Chapter XI (1)

THE JOURNAL OF GALLEGO--PREFATORY REMARKS.

A CONSIDERABLE interest was aroused in the minds of geographers, rather more than a century ago, by the recent discoveries of French and English navigators in that portion of the Western Pacific in which the Solomon Islands are now known to lie. M. M. Buache and Fleurieu (pages 263-265) endeavoured to show that the islands there discovered were none other than the mysterious Islands of Solomon discovered two centuries before by the Spaniards, the existence of which had been long treated as a myth, and in fact, had almost been forgotten. This view was opposed by Mr. Dalrymple, one of the foremost of the English geographers; and it laboured under the serious disadvantage that the only existing narrative of this Spanish voyage, on which such a conclusion could be based, was a very brief and imperfect account incorporated by Dr. Figueroa[201] in a work that was published at Madrid nearly half a century after the return of the voyagers to Peru. There were some reasons for believing that Hernando Gallego, the chief pilot of the expedition, had kept a journal of the voyage;[202] but the geographical writers of the close of last century failed to have access to such an account, and its existence was doubted by some of them. The only other account, worthy of the name, that was known to these writers was one included by Herrera in his “Descripcion de las Indias Occidentales,” a work which was published at Madrid about the year 1601, or more than thirty years after the Spanish voyagers had returned to Peru. But this account was a somewhat vague, general description of the Solomon Islands, which, although it contained a few additional particulars, was of little service to the cartographer.

[201] Hechos de Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Quarto Marques de
Canete; por el Doctor Christoval Suarez de Figueroa. Madrid, 1613.
_Vide_ Note I. of the Geographical Appendix.

[202] A MS. journal of Gallego was referred to by Penelo as
occurring in the Barcia Library. (Dalrymple’s Hist. Coll. Voy. and
Disc.: p. 96.)

It appears to have been only in the second quarter of the present century that the existence of a journal written by Gallego became known to geographers. It may seem at first sight difficult to explain the reason of this narrative being so long unknown; but its author tells us in his prologue that it was through fear he did not publish it; and from other circumstances, referred to in the succeeding pages, it may be inferred that pressure was brought to bear on him, and that the journal was intentionally withheld in order to keep Drake, who had recently appeared in the South Sea, in ignorance of the position of these islands. The journal has for this reason always remained in manuscript. The original manuscript was a few years since in the possession of Mr. Amhurst. There is a copy in the library of the British Museum, which was purchased of M. Fr. Michelena y Roiss in 1848;[203] and it is a translation of this copy that is given in great part in the following pages. In undertaking this translation, I have been greatly assisted by my acquaintance with these islands; and I have thus been able to avoid the pitfalls into which the somewhat careless copyist might have led me.

[203] The British Museum Reference number is 17,623; and the title
is as follows: “Descubrimiento de las Islas Salomon en el Mar del
Sur: 1566,” by Hernando Gallego, native of Corunna.

If M. M. Buache and Fleurieu could have had access to this journal of Gallego, they would have been saved much laborious criticism, both on their own part and on the part of others. That they were able to employ the scanty data, furnished by Figueroa, for the identification of the lost Isles of Solomon with the recent discoveries of their own day, is an accomplishment concerning which any adulation on my part would be both unnecessary and unbecoming. Even with the comparative wealth of materials which the journal of Gallego affords, as contrasted with the account of Figueroa, all that remained to be done was to fill in the rude outline originally sketched by the French geographers.

The story of the gradual identification of the Isles of Solomon forms an interesting and instructive episode in the history of geographical discovery. In the sketch which I have given, I have, so to speak, raked up the ashes of a controversy which burnt itself out some generations ago; but the labour expended in its preparation will not have been unprofitable, if I have been successful in placing before my readers a clear and connected account of how the Isles of Solomon were discovered, lost, and found.

THE JOURNAL OF GALLEGO.

We find in the prologue, with which Gallego commences his account of this voyage, an explanation not only of the principal object of the expedition, but also of the motive which led the Spanish navigator to draw up his narrative. It was for the propagation of the Christian faith amongst the peoples of the unknown islands of the West that this expedition was dispatched from the shores of Peru; and it was to guide the missionary to the field of his labour that the chief pilot drew up his relation of the voyage.

“I understand it to be incumbent”--thus Gallego writes--“on the men who follow the nautical profession, and have had the good fortune, in some degree, to take precedence of their fellows, to give an account of their success. And there are many reasons why it is necessary that from the ignorant these things should not be concealed. But for me, Christian piety affords the principal inducement; and especially since it moved the mind of that most Christian and most Catholic monarch, Don Philip, to write to his Governor, the most illustrious Lope Garcia de Castro, that he should convert every infidel to Christ. Imbued with this feeling, I have made it my first object, by means of this relation and of the additions made by me to the sea-chart, to enable the missionaries, who are to guide the infidels into the vineyard of the Lord, to know where these places will be found and to learn how to navigate these seas exposed to the fury of the winds, and how all dangers and enemies may be avoided. This is my design, unless I am otherwise convinced. Let the curious accept this brief discourse. It is from fear that its author has not wished to print it. This is my object: such is my desire. Receive, reader, this token of esteem, and be steadfast in God. Farewell!”

