the wire and cut to pieces by machine gun fire. My own Company, 'A,' was down to low numbers. My Captain and my Platoon Officer were both killed, all the platoon's N.C.O.s were killed or wounded, two Sergeants outright, and all the L.-Corpls. dead. We had 17 officers killed and were working the Battalion with two officers. The Colonel, who had been well forward all day, was without a scratch. It was a remarkably clear day, very hot. We were on the ridge that formed the defence on that side of Thiepval. From here we could see the whole battlefield. I saw the huge eruption at La Boisselle, when the six mines went up, and I remember watching long lines of Highlanders charging along the opposite slope of the valley. The aeroplanes followed every movement, flying low overhead and directing the artillery by dropping flares. The Germans counter-attacked in a half-hearted way through the night. We had casualties from our own artillery and mortar batteries, otherwise the night was quieter than we had expected. We managed to carry away a number of our wounded in waterproof sheets. The battalions on both flanks were unsuccessful in storming the enemy's front line defences, thus our flanks were exposed and blockades had to be formed at the front line and all lines forward to our advanced positions, which developed into a series of bombing posts. Local fights went on at their posts all through the day and night, and it was while chasing each other round corners at the head of the communication trench in the afternoon that we lost Sergeant Turnbull, V.C., who had done wonderful work all day. The nature of the Leipzig defences, a maze of trenches and underground saps, made advancing into the salient extremely hard. One was continually attacked in the rear. What seemed dug-outs were bombed, and when passed numbers of the enemy rush from them, they being really underground communications with their rear defences. The whole fighting was of a cold, deliberate, merciless nature. No quarter was given or taken. One of the battalions opposing us was similar to our own, a students' battalion from Bavaria. The enemy used explosive and dum-dum bullets, and sniped off any of our wounded lying exposed in the open. They were helped in their work by an arrangement we had come to regarding wounded. It was not permitted to stop to take back prisoners or to stop to dress a wounded chum; but it was permitted to stick the bayonet of the wounded man's rifle in the ground and thus to mark the spot where he lay. The Germans observed this and watched for any movement in the heap beside the standing rifle. Men coolly fired at each other at point blank range, and sniping became the chief cause of casualties. It resembled a duel between two men who had had a deadly quarrel--so intensely deliberate. On the morning of the 2nd of July we handed over the front line of attack to Divisional Reserves and went into support. At sunset we were relieved by the Cheshires, and moved back to the dug-outs at Crucifix Corner. We had a number of casualties coming out of action. We were given tea, food and rum, and went off into a heavy sleep."

HULLUCH AND THEREABOUTS.

_Senlis--last parade under Col. Morton--Bombing raid north of
Ovillers--Move to Bethune--1st Army Area--inspection by General
Munro--depleted ranks--trench warfare about Hulluch--Cambrin
Sector._

In the sadness and stress of the first days after the Somme, there came messages round to say the Battalion was saying "Good-bye" to its Colonel. Worn out with fatigue he had been reluctantly persuaded by the Brigadier and the doctors that if he wished to live and serve his country more in the war he must retire from the dreadful strain of command. In a field at Senlis, on the afternoon of 8th July, the remnants of the Battalion, on their last parade under Colonel Morton, were drawn up, silent and deeply moved. In a few words the Colonel told the Battalion what he was going to do and all stood there with their losses and their heartbreaks, hardly able to keep down the tears. Addressing the men he congratulated them in warm and feeling terms for their devotion while under his command and wished them well in the uncertainties of the future.

Colonel Morton had started them, trained them, and cared for them; fought Brigade and authorities for them; led them and loved them--and now they were to lose him. He said little, for much of a speech would not come, but he knew their memories and he knew what they felt. Major Paul, on behalf of the Battalion, expressed the profound regret of all ranks in losing the guidance and leadership of Colonel Morton, who had raised the 17th to such a high state of proficiency, and to wish him a well merited rest and all happiness. Just these few words of "Good-bye," then they cheered him and, with a lump in their throats they were not ashamed of, they dismissed. All said good-bye in their hearts and wished him God-speed. It is sad to part with a loved C.O. who, too, feels the parting.

