Chapter VIII: Introduction (4)

The circle was entered at the southeast, Ma´asewe passing around the circle to the left was followed by half of the people, Úyuuyewĕ passing to the right around the circle, preceded the remainder. As soon as they had all entered Po´shaiyänne closed the opening; he did not go into the circle but stood by the entrance. The deer were gradually gathered into a close group and were then shot with arrows. When all the deer had been killed they were flayed, and the flesh and skins carried to the village. As they passed from the circle Po´shaiyänne said, “Now carry your meat home. Give your largest deer to the ti´ämoni and the smaller ones to the people of your houses.” After the Sia had started for their village Po´shaiyänne destroyed the circle of meal and then returned to the ti´ämoni, who said: “You, indeed, spoke the truth, for my people have brought many deer, and I am much pleased. On the morrow we will kill rabbits.” The ti´ämoni informed the coyote of his wish for the rabbits, and in the morning a large fire was made, and the coyote spoke to the fire, saying: “We desire many rabbits but we do not wish to go far.” He then threw meal to the cardinal points, zenith, and nadir, and prayed that the sun father would cause the small and large rabbits to gather together that they might not have to go a great distance to find them, for as he, the father, wished, so it would be, and Ma´asewe and the coyote sat down while the people gathered around the fire and passed their rabbit sticks through the flames. Then Ma´asewe directed them to start on the hunt. They formed into an extensive circle surrounding the rabbits, and a great number were secured. Some were killed by being struck immediately over their hearts. It was very late when the people returned to the village laden with rabbits.

The ti´ämoni said: “Day after to-morrow we will have a feast.” Po´shaiyänne agreeing, said: “It is well, father.” All the women worked hard for the feast. Half of their number worked for the ti´ämoni and half for Po´shaiyänne. The ti´ämoni going alone to the house of Po´shaiyänne, said: “Listen: to-morrow you will have the great feast at your house.” Po´shaiyänne replied: “No, father; you are the elder, and you must have it at your house.” The ti´ämoni answered: “Very well, my house is good and large; I will have it there.”

In the morning, when the sun was still new, the ti´ämoni had the feast spread—bowls of mush, bread, and meat; and he said to Po´shaiyänne, who was present: “Father, if you have food bring it to my house and we will have our feast together.” Po´shaiyänne replied: “It is well, father;” and, to the astonishment of all, Po´shaiyänne’s food immediately appeared. It was spread on tables;[9] the bowls holding the food being very beautiful, such as had never before been seen. The ti´ämoni told Ma´asewe to bid the people come to the feast; and all, including the most aged men and women and youngest children, were present. Upon entering the house they were surprised with the things

they saw on Po´shaiyänne’s table, and all who could went to his table in preference to sitting before the ti´ämoni’s. Even the water upon Po´shaiyänne’s table was far better than that furnished by the ti´ämoni; and those who drank of this water and ate Po´shaiyänne’s food immediately became changed, their skins becoming whiter than before; but all could not eat from Po´shaiyänne’s board and many had to take the food of the ti´ämoni, and they remained in appearance as before.

After this feast, Po´shaiyänne visited all the pueblos and then passed on to Chihuahua in Mexico. Before Po´shaiyänne left the Sia, he said to them: “I leave you, but another day I will return to you, for this village is mine for all time, and I will return first to this village.” To the ti´ämoni he said: “Father, you are a ti´ämoni, and I also am one; we are as brothers. All the people, the men, the women, and the children are mine, and they are yours; and I will return to them again. Watch for me. I will return;” and he added, “In a short time another people will come; but before that time, such time as you may choose, I wish you to leave this village, for my heart is here and it is not well for another people to come here; therefore depart from this village before they come near.”

Upon entering the plaza in Chihuahua Po´shaiyänne met the great chief, who invited him to his home, where he became acquainted with his daughter. She was very beautiful, and Po´shaiyänne told the chief that he was much pleased with his daughter and wished to make her his wife. The chief replied: “If you desire to marry my daughter and she wishes to marry you, it is well.” Upon the father questioning the daughter the girl replied in the affirmative. Then the father and mother talked much to the daughter and said: “To-morrow you will be married.” The chief sent one of his officials to let it be known to all the people that Po´shaiyänne and his daughter were to be united in marriage in the morning, and many assembled, and there was a great feast in the house of the chief. Many men were pleased with the chief’s daughter, and looked with envy upon Po´shaiyänne; and they talked together of killing him, and finally warriors came to the house of Po´shaiyänne and carried him off to their camp and pierced his heart with a spear, and his enemies were contented, but the wife and her father were sad. The day after Po´shaiyänne’s death he returned to his wife’s home, and when he was seen alive those who had tried to destroy him were not only angry but much alarmed; and again he was captured, and they bound gold and silver to his feet, that after casting him into the lake his body should not rise; but a white fluffy feather of the eagle fell to him, and as he touched the feather the feather rose, and Po´shaiyänne with it, and he lived again, and he still lives, and some time he will come to us. So say the Sia. Po´shaiyänne’s name is held in the greatest reverence; in fact, he is regarded as their culture hero[10], and he is appealed to in daily prayers, and the people have no doubt of his return. They say: “He may come to-day, to-morrow, or perhaps not in our lifetime.”