Before proceeding with the journal of Gallego, it is necessary for me to remark that I have relegated to an appendix much of that which is of interest to the geographical student. The reason is an obvious one and needs no further reference, since the narrative often takes the character of a sea-log, and the geographical and critical points involved are necessarily only of special interest.

The Governor, Lope Garcia de Castro, gave orders for the equipment of two ships of the fleet for the discovery of certain islands and a continent (tierra firme) concerning which His Catholic Majesty D. Philip II. had summoned a number of persons versed in mathematics in order to deliberate on the plan to be followed. After selecting the vessels, he nominated as General in command of the expedition his nephew, Alvaro de Mendana; as Commander of the troops (maestre de campo), Pedro de Ortega Valencia; as the Royal Ensign, D. Fernando Enriquez; and lastly, as Chief-Pilot--to quote the words of the journal--“myself, the said Hernando Gallego.”

The number of all that embarked on this voyage, including, besides the soldiers and sailors, four Franciscan friars and the servants, was a hundred. The preparations were made with such alacrity and willingness that the ships were fitted out with a dispatch that seemed scarcely credible; and on the 19th day of Nov., 1566,[204] being Wednesday, the day of St. Isabel, the two ships sailed from Callao, the port of the City of Kings, which is situated, as Gallego remarks, in 12½° S. lat. Shaping their course to the south-west, they had not to allow for the variation of the compass, since the needle pointed direct to the pole; and reference is here made in the journal to the circumstance that in Spain, more particularly in the city of Seville, the needle varied one point to the north-west. Steering in the same southerly and westerly direction until the 27th of the same month, they reached the latitude of 15½°, being by their reckoning 57 leagues[205] due west from the “morro de Uacaxique,” which was in the same latitude.[206] They now shaped their course west, following along the parallel of 15¾°, because “the Lord President had said that in the latitude of 15°, at a distance of 600 leagues from Peru, there were many rich islands.” With the wind “a long time in the south-east,” they accomplished a usual daily run of from 20 to 30 leagues. By the third of December, they were by their reckoning in the meridian of the bay of Fego,[207] which is stated by Gallego to be situated in 16° north of the equinoctial and 546 leagues due north of their position. On the 7th of the same month, the Chief-Pilot recorded his observation that the needle showed no variation from the pole and that it neither dipped nor tilted up.

[204] _Vide_ Note II. of Geographical Appendix.

[205] Spanish leagues, 17½ to a degree, all through the narrative.

[206] I have not been able to find this name in any maps or charts.

[207] In the maps I have examined there is no bay of this name
given.

“At this time,” he writes, “I inquired of the pilots as to our position; but I only provoked their obstinacy: and we went on our voyage sailing across the ocean to discover land. We noticed the flight of the birds that passed us in the morning and evening, and whence they came, and whither they went towards the setting sun. All this was no certain guide, as some flew north and others south; and there was nothing to justify our pursuing the flying-fish which abounded in those seas.” It is right that I should here allude to the importance attached by the voyagers of this period to the flight of birds which had often guided them to the discovery of new lands. It was for this reason, it will be remembered, that Columbus swerved from his westerly course when approaching the American Continent.

Gallego soon began to lose confidence in the opinion of the Lord President, because pursuing their course along the same parallel of 15¾° they failed to observe any signs of land. On the 12th of December, being in the meridian of the harbour of La Navidad (a port on the Pacific coast of Mexico, in lat. 19° 12′ N., long. 104° 46′ W.), there was a consultation between Gallego and the other pilots, when their latitudes were found to agree, but the dead reckoning of the pilots was greater. At length, on the 16th of the month, it was resolved by the Chief-Pilot to leave this parallel and head more to the northward, as they were now 620 leagues rather more than less from Peru and there were no signs of their approaching land.

Accordingly the course was altered; and for four days they ran west-by-north reaching the latitude of 13¾°, and accomplishing 166 leagues. During the 20th and 21st of December they steered north-west for 65 leagues, keeping a good look-out for land, but to no purpose. On the 22nd, after steering to the north-west-by-west for 30 leagues, they reached the parallel of 11°. They then coursed north-west until the 26th, which was St. Stephen’s Day, having gone by their reckoning 95 leagues and attaining, as their observations showed, a latitude rather under nine degrees (nueve grados escasos). It is worthy of note that in the daily record, which was at this time kept by Gallego of the course and distance and of the latitude obtained by observation, it usually happens that the computed latitude is considerably less than that observed.[208] In this journal, however, the latitudes are all those of observation except where it is otherwise mentioned. During the 27th and 28th of December they stood to the west-north-west for 60 leagues; and on the two following days they steered west-by-north for 62 leagues, reaching the latitude of 6¼°. It is here recorded that the needle was deflected a third of a point to the north-west. On the last day of the year they sailed 30 leagues to the west, experiencing strong currents.