Major Paul then took over command of the 17th and that evening once more they moved into the trenches in support at Quarry Post, Authuille Wood.

On the 13th July a bombing party of about 100 men were ordered to attack the German Line, north of Ovillers, linking up with the Inniskillen Fusiliers, and this party at midnight under Captain Ferguson, Lieuts. Herron and Kirk and Sergeant Stewart, in conjunction with the Inniskillens and a party of Engineers, carried out the raid.

The greatest credit was due to the initiative shown by Captain Ferguson, in making excellent dispositions under very difficult conditions. Owing to the strength of the German wire, a frontal attack was impracticable, and after much thought, it was decided to attack obliquely. The attack was most successful, a considerable number of Germans being killed, while at least 16 were taken prisoners. The objectives were all taken in a few minutes, but unfortunately the raiders' losses were heavy. Captain Ferguson was mortally wounded, eight other ranks were killed, and the other two officers and about 35 other ranks were wounded.

Writing of this incident, one of the Battalion officers says that after the patrol had gone out those who were not taking part in it heard the firing and the clamour of the small battle while they waited eagerly for news of its progress. "News came in that the front was safe, and proud of the efforts of our Battalion, we waited for their return. The waiting was hard to bear, but the return sadder to witness. They came back. On the right they had succeeded. On the left they had died. A triumph and a disaster in one. On that small field were left yet more of the (oh! so sadly few) gallant men of the Seventeenth who, though exhausted and battle-worn, had in their own true and fine spirit responded to the uttermost to the call for gallant work. Later the body of Captain Ferguson was found right up to the German lines grasping an empty revolver, far ahead in the charge of even his gallant followers."

For this action, the Battalion received thanks and congratulations from the Corps and Division. A counter-attack drove the raiders out of the captured trench; but the object of the raid--to create a diversion from a major operation on the right--had been successfully accomplished.

This particular week, which was the last the Battalion saw of the Somme fighting until later in the year, was one of the most strenuous times which the unit had experienced. The available men for defensive purposes were only too few and as new assembly trenches had to be dug every night and all night, and also owing to the difficulties of rationing and watering, the men were unable to get any rest.

The Brigade commenced a move to Ampliers on 16th July, and on the road the Battalion was met by Lieut.-General T.L.N. Moreland, commanding the X Corps. He expressed to the Commanding Officer his appreciation of the good work done by the Battalion while under his command, and his deepest sympathy in their losses. On the 26th the Brigade moved into Bethune and two days afterwards paraded in full marching order, including "tin hats," on a sweltering afternoon, to be inspected by General Munro, G.O.C., 1st Army. A very warm day. Owing to the calls on an Army Commander's time, this inspection was considered to be a great honour and a mark of appreciation by the authorities of the fine spirit shown by the Division during the Somme battle.

August saw the unit leave Bethune to take over the Cambrin right sub-sector from the Northamptons, after putting in some fine shooting on the old French Government Rifle Range at Labeauvriere. The strength of the unit in the trenches apart from the officers, at the taking over (August 5th) was 199--tragic testimony to the Somme. Immediately on taking over the trenches they were subjected to trench mortar bombardments and sniping raids. On 12th August Lieut. and Adjutant Paterson became Captain and Adjutant, Major Paul became Lieut.-Colonel, and 2nd Lieuts. Morrison and Marr, Captains.

The following weeks of August, September and October were marked with much moving about with various spells of that sort of uneventful trench warfare which is perhaps in some respects more trying on the nerves and strength of a unit than actual operations. On August 23rd they were in the Hulluch Section. In this Section there was a good deal of mining going on and there were two big craters which required special watching, but the Battalion soon set to and trained in grappling hook work to be ready for any kind of crater fighting that might be demanded of them. On August 31st a move was made to Annequin via Beuvry and Bethune, and ultimately by bus journey to the trenches at Guinchy left sub-section, and in this area the unit remained during September. On the 11th of the month a night raid was attempted, but was frustrated owing to the Germans bombing the party as it was on the point of entering their trenches. Unfortunately the two N.C.O.s who fired the torpedo were missing, and it is presumed that they were blown to bits by the explosion.