Soon after Po´shaiyänne’s departure from Sia the ti´ämoni decided to leave his present village, though it pained him much to give up his beautiful house. And they moved and built the present pueblo of Sia, which village was very extensive. The ti´ämoni had first a square of stone laid, which is to be seen at the present day, emblematic of the heart of the village (for a heart must be, before a thing can exist). After the building of this village the aged ti´ämoni continued to live many years, and at his death he was buried in the ground, in a reclining position. His head was covered with raw cotton, with an eagle plume attached; his face was painted with corn pollen, and cotton was placed at the soles of his feet and laid over the heart. A bowl of food was deposited in the grave, and many hä´chamoni were planted over the road to the north, the one which is traveled after death. A bowl of food was also placed on the road. All night they sang and prayed in the house of the departed ti´ämoni, and early in the morning all those who sung were bathed in suds of yucca made of cold water.

There are two rudely carved stone animals at the ruined village supposed to have been visited by Po´shaiyänne. These the Sia always speak of as the cougar, but they say, “In reality they are not the cougar, but the lynx, for the cougar remained at the white-house in the north.”

This cosmogony exhibits a chapter of the Sia philosophy, and though this philosophy is fraught with absurdities and contradictions, as is the case with all aboriginal reasoning, it scintillates with poetic conceptions. They continue:

“The hour is too solemn for spoken words; a new life is to be given to us.”

Theirs is not a religion mainly of propitiation, but rather of supplication for favors and payment for the same, and to do the will of and thereby please the beings to whom they pray. It is the paramount occupation of their life; all other desirable things come through its practice. It is the foundation of their moral and social laws. Children are taught from infancy that in order to please the pantheon of their mythical beings they must speak with one tongue as straight as the line of prayer over which these beings pass to enter the images of themselves.

It will be understood from the cosmogony that the Sia did not derive their clan names from animal _ancestors_, nor do they believe that their people evolved from animals, other than the Sia themselves. The Zuñi hold a similar belief. The Zuñi’s reference to the tortoise and other animals as ancestors is explained in the “Religious Life of the Zuñi Child.”[11]

I am of opinion that closer investigation of the North American Indian will reveal that the belief in the descent of a people from beasts, plants, or heavenly bodies is not common, though their mythological heroes were frequently the offspring of the union of some mortal with the sun or other object of reverence. There is no mystery in such unions in the philosophy of the Indian, for, as not only animate but inanimate objects and the elements are endowed with personality, such beings are not only brothers to one another, but hold the same kinship to the Sia, from the fact, according to their philosophy, that all are living beings and, therefore, all are brothers. This is as clearly defined in the Indian mind as our recognition of the African as a brother man.

The spider is an important actor in Sia, Zuñi, and Tusayan mythology. Sia cosmogony tells us the spider was the primus, the creator of all. Sûs´sĭstinnako is referred to as a man, or, more properly, a being possessing all power; and as Sûs´sĭstinnako created first man and then other beings to serve his first creation, these beings, although endowed with attributes superior to man in order to serve him, can hardly be termed gods, but rather agents to execute the will of Sûs´sĭstinnako in serving the people of his first creation.

Sûs´sĭstinnako must be supplicated through the mediator Ûtsĕt, who is present at such times in the fetich I´ärriko. Ko´shairi and Quer´ränna appear for the sun and moon. The war heroes and the warriors of the six mountains of the world, the women of the cardinal points, and animals, insects, and birds holding the secrets of medicine, are present, when invoked, in images of themselves. The Sia can not be said to practice ancestor worship. While the road to Shipapo (entrance to the lower world) is crowded with spirits of peoples returning to the lower world, and spirits of unborn infants coming from the lower world, the Sia do not believe in the return of ancestors when once they have entered Shipapo. While many of the kokko (personated by persons wearing masks) are the immediate ancestors of the Zuñi, the Ka´ᵗsuna of the Sia, also personated by men and women wearing masks, are altogether a distinct creation, and can not be considered to bear any relation to ancestor worship.

The Sia, however, have something as appalling to them as the return of the dead, in their belief in witchcraft, those possessing this craft being able to assume the form of dogs and other beasts; and they are ever on the alert when traveling about on dark nights, especially if the traveler is a man of wealth, as witches are always envious of the financial success of others. They create disease by casting into the body snakes, worms, stones, bits of fabric, etc. Hair must be burned that it may not be found by wizards or witches, who, combining it with other things, would cast it into the person from whose head it was cut, causing illness and perhaps death. There is, however, a panacea for such afflictions in the esoteric power of the theurgists of the secret cult societies. A man was relieved of pain in the chest by a snake being drawn from the body by an eminent theurgist during the stay of the writer at Sia. Such is the effect of faith cure in Sia that, though the man was actually suffering from a severe cold, his improvement dated from the hour the snake was supposed to have been extracted.