[208] This circumstance was, probably, due to a strong southerly
drift.

Hitherto no signs of land had been observed, and, in consequence, symptoms of uneasiness showed themselves amongst the crews. As they sailed along, they were led in their imaginations to believe that they were always on the point of making the land; but no land appeared. “The pilots told me,” writes Gallego in his journal, “that I was the only person who was not disheartened after having sailed so many leagues without seeing land: and when I told them that they would suffer no ill and that, with the favour of God, they would see the land at the end of January, they all kept silent and made no reply.”

The 1st of January, 1567, found the Spanish voyagers steering west along the parallel of 6¼°; and in accordance with the opinions of his fellow pilots, Gallego kept this course until the 7th, traversing in the time about 125 leagues.[209] They now experienced unsettled weather, the wind shifting to the north and subsequently to the north-east. Although steering west-by-south, they did not change their latitude as much as they expected; and, on the 10th, after accomplishing 30 leagues on this course during the past three days they found their latitude in 6½°. During the 11th and 12th with a very favourable wind they sailed 55 leagues to the west on the same parallel. Heavy rain-squalls here overtook them; and they ran along under easy sail.

[209] For one day, Saturday the 3rd, there is no record in the
Journal of the distance run. To allow for this omission, I have
taken 18 leagues as being the average daily run during this week.

“On this day,” writes Gallego, “they signalled from the “Almiranta” (the general’s ship) to ask where the land should be. I replied that it lay, in my opinion, 300 leagues away; and that at all events we should not sight it until the end of the month. At this time some of the people began to doubt whether we should ever see the land. But I always told them that, if God was with them, it would be His pleasure that they should not suffer ill.” During the 13th they steered west 25 leagues and found themselves in the parallel of 6°. On the following day they ran in the same direction for 30 leagues, experiencing much rain and varying winds. Their water supply was failing, and the minds of many were the more depressed; for these reasons they ran on with eased sheets and did not shorten sail.

But the long-expected land was near, and I will permit Gallego for the time to tell his own story. “On the Thursday the 15th of January, we had heavy showers of rain and such thunder and lightning as we had not seen in all the voyage. We were distant from the land of Peru, on the course which we had steered, 1450 leagues. In the following[210] morning we ran with a light wind 15 leagues south-west-by-west, and were in the latitude of 6½°. A seaman went to the top and discovered land in the shape of a small island, which appeared on the port hand to the south-west-by-west. We were about six leagues from it, because being a low island it could not be seen at a greater distance. Keeping away, we reached it at sunset. This island is low and level. It has many reefs around it, and has quite a bay of the sea in the middle of it. After we had arrived, I found the latitude to be 6¾°. We were eager to send a boat in; but, however, it was thought best to await the arrival of the ‘Almiranta’ which was much behind us.

[210] The word “following” has been added by me, since from the
subsequent remarks of Gallego, it is evident that this land was
sighted on the 16th.

“In the meantime seven canoes full of people started from the island. Some turned back to the shore and the remainder came off to the ship. But when they saw so many persons, they returned to the beach and made great bonfires. That night they put up flags, seemingly for the protection of the island. We were not able to determine whether they were mats of palm-leaves or of cotton, they were bleached so white.[211] The people in the canoes were naked and of a tawny hue. When the ‘Almiranta’ arrived, we agreed that no boats should land until the next day, as it was then evening. And when it dawned, it blew so strong from the north-west that we drifted a quarter of a league to leeward of the island. I wished to reach it, but could not, as the wind was so strong that we could carry no sails. I advised that, if we beat up to reach the island with the wind so strong and contrary, the ships might be broken in pieces (on the reefs); that it would not be wise to run the risk of losing all our lives for an island so small; and that seeing that the island was inhabited, the rest could not be far away. Although being so near to this island, we could not get bottom with 200 fathoms.”

[211] Mats of very fine quality are manufactured in many of the
Pacific islands.

The decision of Gallego naturally caused much discontent amongst the crews. “The soldiers murmured”--thus the Journal continues--“because they were unwilling to leave this island, notwithstanding that they would run the chance of losing their lives. Being weary of the voyage, they took no pains to conceal their displeasure. But I cheered them and consoled them with the assurance that they would meet with no misfortune, and that with the grace of God, I would give them more land than they would be able to people; for this island (as I pointed out to them) was not more than five or six leagues in size. I gave it the name of the Isle of Jesus, because we arrived at it on the day after that which we accounted the 15th of January.”[212]

[212] It is scarcely possible to identify this island with any of
the islands marked in the latest Admiralty charts. _Vide_ Note III.
of the Geographical Appendix.