On October 4th the Battalion took over "Village Trench" in the Cambrin Sector (Maison Rouge), taking over the front line from the 11th Border Regiment. The next move saw the 17th leave Beuvry and proceeding to Labeauvriere on October 16th; to Hardinval, on the 19th; to Rubempre, on the 21st; to Bouzincourt, on the 23rd; back by Rubempre and on to Canaples on the 31st via Talmas and Navurs. This treking was done in weather that was oftener wet than dry, exceedingly cold at night, and the living was under canvas. At Val-de-Maison on November 1st, the unit moved to Vadencourt after a fortnight, and then into the Martinsart Valley on the 15th, where they were ordered to go into action at Beaumont-Hamel, for by this time several drafts had brought up the strength of the Battalion.

BEAUMONT-HAMEL.

_The attack--weather conditions--failure of artillery
support--forlorn hope--break-down of assault--gallantry and
sacrifice--casualties--Mailly-Maillet--Franqueville and
Rubempre--Xmas 1916 and New Year--football and high spirits._

The attack which commenced at ten minutes past six on the morning on November 18th--a day of ice-covered slushiness--was held up owing to the insufficiency of the artillery barrage and the heavy enemy machine gun fire. At 7.42 a.m. the message came in to the Battalion from the right hand Company that the Company Commander was wounded and that a Sergeant and about ten men were holding the right flank. The jumping off trench known as New Munich Trench, was manned by the Battalion machine gunners with a view to concentrating some of the Companies in it back across "no man's land" to form a rallying point. At 8.30 a.m. the following message was received from 2nd Lieut. Macbeth of the right Company, "Am holding old front line with remainder of Battalion, and have established a bombing post on the right. There are only Lieut. Martin and myself in the trench." The left Company was also being hard pressed. It was reported by one of the Battalion officers that when the barrage opened a great number of shells fell just in front of New Munich Trench where the attacking companies were lying out, killing and wounding a large number of the Battalion. When the barrage lifted on to Munich Trench for the last four minutes, it was still short, and when the leading waves came up to about 50 or 60 yards from Munich Trench followed by the barrage, the Germans could be seen lying in the trench in force. When the barrage was on the Munich Trench, the enemy machine guns played on the attackers from both flanks all the time. The failure of the attack was due to the inefficiency of the British supporting barrage, together with the condition of the ground--thaw having set in and rain falling on the snow, making it exceedingly slippery--the targets the men formed against the snowy background, and the intense cold.

Describing the attack one of the members of the Battalion writes:--"The preliminary bombardment opened with its awful messages of destruction, and the rapid reply of the enemy's artillery indicated ominously that our intentions were not unknown to him. When our barrage lifted, and the first wave of our men attempted to go forward, their dark forms showed up against the snow. They were met by machine gun fire, by rapid fire from the enemy trenches, and by snipers in skilfully chosen holes. Our bombardment had failed. It was impossible to get to close quarters with the enemy--hopeless to advance--dangerous to retire. Many of our men were killed in the attack, others in the attempt to carry in the wounded. Many remained all day in exposed positions, beside their wounded comrades, in hope of rescuing them when darkness fell. Beaumont Hamel will not be remembered by us as bearing any resemblance to the official description. We look back upon it now, from the personal point of view, as a touchstone of the individual soul, as a prominent landmark in the vast monotony of death and horror--a chapter of inspiring deeds. It represents to us the heroism of a forlorn hope, the glory of unselfish sacrifice, the success of failure." 'Tis too easy to despond "while the tired waves" visibly gain no "painful inch," hard to believe that "far back through creeks and inlets making, comes silent, flooding in, the main."