CULT SOCIETIES.

Ût´sĕt, being directed in all things by Sûs´sĭstinnako, originated the cult societies of the lower world, giving to certain of them the secrets for the healing of the sick.

The societies are mentioned in their line of succession, most of them having been named for the animals of which they were composed.

The first society organized was the Ka´pĭna, which included only the spider people, its ho´-na-ai-te,[12] or theurgist, being Sûs´sĭstinnako himself; and as the members of this society were directly associated with Sûs´sĭstinnako, they knew his medicine secrets.

Then followed the societies of the bear, cougar, badger, wolf, and shrew (_Sorex_).

The hĭs´tiän[13] (knife) was composed of the cougar and the bear, these two societies being consolidated. Sûs´sĭstinnako finding that the bear was always dissatisfied and inclined to growl and run from the people when they approached, decided to make the cougar first and the bear second, giving as his reason that when the people drew near the cougar he sat still and looked at them; he neither growled nor ran, and the people were not afraid; he commanded their respect, but not their fear, and for this reason Sûs´sĭstinnako united these societies that the bear might be second, and under the direction of the cougar.

The next six societies organized were the snakes, composed of the snakes of the cardinal points, the snake of the north being Ska´towe (Plumed Serpent), the west Ka´spanna, the south Ko´quaira, the east Quĭs´sĕra, the heavens Hu´waka, the earth Ya´ai. The Ska´towe (Serpent of the North) and Ko´quaira (Serpent of the South) having special influence over the cloud people, have their bodies marked with cloud emblems; the Ka´spanna (Serpent of the West) and the Quĭs´sĕra (Serpent of the East) hold esoteric relations with the sun and moon; hence their bodies are painted with the crescent. Hu´waka (Serpent of the Heavens) has a body like crystal, and it is so brilliant that one’s eyes can not rest upon him; he is very closely allied to the sun. The Ya´ai (Serpent of the Earth) has special relations with Ha´arts (the earth). His body is spotted over like the earth, and he passes about over Ha´arts until someone approaches, when he hastens into his house in the earth.

The seven ant societies followed the snakes. The five animal societies, the six snake societies, the first three ant societies, and the society of the eagle were given the secrets of the medicine for healing the sick, through the process of sucking, the ant alone receiving the secret of the medicine by brushing; the last four societies of ants were instructed in the songs for rain only. The reason given for this division is that only the first three ants produced irritation or swelling from their bites, the last four being peaceable ants. (Fig. 18).

The next six societies were those of the birds of the cardinal points, zenith and nadir.—The Ha´-te-e, Bird of the North; Shas´-to, Bird of the West; Ma´-pe-un, Bird of the South; Shu-wa-kai´, Bird of the East; Tiä´mi, Bird of the Heavens (the eagle); Chas´-ka, Bird of the Earth (chaparral cock). While these six societies were instructed in the songs for rain, the eagle alone learned the medicine songs. It will be noticed that only such animals as were regarded as virulent were given the secrets of the medicine for healing the sick. All of the animals of the world were subordinate to the animal societies; all of the snakes of the world were submissive to the six snake societies; all the ants and other insects were subject to the seven ant societies, and all the birds of the world to the six bird societies.

The next society organized was the Ha´kan, fire. Sûs´sĭstinnako, desiring to have fire that their food might be cooked, placed a round flat stone on the floor and attached a small sharpened stone to one end of a slender round stick; he then called together the ho´naaites of the cult societies, and the priestly rulers of the Sia and other Indians, requesting each one in proper succession to produce fire by rubbing the circular stick between the hands upon the round flat stone. As each one attempted to make the fire, a blanket was thrown over him and the stone that he might work in perfect seclusion. All failing in their efforts (this work being performed in the daytime) Sûs´sĭstinnako dismissed them. He then passed through three chambers, carrying the fire stone with him, and entering the fourth sat down and thought a long while, and after a time he attempted to make the fire and was successful. Sûs´sĭstinnako then called in Ût´sĕt and her principal officer (a man of the Sia people), and handing her an ignited fire brand of cedar told her to light a fire, and this fire burned four days and nights. Ût´sĕt, obeying the command of Sûs´sĭstinnako, requested her officer to place a ho´naaite of a snake society at the first door, the ho´naaite of the Hĭs´tiän and his vice (the cougar and a bear) at the second and third doors, and to guard the inner door himself, that no one might enter and see the fire. On the fifth day all the people discovered the smoke, which escaped from the chamber, and they wondered what it could be, for as yet they did not know fire. On the sixth morning Sûs´sĭstinnako said to the officer of Ût´sĕt, “I will now organize a fire society and I appoint you the ho´naaite of the society.” On this same morning the ho´naaites of the cult societies and the priestly rulers of the Indians were called to the chamber to see the fire and to understand it. Then the ho´naaite of the fire society carried some of the fire to the house of the ruler of the Sia.