As the Spanish voyagers were now approaching the scene of their future discoveries, their course becomes of peculiar interest to the historical geographer.[213] Continuing their voyage on the 17th of January, they had before them a long and tedious passage, having to contend with contrary winds and being swept north and south in turns by the currents. On the 23rd, they were in the latitude of 6°, and on the 28th in 5½°. At length on Sunday the 1st of February, when they were according to their reckoning 165 leagues from the Isle of Jesus, they discovered two leagues away[214] some banks of reefs with some islets in the middle of them. “These shoals”--as described by Gallego--“ran obliquely from north-east to south-west. We were not able”--so he writes--“to get their extremity within our range of sight; but as far as we could see them they extended more than fifteen leagues. We gave them the name of ‘Los Bajos de la Candelaria,’ because we saw them on Candlemas Eve: and I took the latitude near them, when we lay east and west with their centre, and found it to be 6¼°.” On referring to the present Admiralty charts, it will be noticed that the name “Candelaria Reef,” is applied to an atoll lying about eighty miles to the north of the large island of Isabel in the Solomon Group and named “El Roncador” by Maurelle the Spanish navigator in 1781. Now, seeing that this atoll is not more than six miles across, it cannot possibly be identical with the extensive reefs which are above described by Gallego under the name of the Candelaria Shoals. As shown in the appendix,[215] it is highly probable that these shoals are the same with those which lie about 35 miles to the north of the Roncador Reef, where they constitute an atoll fifty miles in width which was discovered by the Dutch navigators Le Maire and Schouten in 1616, and was named “Ontong Java” by Tasman in 1643.

[213] I would direct the nautical reader to Note V. of the
Geographical Appendix which refers to Gallego’s observations of
latitude in this group. He will thus be saved some confusion in
comparing the Spanish latitudes with those of the present charts.

[214] Thus the distance of these shoals from the Isle of Jesus would
be probably about 167 leagues in all. Figueroa gives the distance as
160 leagues.

[215] _Vide_ Note IV. of the Geographical Appendix.

Leaving these shoals, they steered south-west, expecting to sight land, which could not have been, in the opinion of Gallego, more than fifty leagues distant. During the night, however, they had to heave-to on account of the heavy weather; and on the following day, which was the day of our Lady of Candlemas, they experienced the same weather and were obliged to take in all sail. During the next day, which was the 4th of February, the weather improved; and steering at first west-by-north they subsequently stood to the south-west; and as night approached they shortened sail, in the event of there being other reefs and shoals such as those they had already passed. The prevailing winds had been north-west; but on the following day the wind went round to the west and fell very light. For four days they had been unable to take observations on account of the thick weather. On the 5th,[216] their latitude was found in 7° 8′, from which Gallego inferred that in those four days they had drifted fifteen leagues to the south-by-west. They now made sail and headed north.[217] (?)

[216] There is apparently an error in the journal with reference to
this date, since the 6th is omitted altogether.

[217] The subsequent remarks relative to the course show that there
is here an error in the M.S., or in the original journal.

“This day,” writes Gallego, “was Saturday, the 7th of February, and the 80th day since we set out from Callao, the port of the City of the Kings. In the morning I ordered a seaman to go aloft to the top and scan the south for land, because there seemed to me to be in that quarter an elevated mass; and the seaman reported land. The land soon became visible to us; and a signal of our discovery was made to the ‘Almiranta’ which was half a league from the ‘Capitana’ (Gallego’s vessel). Every one received the news with feelings of great joy and gratitude for the favour which God had granted them through the intercession of the Blessed Virgin, the Glorious Mother of God, whom we all believed to be our mediator; and the ‘Te Deum laudamus’ was sung.”

They were distant from the land, when they first saw it, about 15 leagues. It is described in the journal as “very high.” Turning the ships’ heads in that direction, after they had gone 3 or 4 leagues, they discovered much more land belonging to the same island which appeared to be a continent. They did not get up to it until the evening of the next day, which was Sunday the 8th of February.

“Shortly after we arrived,” continues Gallego in his narrative, “many large and small canoes came off to see us, displaying signs of amity. But they did not dare to come alongside the vessels; and as we approached the land, they kept away. However the General threw them some coloured caps, and being thus assured they came alongside the ship. The boat was launched, and in it went Juan Enriquez with eight musketeers and target-men (rodeleros) to see if they could find a port to anchor in, and also to search for the place whence the canoes had come. The rest of the natives became more confident, and some of them came on board the ship. As they behaved well, we gave them things to eat and drink; and they remained on board until it began to grow dark, when they got into their canoes and went ashore. And those who had gone away in the boat, seeing that it was getting dusk, returned without having found any port. As soon as it was dark we stood out to sea, and the natives in the canoes returned to their homes. They told us that for the sake of friendship we should have gone with them, and that they would have entertained us and given us plenty to eat.

“We stood to windward that night with a light wind; and the currents carried us more than three leagues to the west-north-west, bringing us over some reefs on which we might have been lost as the sea was breaking around them. Finding ourselves in seven fathoms of water, we at once made course to stand clear of them. We remained under easy canvas until it dawned, when we saw that the currents had carried us right upon the shoals; and as the sea broke around us, we made more sail. I hailed the ‘Almiranta’ to make the best of her way out of her position among the shoals; and we accordingly stood away until we found a sufficient depth.”