On the 19th the Battalion was relieved and returned to Mailly-Maillet where billets were taken over, and when the 17th rested and licked its wounds--well over 300 of "Glasgow's Own" had either been killed or wounded in that day's fighting. On the 21st of November General Gough, G.O.C. Fifth Army, inspected and congratulated the Battalion, and spoke to many of the N.C.O.s and men individually. During December the unit carried on training at Franqueville and Rubempre, and that the spirit of the men was not broken by the severity of their recent experiences is shown by the number of football matches played during the period. On Christmas Day, 1916, the officers beat the sergeants at Rugby by 11 points to 0; in the afternoon "B" Company beat Headquarters at Association by 4 goals to 0; and in the evening the Battalion held a cheery concert. The Christmas Dinners were reserved for the 30th, and on Hogmanay the New Year was welcomed with a concert. General Gough attended Battalion Church Parade on the first Sunday of the New Year.

THE NEW YEAR, 1917.

_Bad weather--Courcelles--trench labours--varied
moves--beginning of Spring Offensive--attack by the French--the
advance--Nesle--condition of inhabitants--great digging work at
Germaine._

The opening months of the New Year were months of battling not only against a human enemy, but against the elements and the bad conditions which they created. The winter of 1916 had been a severe one, and in passing into 1917 it continued its course with unabated severity. The Battalion left Rubempre on January 6th and partly by motor lorry and partly in column of route proceeded to Courcelles where, on the following day, they relieved the troops of the 3rd Division in the trenches opposite Serre. The weather was bad, the enemy kept up brisk attentions and the trenches were the worst which the Battalion had ever been in. Most of them were absolutely impassable, being full of water to a height of five feet, with the result that reliefs had for the most part to be made outside the trenches. Owing to this condition of matters, strict orders were issued for the prevention of "trench feet," but notwithstanding every precaution, several cases occurred.

Heavy and continuous work was put in mending and bettering the trenches, training the drafts which were arriving, performing tactical exercises and battalion routine affairs. By this time several ceremonies had taken place at which decorations were bestowed upon N.C.O.s and men for bravery in the Field and gallantry in action. Esprit de corps was stronger than ever, and the tediousness of trench labours was relieved by the establishment of special strong posts, by minor raids on the Bosche, and when out of the line by football and such recreations as the circumstances permitted. This type of campaigning was experienced during January and February at Courcelles, Beaumont Hamel, Lyntham Camp, Mailly-Maillet, Bolton Camp, Molliens-au-Bois (where on February 19th, 1917, Major F.R.F. Sworder, Gordon Highlanders, assumed temporary command--Colonel Paul, after being in hospital in France, having been sent to England where he was appointed to a home unit), Camon, Wiencourt, Le Quesnel. And in March, the approach of spring seemed to bring with it nothing but additional storms of rain and snow, and the names of such points in the line as Key Post and Kuropatkin will bring back memories of buttressing up collapsed trenches and mending wire entanglements.

But the opening of the 1917 Spring Offensive soon gave a great fillip to activities. The French attacked on March 16th and the 96th Brigade attacked with it. The enemy was forced back so rapidly that by 2 o'clock on the day following the Allied artillery was out of range, and the day after that again saw the whole Battalion hard at it clearing wire from the road running through the enemy's old front system, and setting out on the march, complete with transport, at 5 in the morning. Arriving at Nesle on March 19th, the troops were given a tremendous welcome by the French populace. It was discovered there that the people were literally starving, because the Germans had taken their rations for some days previously. A dam on the Somme burst its banks and no advance was possible until this was repaired and new roads made across the floods, but it was only a few days until once more the troops were pushing on and the Commanding Officer and Company Commanders of the 17th were making a reconnaissance of the new main position at Germaine. The digging at Germaine on March 28th was one of the heaviest day's work ever done by the Battalion. The job commenced at night, after an 18 mile march in rain and finished in snow. The digging was covered by the 16th H.L.I., who held the outpost line. The newly dug trenches were shelled on the following forenoon.

ON THE HEELS OF THE ENEMY.