GAST LITH. CO. N.Y.

PERSONAL ADORNMENT WHEN RECEIVED INTO THE THIRD DEGREE OF OFFICIAL
MEMBERSHIP CULT, SOCIETY.]

Ko´shairi received directly from the sun valuable medicine for rain, and so the songs of the Ko´shairi are principally invocations for rain to fructify the earth.

Quer´ränna’s office is similar to that of the Ko´shairi, though his dress is different, as he comes from the house of the moon and not the sun. Besides the songs for rain the sun gave him the secret of the medicine, which would not only make ha´arts but women pregnant.

After the Sia, animals and Ka’ᵗsuna entered this world, they being led by the mother Ût´sĕt, the Ka´ᵗsuna were directed by Ût´sĕt to go to the west and there make their homes. Before their departure, however, masks were made to represent them. Ût´sĕt sent Ko´shairi and Quer´ränna to the east, telling the former to make his home near the house of the sun and the latter to make his house a little to the north of the sun’s. It will be remembered that Sûs´sĭstinnako sent the sun to this world before the advent of the Sia. Ko´shairi performs not only the office of courier between the sun and Ka´ᵗsuna, but is also mediator between the Sia and the sun. (See Pl. X.)

Upon the departure of Ko´shairi and Quer´ränna, Ût´sĕt organized two orders bearing their names, to wait upon the personators of the Ka´ᵗsuna whenever they should appear. The representatives of Koshai´ri and Quer´ränna are supposed to be the exact reproductions of the originals. The body of Ko´shairi is painted white and striped in black; that of Quer´ränna is half yellow and half white, dotted with black crescents. Thus we see stripes and particolors as indicative of the harlequin is of prehistoric origin. The hair of Ko´shairi is brought to the front and tied with painted black and white corn husks. The breechcloth is black cotton (Pl. X A). Quer´ränna’s hair is brought forward and tied to stand erect (Pl. X B).

Whenever the Ka´ᵗsuna appear in Sia they are attended by the Ko´shairi and Quer´ränna, they waiting upon the Ka´ᵗsuna, adjusting any of their wearing apparel which becomes disarranged, etc. They also play the fool, their buffoonery causing great merriment among the spectators.

After ridding the world of the destroyers of the people, Ma´asewe said to the ti´ämoni of Sia (the Sia were still living at the white house), “Now that I have killed the bad people of the world it is well to organize societies similar to those instituted by Ût´sĕt in the lower world, and learn from the animals the secrets of medicine.” It must be understood that all the animals were not bad.

The first society originated by Ma´asewe was the Hĭs´tiän or Knife. This society being first, because it was through the power of the knives or arrows given to the boys by the sun father that the enemies were destroyed; Hĭs´tiän, in this case, meaning the knife or arrow of lightning.

The next society originated was that of the cougar, then followed the societies of the bear, the skoyo (giant), the snake, and the ant. The ho´naaite of each society was furnished with medicine by the two warriors, this medicine being bits of the hearts of the enemies destroyed; a portion of each heart being given to each ho´naaite.

Ma´asewe then organized the Ope Society (Warriors), designating himself as the ho´naaite[14] of the society and his brother as its vicar. He then appointed six men members of the society, to reside for all time in the six high mountains of the world, that they might look from the six cardinal points and discover bad people, and inform the Sia of an approaching enemy. These six men, in conjunction with Ma´asewe and U´yuuyewĕ, guide the arrows of the Sia when contending with the enemy. It will be remembered it was stated in the “Sia Cosmogony” that Ma´asewe and U´yuuyewĕ went to reside in the interior of the Sandia mountain.

When these societies had been formed, the animal societies assembled at the white house and taught the ho´naaites their medicine songs; previous to this, when the Sia were ill, they received their medicine direct from the animals, the animals officiating and singing. After instructing the Sia in their songs, they told them to make stone images of themselves, that passing over the road of meal they might enter these images; and so the Indians are sure of the presence of the animals. The beings pass over the line of meal, entering the fetiches, where they remain until the close of a ceremonial, and then depart over the line.

The secret of the fire was not brought to this world, and the fire society was originated here in this way. The people grew tired of feeding about on grass, like the deer and other animals, and they consulted together as to how fire might be obtained. It was finally decided by the ti´ämoni that a coyote was the best person to steal the fire from the world below, and he dispatched a messenger for the coyote. Upon making his appearance the ti´ämoni told of the wish of himself and his people for fire, and that he wanted him to return to the world below and bring the fire, and the coyote replied, “It is well, father; I will go.” Upon reaching the first entrance of the house of Sûs´sĭstinnako (it was the middle of the night), the coyote found the snake who guarded the door asleep, and he quickly and quietly slipped by; the cougar who guarded the second door was also asleep, and the bear who guarded the third door was sleeping. Upon reaching the fourth door he found the ho´naaite of the fire asleep, and, slipping through, he entered the room and found Sûs´sĭstinnako also soundly sleeping; he hastened to the fire, and, lighting the cedar brand which was attached to his tail, hurried out. Sûs´sĭstinnako awoke, rubbing his eyes, just in time to be conscious that some one was leaving the room. “Who is there?” he cried; “some one has been here,” but before he could arouse those who guarded the entrance the coyote was far on his way to the upper world.