Juan Enriquez was now dispatched in the boat to find a harbour for the ships; but he was deterred by the sight of all the reefs and returned to the ship. He was ordered by the General to go back again and carry out his search, and “I told him”--adds Gallego--“that it was necessary for the safety of the ships that he should find a port without delay.” The position of the Spanish vessels was a truly critical one; and only those who have been similarly situated in a sailing ship in unsurveyed waters, studded with unknown coral reefs, can realise how anxious the moment was.

“Committing ourselves to God”--thus Gallego writes--“I sent a man aloft to the fore-top, and placed another on the bowsprit, and I told them to notice where the shoals were white. The sounding-lead was kept in hand; and in the event of our having to go about or to anchor, we stood by the sheets and bowlines and had the anchor cleared. I steered for the place where we found seven fathoms of water, as it seemed to me that we should not find a less depth. The boat had not yet reached the shore, so I determined to sound and I got twelve fathoms with a clear bottom; and farther on it was deeper and also clear of rocks. Although it was mid-day, a star appeared to us over the entrance of the reef. Taking it as a guide and as a good omen, we were cheered in spirit and became more hopeful. As we proceeded, the water deepened little by little: and I informed the General that we were already clear of the reefs . . . I signalled to the ‘Almiranta’ to follow us. As we neared the harbour where the boat had gone, they signalled to us that they had found a good anchorage. Presently we entered the harbour with the star over the bow, and we anchored, the ‘Almiranta’ entering shortly afterwards. At the entrance of the port is a rock (or islet), in size larger than the ship.

“It was the day of Santa Polonia, the 9th of February. The harbour, which is in the latitude of 7° 50′, we named the port of Santa Isabel del Estrella; and we named the island, Santa Isabel. The Indians called the island Camba; and their cacique is named Billebanarra. This harbour lies nearly in the middle of the north coast of the island, and is 26 leagues north-east and south-west from the reefs.[218] Having disembarked with the other captains, I took possession of the island in the name of His Majesty. A cross was erected: and I chose a convenient place for building a brigantine.”

[218] The reefs, here referred to, are evidently the Candelaria
Shoals. This bearing of the harbour with these shoals does not
warrant the position which has been assigned to Estrella Bay in the
present Admiralty Chart, its position there being due south of these
reefs.

On the following day, Gallego landed with the carpenters; and they began with all diligence to fell the trees and to saw the planks for the construction of the brigantine. Meanwhile the General had sent Pedro Sarmiento with thirty men into the interior. They penetrated about five leagues, and met with some Indians, one of whom they took as a hostage. This native was treated kindly by the General; and he was set at liberty in order that he might carry a favourable account to the other natives of the island. During this incursion, a soldier had been struck by an arrow, but received no hurt. Shortly afterwards, a larger force was dispatched under Pedro de Ortega to explore the interior. The expedition included 52 persons, and comprised 35 soldiers, with some seamen and negroes. They were absent seven days from the ship; and from the account of Gallego, we may infer that but little discretion was employed in their dealings with the natives. They burned “many temples dedicated to the worship of snakes, toads, and other insects;” and, as the result of such proceedings, two soldiers were wounded, one of whom subsequently died of tetanus. His name was Alonzo Martin, and he bore the character of a good soldier.

“These people,” writes the Chief Pilot, “are tawny and have crisp hair. They go naked, wearing only short aprons of palm leaves. They have as food some maizes or roots which they call _benaus_ and plenty of fish. They are, in my opinion, a clean race, and I am certain that they eat human flesh.” On the 15th of March, whilst the Spaniards were at mass on shore, a fleet of fourteen canoes arrived at the place where the brigantine was being built. The cacique, who was in command, sent the General a present of a quarter of a boy, including the arm and hand, together with some roots (benaus), which he requested him to accept. In order that the natives should understand that the Spaniards did not eat human flesh, the General ordered it to be buried in their presence, at which they were abashed and hung their heads, and returned to an islet which was situated at the entrance of the harbour. This cacique, who is termed in the Journal the Taurique Meta, lived at a place fifteen leagues from the harbour to the west-by-north. Pedro de Ortega, with the two pilots, Pedro Roanges and Juan Enriquez, were sent with thirty soldiers and four Indians to visit the place where this taurique lived. They were absent four days, and effected nothing except the capture of four Indians, two of whom they retained as hostages in order to compel the natives to bring them provisions.