_The taking of Savy--casualties--patrolling--capture of
Fayet--congratulatory messages--strenuous
days--Canizy--competitions with the French--work and
sport--Hangard--leaving the Fourth Army--Farewell message from
General Rawlinson._

The Battalion moved off from Germaine at midnight on April 1st, 1917, and proceeded by Companies at 200 yard intervals cross country to Fluquieres. Arriving there they passed through the village, a pile of smouldering ruins, and on the main St. Quentin road and about half a mile along it they reached Roupy with its destroyed cross-roads and proceeded towards a point near Savy where the Battalion deployed, and attacking at 5 a.m. moved forward, overcame the opposition and took Savy. In the village the Bosche put up a desperate stand and some fierce fighting took place before they were pushed beyond the railway bank north of the village. Most of the fighting took place in the neighbourhood of an orchard at the southern end of the village, and here the 11th Border Regiment joined forces in helping to drive out the stubborn enemy. Once through the village serious destruction was caused by heavy machine gun fire from an enemy strong point in a mine crater. With the aid of two Lewis guns, the crater was soon in the hands of the 17th and a heavy fire directed on the retreating enemy. Thereafter the Battalion started to dig in (about 6.30 a.m.), and soon consolidated their gains, although subject to strong artillery, machine gun and sniping fire. In the afternoon a further attack was made by the 96th Brigade, and before evening Bois-de-Savy was in their hands. The Battalion was relieved in the evening and moved off to take up quarters in dug-outs on the Fluquieres-Douchy Road, but the place had been so badly knocked about that a large portion of the unit bivouacked.

The total casualties in this day's fighting was 103, 31 of whom were killed. During the following week the Battalion suffered from the severe winter conditions, coupled with incessant shelling and had much to do strengthening their positions. On the 9th some magnificent patrolling was done, for which the Battalion was deservedly congratulated. In the afternoon of that day four patrols set out to gain information of Fayet and the ground between Francilly and St. Quentin. One patrol went to the ridge overlooking St. Quentin, one went into a German trench near Fayet, one went within 300 yards of Fayet, and the fourth reconnoitred the southern approaches of the village--and much valuable information was accordingly gained.

On the 12th April, Major Lumsden, V.C., D.S.O., who was in temporary command of the Battalion, relinquished that post, to take up duty as Brigadier-General of the 14th Infantry Brigade--which this very distinguished officer commanded until he was killed--and Captain Morton assumed command of the Battalion, with Captain Paterson, M.C., as second in command.

While at Holnon on the 13th, "C" and "D" Companies were sent forward in support of the 2nd K.O.Y.L.I., who were attacking Fayet. This attack was carried out in conjunction with one being made by the French, who were endeavouring to take St. Quentin. "B" Company joined the others in the front line, and later the Battalion took over a sector of the front line. After consolidating here, congratulatory messages were received from Brigadier-General Blacklock, General Shute and General Rawlinson.

The road from Nesle to St. Quentin is a long and cruel one, but in these early days of 1917, it was to the 17th H.L.I. the pathway to glory. They were sweeping onwards in the track of the retreating enemy, with the glow of victory to strengthen their hearts and the blessings of a delivered people in their ears. The echoing trumpets of romance called to them from the Cathedral City, and their blood stirred to the call. These were the impressions that led them, in common with the rest of the Division, to surmount appalling obstacles, natural and devilish. They soaked in the snow, and froze in the keen blast; they starved and toiled on the way, but "stuck it," and their reward was the fall of Savy village. There was fighting all along the 50 mile front just then, and Savy did not loom very large in the chronicles of the time, but those who took part in its capture, and in the taking of the wood a mile beyond, knew that they had achieved the heroic. There was no resting; Francilly and Holnon were the next to fall, and the men were within sight of the spires of St. Quentin. They lived for some days in earth holes, and the weather flayed them unmercifully. Then one dark morning, the 13th of April, they assembled silently and lay down in the field, whilst dawn broke with singing of birds, and the shriek and whistle of the barrage. The Division was attacking Fayet, the enemy's last stronghold beyond the city. Before they went over, grey and green coated figures were being brought down. There were many other grey and green figures grotesquely contorted in the brown ribbed fields, and those of them who had escaped from the inferno fought it out intermittently, in the woods beyond the village. But their sniping was braved for a few days more, and then one night they staggered weakly back through nightmare villages to Germaine for rest.