After the organization of the cult societies the ti´ämoni, influenced by Ût´sĕt, commanded the cougar to make his home for all time in the north; the bear was likewise sent to the west, the badger to the south, the wolf to the east, the eagle to the heavens, and the shrew to the earth.

THEURGISTIC RITES.

It is only upon acquaintance with the secret cult societies that one may glean something of the Indians’ conception of disease, its cause and cure. It is supposed to be produced almost wholly through one or two agencies—the occult powers of wizards and witches, and the anger of certain animals, often insects. Therefore, though some plant medicines are known to these Indians, their materia medīca may be said to be purely fetichistic; for when anything of a medicinal character is used by the theurgist it must be supplemented with fetich medicine and magical craft.

While there are thirteen secret cult societies with the Zuñi, there are but eight in Sia, some of these being reduced to a membership of two, and in one instance to one. While the Zuñi and Sia each has its society of warriors, the functions of these societies are somewhat different.

The cult societies of the Sia, as well as those of Zuñi, have their altars and sand paintings; but while each Zuñi altar, with its medicines and fetiches, is guarded during ceremonials by two members of the Society of Warriors, this entitling the members of this society to be present at the meetings of all the cult societies, the Sia have no such customs. Their altars and fetiches are not protected by others than the theurgists and vice-theurgists of their respective societies. At the present time, owing to the depleted numbers of the Society of Warriors of the Zuñi, some of their altars have but one guardian.

The Society of Warriors has for its director and vicar, like the Zuñi and the other pueblos, the representatives of the mythologic war heroes, who, though small in stature, are invulnerable. “Their hearts are large, for they have the heart of the sun.” The head or director of a society is termed the elder brother; the vicar, younger brother.

When the cult societies invoke the cloud people to water the earth, the presence of certain anthropomorphic and zoomorphic beings having potent influence over the cloud people is assured by the drawing of a line of meal from the altar to the entrance of the ceremonial chamber, over which these beings pass, temporarily abiding in the stone images of themselves which stand before the altar. These beings are exhorted to use their mystic powers with the cloud people to water the mother earth, that she may become pregnant and bear to the people of Ha´arts (the earth) the fruits of her being.

In order to obtain their services the Sia compensate them. The hä´chamoni (notched stick), which is deposited to convey the message, invariably has plumes attached to it, these plume offerings being actual compensation for that which is desired. Other offerings are made, among which are gaming blocks, hoops for the cloud people to ride upon, and cigarettes filled with the down of humming birds, corn pollen, and bits of precious beads. (See Plate XI).

Eagles are kept caged, and turkeys are domesticated for the purpose of obtaining plumes for these offerings.

It is the prerogative of the ti´ämoni to specify the time for the meetings of the cult societies, excepting ceremonials for the healing of the sick by the request of the patient or his friend. These meetings being entirely under the jurisdiction of the theurgist, who does not possess within himself the power of healing, he is simply the agent acting under the influence of those beings who are present in the stone images.

The gala time is the beginning of the new year in December, when the cult societies hold synchronal ceremonials extending through a period of four days and nights, at which time the fetich medicines are prepared; and those possessing real or imaginary disease gather in the chamber of the society of which they are members, when the theurgists and their followers elaborate their practices of mysticism upon their subjects.

The cult societies have two ways of retaining their complement of members. An adult or child joins a society after being restored to health by a theurgist; and a parent may enter a child into a society, or a boy or girl having arrived at years of discretion, may declare a desire to join a society.

In the case of a young child the paternal or maternal parent calls upon the theurgist and, making known his wish, presents him with a handful of shell mixture,[15] saying, “I wish my child to become a member of your society that his mind and heart may be strong.” In the case of an elder boy or girl the clan is first notified, and the applicant then calls upon the theurgist and, presenting him a handful of the shell mixture, makes known his wish.

Most of the societies are divided into two or more orders, the more important order being that in which the members are endowed with the anagogics of medicine, except in the Snake Society, when the snake order is essential. One must pass through three degrees before being permitted to handle the snakes. In the case of minors they can not be initiated into the third degree until, in the ho´naaite’s judgment, they are amenable to the rigid rules. A person may belong to two or more of these societies.

Drawn by Mary Irvin Wright. GAST LITH. CO. N.Y.

HÄ´-CHA-MO-NI BEFORE PLUME OFFERINGS ARE ATTACHED.]

Women may be members of the various orders, excepting in the societies of the Snake, Cougar, or Hunters and Warriors. The Snake division of the Snake Society has no female members, and the societies of the Cougar or Hunters and Warriors are composed entirely of men. When one makes known his desire to enter a society he states to the theurgist which division he wishes to join.