On the 4th of April, the brigantine was launched, and the rigging was set up. It having been resolved that she should proceed on a voyage to discover the other islands and harbours, Gallego, Ortega, with 18 soldiers[219] and 12 sailors, embarked on board; and on the 7th of April they left the port. Following the coast along to the south-east, they came to two islets, lying six leagues away from the port of Santa Isabel de la Estrella, and situated, according to an observation of Gallego, exactly in the latitude of 8°. On these islets were many palms which were deemed to be palmettos and cocoa-nut trees. “This land,” as the Chief Pilot remarks, “trends south-east and north-west. The needle stood a point to the north-east and there remained. Proceeding on our cruise, we saw many islets in the same direction . . . .[220] 5 leagues from where we had started; and we anchored at an islet in which we found a canoe and three houses. We landed 7 soldiers; and they went up towards the houses in search of the Indians, who, however, carried off their canoe. On reaching the houses, the soldiers found a quantity of provisions, which they brought on board the brigantine. Continuing our voyage along the coast, 17 canoes came out to us. In them came an exceedingly daring Indian, who, calling himself the cacique Babalay, held his bow towards us, and signified to us that we should go with him, and that, if we should not wish to go, he would carry us by force and would kill us. On account of his audacity, the “maestre de campo” ordered them to fire and knocked him down with a shot; and when those in the canoes saw him fall, they all fled to the shore. Shortly afterwards, I tacked towards the shore in order to make a port, as the wind was strong. In a little time we came to an anchor, and I found by observation that the latitude was 8⅙°. . . .[221]” Leaving this anchorage, they stood out to sea, with the wind in the north-north-west; and in a short time they kept away and followed the coast along to the south-east-by-east.

[219] According to the MS. in this passage, only 10 soldiers
embarked; but on one occasion during the cruise it is stated that 18
soldiers were landed (_vide_ p. 207), a number which agrees with
that given by Figueroa.

[220] The words omitted here are in the Spanish: “hasta la provincia
de Vallas.”

[221] Reference is here made to the fact that the coast ran
north-west-by-west with the island of Meta, which was seven (?)
leagues distant. This island of Meta was probably a small coast
island on which the chief of that name lived.

“And as we sailed on,” continues Gallego, “the mast sprung and nearly fell on us. Seeing what had happened, I ordered the sails to be secured and the tackle to be brought to the weather side, and in this manner the mast was “stayed.” When the night overtook us we were without knowledge of any port, having much thick weather with wind and rain. Guided by the phosphorescence of the sea we skirted the reefs; and when I saw that the reefs did not make the sea phosphorescent, I weathered the point and entered a good harbour at the fourth hour of the night, where, much to our ease, we passed (the remainder of) the night.[222] This port is 6 leagues from where we set out, and is in a great bay. It is capacious and has 7 or 8 inhabited islands. The next day I disembarked the people to get water and wood; and we saw coming to the beach more than a hundred Indians, carrying their bows and arrows and clubs with which they are accustomed to fight. The ‘maestre de campo’ ordered those on shore to embark, fearing some ambuscade. Soon the Indians arrived but they did nothing, and a canoe came. Seeing that they made no attack, the ‘maestre de campo’ ordered four soldiers to go ashore and fire three or four shots to frighten them; and when this was done and the Indians saw it, they shot their arrows and took to flight. Thus passed the 12th of April.

[222] To find in a dark night and in thick weather an opening in a
line of coral-reef on an unknown coast, is an undertaking fraught
with the greatest hazard, even for a ship possessing steam power.
The only available guide is that which was followed by this
clear-headed navigator; but it is one which, as it depends on the
luminosity of the sea, can only be of occasional service. When the
sea has been unusually phosphorescent, each roller, as it breaks on
the weather-edge of the reef, is marked by a disconnected line of
light, reminding one of the straggling fire of a line of musketry. I
once saw this phenomenon splendidly exhibited on the coast of Japan,
the sea-surface being crowded with myriads of “Noctilucæ.”

“Whilst in this bay we saw to seaward a very large island which lies east and west with this bay. This island is called in the language of those Indians, Malaita. The west extreme of this island lies east and west with the point of Meta.[223] This island lies with the shoals of Candelaria north-west-by-west and south-east-by-east 52 leagues;[224] and the extremity of this island of Malaita is in 8°; it is distant from the island of Santa Isabel 14 leagues; it has 5 or 6 islets at the extremity, which are, each of them, 2 leagues in circuit. There are two islets in the middle, between the two large islands. The name of the Isle of Ramos suggested itself for this Island of Malaita, because it was discovered on Palm Sunday (Domingo de Ramos).[225]

[223] The point of Meta is probably near the place where the chief
of that name lived. _Vide_ page 203.

[224] “Norueste sueste quarta de leste hueste” is the bearing given
in the MS. The distance of 52 leagues very closely corresponds with
the distance indicated on the present chart between the west end of
Malaita and Ontong Java. (_Vide_ appendix: note iv.)

[225] Through an unconscious error in the translations by Mr.
Dalrymple and Capt. Burney of the account given by Figueroa, the
name “Isle of Ramos” has been applied in modern charts to an islet
nearly in the middle of the passage between Isabel and Malaita. For
further particulars consult Note VI. of appendix.