After resting at Germaine the Battalion set off on the 19th for Canizy which was reached by evening. They found this village emptied of the native populace and saw that the Germans had been carrying out their usual work of destruction in the same wanton and deliberate scale as in nearly every village in the regained area. A more cheerful memory of this devastated village is that while here the Battalion got its new bugle band. While stationed there the Battalion marched over to Ham where a football match was to be played. Their march into the town caused great interest, and they passed through a long line of French soldiers and civilians who lined the roads. On their approach along the main street, the square seemed totally blocked with a mass of French soldiers, and a company of infantry stood at the "present" as a Guard of Honour as they marched past the Town Hall, while the French band rendered our National Anthem. After the Battalion team had won their match by 6 goals to 1 against the 121st Infantry Regiment and a scratch team had played a drawn game against the 408th Regiment, the French band played the men out of the village. But the French were not allowed to have all their own way of it with the music, for the Battalion Pipe Band played to them and was received with much favour.

The regiment was in highest spirits, battle scarred and with a glorious record of great achievements established. The Battalion remained at rest in the village of Canizy until May 15th--that is, they trained hard and played hard, went marches and were inspected, performed innumerable fatigues and parades and carried out generally that never ending programme of activities which always makes a soldier smile at the mention of the word "rest!" The men played some of their keenest and most memorable games of soccer here, and one of the principle pastimes engaged in by the officers was hunting, until this was forbidden by G.H.Q. The country, being entirely uncultivated made ideal going. Major Campbell, in charge of Physical Training, G.H.Q., was with the 17th for some time, and put extra life into sport and training.

On the 15th the Battalion moved off to Curchy, via Voyennes and Nesle, and on the succeeding day to Rosieres and so on to Hangard on the 18th, where the "resting" was carried on until the end of the month, when they proceeded to Villers-Bretonneux. Of the villages in the regained area little or no description in the normal sense is possible beyond the fact that while some semblance of streets could be traced in some of them, the majority of them were simply masses of masonry debris literally peppered with shell craters. But it was noticeable in such villages as Nesle that the civilians showed a very marked physical improvement as the result of better feeding and life under British occupation. While at Hangard, Battalion Headquarters occupied Hangard Chateau--one of the finest chateaux in France. (It was demolished during the 1918 German offensive.) The Brigade concentrated at Villers-Bretonneux prior to entraining for the Second Army.

But before leaving the Fourth Army, to which the 17th had given such brilliant service, the following message was transmitted to the Battalion as one of the Divisional units concerned:--

"FOURTH ARMY, NO. G.S.702.

"32ND DIVISION.

"As the Division will shortly be leaving the Fourth Army I
desire to express to all ranks my warm thanks for the excellent
services they have performed whilst under my command. The
gallantry and dash displayed by the Division during the advance
in March and April, especially in the actions resulting in the
capture of Savy, Bois de Savy, Francilly, Holnon, Selency, Fayet
and Cepy Farm, reflect the highest credit on all concerned.

"The skilful leadership of all ranks, coupled with the close
co-operation between Artillery, Infantry and Aircraft, was a
feature in these operations deserving the highest praise, and I
heartily congratulate the Division on the successes they have
achieved.

"I much regret that the Division is now leaving the Fourth Army,
but I shall hope that at some future date I may again have the
good fortune to find them under my command.

"(Signed) H. RAWLINSON, _General,
Commanding Fourth Army._

"H.Q., FOURTH ARMY,
"_22nd May, 1917._"

IN FLANDERS.

_En route to Steenbecque--R.T.O.--the 14th Corps--reconnaissance
of Messines Sector--heavy marches--Coxyde and Kuhn--amenities of
Nieuport area._

The Battalion on 1st June, 1917, left the Fourth Army and the Somme area. The 17th never again served in that area though it served again with the Fourth Army on the sea coast. Entraining at Villers-Bretonneux the unit journeyed to Amiens and by way of Abbeville, Etaples, Boulogne, Calais, St. Omer, Hazebrouck to Steenbecque.