The objection to handling the snakes keeps the Snake division of this society limited, though the honor is much greater in belonging to this division. Upon entering the medicine order of any society the new member is presented with the fetich ya´ya by the theurgist, who must practice continency four days previous to preparing the fetich.

The cult societies observe two modes in curing disease: One is by sucking, and the other by brushing the body with straws and eagle plumes. The former mode is practiced when Ka-nat-kai-ya (witches) have caused the malady by casting into the body worms, stones, yarn, etc.; the latter mode is observed when one is afflicted through angry ants or other insects, which are thus drawn to the surface and brushed off.

The medicine ceremonials of the cult societies are quite distinct from their ceremonials for rain.

The only compensation made the theurgist for his practice upon invalids either in the ceremonial chamber or dwelling is the sacred shell mixture. It is quite the reverse with all other Indians with whom the writer is acquainted. The healing of the sick in the ceremonial chamber is with some of the peublos gratuitous, but generous compensation is required when the theurgist visits the house of the invalid.

Continency is observed four days previous to a ceremonial, and an emetic is taken each morning for purification from conjugal relations. On the fourth day the married members bathe (the men going into the river) and have their heads washed in yucca suds. This is for physical purification. The exempting of those who have not been married and those who have lost a spouse seems a strange and unreasonable edict in a community where there is an indiscriminate living together of the people.

The ceremonials here noted occurred after the planting of the grain. Several of the ordinances had been held previous to the arrival of the writer. She collected sufficient data, however, to demonstrate the analogy between the rain ceremonials of the secret cult societies, their songs bearing the one burden—supplication for rain.

RAIN CEREMONIAL OF THE SNAKE SOCIETY.

The morning was spent by the ho´naaite (theurgist) and his vicar in the preparation of hä´chamoni[16] and plume offerings. The hä´chamoni are symbolic of the beings to whom they are offered, the messages or prayers being conveyed through the notches upon the sticks. These symbols frequently have hĕr´rotuma (more slender sticks representing the official staff) bound to them with threads of yucca; Pls. XI and XII show an incomplete set of hä´chamoni before the plume offerings are appended, which the Snake Society deposits when rain is desired; Pl. XIII, specimens of hä´chamoni with plume offerings attached.

About 4 o’clock p.m. the ho´naaite and his younger brother were joined by the third member of the society, when the ho´naaite began the sand painting,[17] the first one being laid immediately before the ä´ᵗchîn (slat altar), which had been erected earlier in the day, and the second in front of the former (Pl. XIV).

Upon the completion of the paintings the ho´naaite deposited several long buckskin sacks upon the floor and the three proceeded to remove such articles as were to be placed before the altar. There were six ya´ya, four of these being the property of the ho´naaite, two having come to him through the Snake Society, and two through the Spider, he being also ho´naaite of the Spider Society, the others belonging to the vice ho´naaite and third member of the Snake Society.

The ya´ya are most carefully preserved, not only on account of their sacred value, but also of their intrinsic worth, as the parrot plumes of which they are partially composed are very costly and difficult to obtain, they being procured from other Indians, who either make journeys into Mexico and trade for these plumes with the Indians of that country, or the Indians on the border secure them and bring them for traffic among their more northern brothers.

The ya´ya are wrapped first with a piece of soft cloth, then with buckskin, and finally with another cloth; slender splints are placed around this outer covering and a long buckskin string secures the packages.

Drawn by Mary Irvin Wright. GAST LITH. CO. N.Y.

HÄ´-CHA-MO-NI BEFORE PLUME OFFERINGS ARE ATTACHED.]