“Coasting further along from this bay, we saw a fleet of more than seven large canoes making for the shore where there were fisheries. The canoes came on with us; and many Indians shot their arrows at us with great shouting. The ‘maestre de campo,’ on seeing their daring, ordered some muskets to be fired; and one Indian was killed and the rest took to flight. On the following day, which we made the 14th of April, running further along the coast to the east-south-east (?) we sailed nearly 6 leagues. Here the Indians came out to us in a friendly manner, bringing cocoa-nut and other things which we needed. Here we saw a hog, which was the first we had seen. The next day we went further out in quest of the point and extremity of this island, running to the south-east. From the bay to the point of the island, the coast ran north-west and south-east. There are some islets near this point; and from this point to the bay is 14 leagues. I took the latitude and found it to be barely 9°. At this point, two canoes came out to us with fighting-men, in order to question an Indian whom we had on board, one of the two we took from Meta. They shot their arrows at us; and when we fired a musket to frighten them, they fled.

“On the following day, which we reckoned the 16th of the month, being at the extremity of this island, we named it Cape Pueto;[226] and from here we discovered some islands to the south-east,[227] which are 9 leagues from this cape. Some lie north-by-west and south-by-east;[228] and others north-west and south-east. And we approached them this day with a fair wind, sailing to the south-east. We arrived at ten o’clock in the night at an island which was a league and a half in circuit; and there we anchored. It is low and beset with reefs. We sailed around it. It has many palms, is inhabited; and it was there we passed the night. When it dawned, we were desirous to land but could not on account of the numerous shoals and reefs. It was named ‘La Galera.’ Here a canoe came off to us carrying 50 men whom we perceived to be ready for battle. . . .[229] It preceded us to another large island which was a league distant. It was soon joined by many canoes both small and large; and in (one of) them came a leading taurique. He came and approached us in a friendly manner, and gave us beads (chaquiza), of the kind they wear, which resemble those that are found in Puerto-viejo.[230] The ‘maestre de campo’ gave him a good reception; and in token of peace presented him with some things which we had on board. Soon the taurique commanded the men in the canoes to take the brigantine in tow and bring us into the harbour, which they did. After we were inside, the ‘maestre de campo’ landed with 18 soldiers; and I remained with 12 on board the brigantine. The Indians soon took up their weapons, and hurled stones at us, and jeered at us because we asked for provisions. Seeing their insolence, some shots were fired at them, and two Indians were killed. Thereupon they fled, leaving their houses defenceless. This island is called in the language of the Indians, Pela.[231] And there is a chain of five islands, which lie east and west one with another. The first of these, which we came to, was at the east end, for we were pursuing our discoveries from East to West; it lies with the Cape Prieto north-west and south-east, 9 leagues from the said cape. It will be in circuit 12 leagues. It is well peopled by natives and has many huts and towns and . . . .[232] To this island we gave the name of Buena Vista from its appearance; it seemed to be very fertile, and was well-peopled; and the rest are as above mentioned. They go naked, without any covering _whatever_, and have their faces patterned (tattooed).[233] There are many inhabited islands around. I took the latitude here, and found it to be 9½° south of the equinoctial. It runs east and west.

[226] The name of this cape is spelt in three different ways in this
MS., viz., Puerto, Pueto, and Prieto. The latter is that adopted in
Figueroa’s account. Puerto seems to be the correct name as no reason
is given in the journal for using the epithet of “black” (prieto);
but the last is employed in the present chart.

[227] In the account of Figueroa this bearing is given as
south-west, which, as pointed out by Pingré, Fleurieu, and Burney,
is in contradiction to the other bearings, and was by all three
authors replaced by that of “south-east.”

[228] “Norte sur quarta del norueste sueste.”

[229] As the meaning is obscure, I have here omitted the following:
“and coming close to us” which is followed in the Spanish by “no nos
dijo cosa nise movieron contra nosotros,” which I have left
untranslated.

[230] A town in the province of Quito, in the kingdom of Peru.

[231] Gela is the present native name of the Florida Islands.
(Codrington’s “Melanesian Languages,” p. 522, _circâ_). Consult Note
VII. of the geographical appendix.

[232] “Lugares formados y juntos.” These words, which I have not
translated, are to be found unaltered in Figueroa’s account, and
have been rendered thus by Dalrymple “places cultivated and
enclosed.”

[233] “Las caras labradas.”

“On Good Friday of this same year we went from this island to another a league distant. We found in it abundance of cocoa-nuts; and we placed a quantity on board the brigantine for our sustenance. Whilst we were at this island, a canoe came off to us with three Indians; they left us to go from there to the large island; and they offered us hogs, but we did not want them.