After unwrapping the ya´ya the ho´naaite proceeds to arrange the fetiches. Three of the ya´ya are placed immediately in front of the altar upon a paralellogram of meal, which is always drawn at the base of the altars, and is emblematic of seats for the ya´ya. An image, 8 inches high, of Ko´chinako (Yellow Woman of the North) stands to the right of the ya´ya, and a wolf of red sandstone, its tail being quite the length of its body, which is 6 inches, is placed to the left of the ya´ya, and by the side of this wolf is a bear of black lava, and next an abalone shell; two cougars of red sandstone, some 12 inches in length, are posted to the right and left of the altar; an antique medicine bowl, finely decorated in snake, cloud, and lightning designs, is placed in front of the three ya´ya; two finely polished adzes, 12 inches long, are laid either side of the medicine bowl, and by these two large stone knives; two ya´ya stand side by side in front of the bowl, and before each is a snake’s rattle, each rattle having twelve buttons; the sixth ya´ya stands on the tail of the sand-painted cougar; a miniature bow and arrow is laid before each of the six ya´ya; eight human images are arranged in line in front of the two ya´ya, these representing Ma´asewe, Úyuuyewĕ, and the six warriors who live in the six mountains of the cardinal points, the larger figures being 8 and 10 inches high and the smaller ones 4 and 5, the figure of the Warrior of the North having well-defined eyes and nose in bas-relief. This figure is decorated with a necklace of bears’ claws, a similar necklace being around its companion, a clumsy stone hatchet. Most of the images in this line have a fringe of white wool around the face, symbolic of clouds. In front of these figures are three fetiches of Ko´shairi, not over 4 or 5 inches high, with a shell in front of them, and on either side of the shell there are two wands of turkey plumes standing in clay holders, the holders having been first modeled into a ball and then a cavity made by pressing in the finger sufficiently deep to hold the wand. These holders are sun dried. In front of the shell is a cross, the only evidence discovered of an apparent influence of Catholicism. The cross, however, bears no symbol of Christianity to these Indians. The one referred to was given to a theurgist of the Snake Society in remote times by a priest so good of heart, they say, that, though his religion was not theirs, his prayers traveled fast over the straight road to Ko´pĭshtaia; and so their reverence for this priest as an honest, truthful man led them to convert the symbol of Christianity into an object of fetichistic worship. The cross stands on a 6-inch cube of wood, and is so covered with plumes that only the tips of the cross are to be seen, and a small bunch of eagle plumes is attached pendent to the top of the cross with cotton cord. A bear of white stone, 5 inches long, is placed to the left of the cross and just back of it a tiny cub. A wolf, also of white stone, and 5 inches in length, is deposited to the right of the cross. At either end of, and to the front of, the altar are two massive carvings in relief, in red sandstone, of coiled snakes. Bear-leg skins, with the claws, are piled on either side of the altar, and by these gourd rattles and eagle plumes, in twos, to be used by the members in the ceremonial. A necklace of bears’ claws, with a whistle attached midway the string, having two fluffy eagle plumes fastened to the end with native cotton cord, hangs over the north post of the altar. The ho´naaite wear this necklace in the evening ceremony. The sacred honey jug (a gourd) and basket containing the sacred meal, a shell filled with corn pollen, a buckskin medicine bag, an arrow point, and an ancient square pottery bowl are grouped in front of the snake fetich on the north side of the altar, and to the north of this group are other medicine bags and turkey feather wands, with bunches of fluffy eagle plumes, tipped black and the other portion dyed a beautiful lemon color, attached to them with cotton cord. These wands are afterwards held by the women, who form the line at night on the north side of the room. A Tusayan basket, containing the offerings, consisting of hä´chamoni, each one being tipped with a bit of raw cotton and a single plume from the wing of a humming bird, with plumes attached upright at the base; Hĕr´ro-tume (staffs) ornamented with plumes, Ta´-wa-ka (gaming blocks and rings for the clouds to ride upon), Maic’-kûr-i-wa-pai (bunches of plumes of birds of the cardinal points, zenith and nadir), is deposited in front of the snake fetich on the south side of the altar, and beyond this basket are similar wands to those north of the altar, which are carried in the ceremonial by the women on the south side of the room. Five stone knives complete the group. A white stone bear, 12 inches long, is placed in front of the whole, and a parrot is attached to the top of the central slat figure. (Pl. XV) Unfortunately, the flash-light photograph of the altar of the Snake Society made during the ceremonial failed to develop well, and, guarding against possible failure, the writer succeeded in having the ho´naaite arrange the altar at another time. The fear of discovery induced such haste that the fetiches, which are kept carefully stored away in different houses, were not all brought out on this occasion.[18]

When the altar is completed the ho´naaite and his associates stand before it and supplicate the presence of the pai´ätämo and Ko´pishtaia, who are here represented by images of themselves, these images becoming the abiding places of the beings invoked. After the prayer, the ho´naaite and his vicar sit upon their folded blankets near the fireplace, where a low fire burns, and with a supply of tobacco and corn husks content themselves with cigarettes until the opening of the evening ceremony.

By 9 o’clock the Snake society was joined in the chai-än-ni-kai (ceremonial chamber) archaic, Su´ᵗ-sĕr-ra-kai by the Kapĭna, it being the prerogative of the hónaaite of one organization to invite other societies to take part in his ceremonies. They formed in line, sitting back of the altar; the hónaaite being in the rear of the central slat figure, which symbolized the hónaaite of the cult society of the cloud people. The other members were seated in the rear, as near as could be, of the corresponding symbolic figures of the cloud and lightning people. A boy of 8 years of age, who lay sleeping as the writer entered the room, was aroused to take his position in the line, and a boy of 4 years, who had been sleeping upon a sheepskin, spread on the floor between two of the women, was led from the room by one of them, as he had not entered the degree when he might hear the songs and see the making of the medicine water.

Drawn by Mary Irvin Wright. GAST LITH. CO. N.Y.

HÄ´-CHA-MO-NI WITH PLUMES ATTACHED.]

The women formed right angles with the line of men, four sitting on the north side of the room and four on the south side. The elder female member sat at the west end of the line on the north side of the room. The men wore breechcloths of white cotton; the hónaaite and the ti´ämoni wore embroidered Tusayan kilts for breechcloths. The hair was done up as usual, but no headkerchief was worn. The boy and men held oh´-shi-e-kats (gourd rattles) in their right hands and hi´-shä-mi (two eagle plumes) in the left.

The women were attired in their black wool dresses, the calico gown being discarded, and red sashes, wearing the conventional cue and bang. The neck and arms were exposed and the feet and lower limbs were bare. Each woman held two wands of turkey plumes in the right hand, and both men and women wore numerous strings of coral and kohaqua beads with bunches of turkis (properly earrings) attached pendent to the necklaces.

The ceremonial opened with the rattle and song, the women accompanying the men in the song. After a short stanza, which closed, as all the stanzas do, with a rapid manipulation of the rattle, the second stanza was almost immediately begun, when the vicar (Pl. XVII) standing before the altar shook his rattle for a moment and then waved it in a circle over the altar. He repeated this motion six times, for the cardinal points, and returned to his seat before the closing of the stanza. The circle indicated that all the cloud people of the world were invoked to water the earth.

On the opening of the third stanza all arose and the hónaaite reaching over the altar took a yá-ya in either hand, he having previously laid his rattle and eagle plumes by the altar. This stanza was sung with great vivacity by the men, who swayed their bodies to the right and left in rhythmical motion, while the women waved their wands monotonously. The movement of the arms of both the men and women was from the elbow, the upper arms being apparently pinioned to the sides; there was no raising of the feet, but simply the bending of the knees.

At the close of the stanza, which continued thirty minutes, the hónaaite gave a weird call for the cloud people to gather; all, at the same instant, drew a breath from their plumes and took their seats. A woman then brought a vase of water and gourd from the northeast corner of the room and placed it in front of the altar. (Pl. XVI.) In a moment the song was resumed, and the yáni-ᵗsi-wittäñi (maker of medicine water) proceeded to consecrate the water. He danced in front of the altar and south of the line of meal, which had been sprinkled from the altar to the entrance of the chamber, raising first one heel and then the other, with the knees slightly bent, the toes scarcely leaving the floor; he held his eagle plumes in his left hand, and shook the rattle with the right, keeping his upper arms close to his side, excepting when extending his plumes toward the altar, which he did three times, each time striking the plumes near the quill end with his rattle as he shook them over the medicine bowl. He then waved his plumes toward the north, and giving a quick motion of the rattle in unison with those of the choir, he drew a breath from the plumes as the fourth stanza closed, and in a moment the song was resumed. The three members of the Snake order then put on necklaces of bears’ claws, each having attached, midway, a whistle. The yániᵗsiwittänn̄i, who had not left his place in front of the altar, danced for a few minutes, then dipped a gourd of water from the vase, raised it high with a weird hoot, and emptied it into the medicine bowl. A second gourdful was also elevated, and, with a cry, it was emptied into the cloud bowl, which stood on the sand-painting of the clouds. The third gourdful was emptied into the same bowl, the raising of the gourd and the cry being omitted; the fourth gourdful was uplifted with a cry and emptied into the medicine bowl. The fifth gourdful was also hoisted with a cry, as before, to the snake hónaaite to implore the cloud rulers to send their people to water the earth, and emptied into the cloud bowl. The sixth gourdful was raised with the call and emptied into the same bowl. The seventh gourdful was elevated with a wave from the south to the altar and emptied into the medicine bowl. The eighth gourdful was raised with a similar motion and emptied into the cloud bowl. The ninth gourdful was elevated and extended toward the east and returned in a direct line and emptied into the medicine bowl. The tenth gourdful was raised toward the west and emptied into the cloud bowl. The eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth gourdfuls were lifted from the vase and emptied without being hoisted into the same bowl. The fifth stanza closed as the last gourd of water was poured into the bowl. In filling the medicine bowl the gourd was passed between two yá-ya. The woman returned the water vase to the corner of the room, and the yániᵗsiwittänn̄i lifted the bowl and drank from it, afterwards administering a draught of the water from an abalone shell to each member, excepting the hónaaite, who, after the yániᵗsiwittänn̄i had resumed his seat in the line, passed to the front of the altar and drank directly from the bowl and returned it to its place.

In the administering of the water the women were helped first, a feature never before observed by the writer in aboriginal life.

With the beginning of the sixth stanza the hónaaite arose, and leaning forward waved his plumes over the medicine bowl with a weird call, each member repeating the call, the women exhibiting more enthusiasm than the men in this particular feature of the ceremony. The cry, which was repeated four times, was an invocation to the cloud rulers of the cardinal points to water the earth, and, with each cry, meal was sprinkled into the medicine bowl, each member being provided with a small buckskin bag of meal or corn pollen, which had been previously taken from a bear-leg skin, and laid beside the altar. The members of the Snake Division sprinkled corn pollen instead of meal, the pollen being especially acceptable to the Snake hónaaite, to whom many of their prayers are addressed.

GAST LITH. CO. N.Y.

ALTAR AND SAND PAINTING OF SNAKE SOCIETY.]