“On arriving at the large island, the ‘maestre de campo’ landed and came to a town which was on high-ground. Here they gave him two hogs, which he brought off with him to the ship, having met with no bad treatment; and we returned to pass the night at the islet (?). This day was Holy Saturday. On the following day, which was the Feast of the Resurrection, we skirted the south coast of the island; and from here we went to another island, which is a league from it. On our arrival, there came off to us more than 20 canoes of fighting-men, who planned taking us to their town and capturing us, and displayed much delight amongst themselves. I ordered the anchor to be weighed that we might get to a better place, because we were almost touching the shoals. When the Indians saw that we were about to shift our position, they got into their canoes in a great hurry with their bows and arrows, and clubs, and many stones; and in a very fierce manner they began to shoot their arrows and stones at us. Seeing their daring, we replied with the muskets; and many Indians were killed, and the whole were repulsed; and they rallied and came on to the attack with greater fury; but this time they suffered even more, and for the second time they were repulsed and routed. There were more than 700 Indians. We took three canoes; but afterwards we abandoned two and kept the other. Deserting their towns, they went off with many howls and cries to the higher land in the interior. Soon the ‘maestre de campo’ landed with 20 men: and he endeavoured to bring off some provisions to the brigantine, and to restore friendship with the natives; but from their dread of the muskets they would never approach; and they kept much in advance of them calling to each other by conch-shells and with drums. Seeing that there was no help for it, we set fire to a house, after having taken possession of the island in the name of His Majesty, as in the case of the other islands; and we gave it the name of ‘La Florida.’ This island is in latitude 9½° and lies east and west with the island of Buenavista. It is 25 leagues in circuit, and is a fine island in appearance, with many inhabitants, who are also naked as in the other islands; and they redden their hair, eat human flesh, and have their towns built over the water as in Mexico.[234]

[234] In the present day the natives of Florida built their houses
on piles. See p. 60, of this work.

“This day we went on to other islands which are further to the east in the same latitude. The first has a circuit of 25 leagues. We had not resistance from them (the Indians); because they had already come to know that they could not overcome us, if we were prepared for them. To this island, we gave the name of San Dimas. We did not go to the remaining islands that we might not hinder ourselves. We named the one San German, and the other the Island of Guadalupe.” (_Vide_ Note VII. of the Geographical Appendix.)

“The next morning we went to another very large island which is on the south side of the five islands. In the middle of the way, or half-way between them, is an island which we named Sesarga. It is 8 leagues in circuit. This island is high and round and well-peopled; with plenty of food, _mames_ and _panales_[235] and roots and hogs [which have no grain to eat?]. In the middle of this island there is a volcano, which is continually emitting great smoke. It has a white streak which resembles a road descending from the higher parts down to the sea. This island is in latitude 9¾°. With the island of Buenavista it lies north-west and south-east (?).[236] Five leagues from this island, there came out 5 canoes; and they gave us a fish, telling us by signs that we should go with them to their island, and that they would give us hogs. The Indians went away; and we slept this night at sea.

[235] Figueroa gives for _mames_, _ynanimes_; and for _panales_,
_panays_. In the first instance, “yams” are probably meant; whilst,
in the second case, Burney suggests that by _panays_ the
“breadfruit” may be referred to. Fleurieu hints that it may be the
application of the name of the “parsnip” to some other vegetable.
The “taro” is evidently here alluded to.

[236] In Note VII. of the Geographical Appendix, I have treated of
the question relating to the identification of the islands which lie
between Cape Prieto and the north coast of Guadalcanar, with the
Spanish discoveries. In so doing, I have re-opened a discussion that
excited considerable interest a century ago, but which has since,
notwithstanding the efforts of Burney and Krusenstern, been almost
forgotten. Those acquainted with these islands will recognise in
Sesarga the present Savo.

“On the next day, which was the 19th of April, we arrived at the great island, which we had seen, and came upon a town of the Indians. There is a large river here; and there came out canoes to the brigantine, and some Indians who were swimming, and some women and boys. They gave us a rope, and towing us, carried us to the shore. When we were close to the beach, they began to throw stones at us, saying, ‘Mate,’ ‘Mate,’ meaning that they were going to kill us.[237] Some shots were fired, which killed two of them, and immediately they left us and fled. The ‘maestre de campo’ landed with 20 men, and took possession as in the case of the other islands. In the town was found, in small baskets, a large quantity of provisions, of roots, and ginger which is plentiful in this island. We put on board the brigantine what we could, including a hog. The same evening, we embarked; and we gave this island the name of Guadalcanal and to the river that of Ortega. I took the latitude, and found it to be in 10½°. With the higher part of Buenavista, it lies north and south 9 leagues, and with that of Sesarga north-west and south-east. From here we determined to return to where we had left the ships. We, therefore, started on the return voyage. Running back to the island of Santa Isabel, we passed by the island of Sesarga, which is called in the language of the Indians ‘Guali.’ Pursuing our way, we came close to Cape Prieto. We sailed along the south coast and arrived at an island, 7 leagues from Cape Prieto, which lies with the island of Sesarga north-by-west[238] 15 leagues. The taurique of this island, Beneboneja by name, called it the island of Veru. It is a league from that of Santa Isabel. The passage (entrada), which is on the south-east side of the island of Beru (Veru), has a fine harbour that is able to hold a thousand ships: it is 6 leagues in length, has a depth of 12 to 8 fathoms, is very clear (of shoals), and has an outlet to the north-west a league in length.[239] This channel[240] runs west-north-west to the cape of this island, where there is a large town which has more than 300 houses. The Indians received us in a friendly manner, giving us a hog: and because they would not give us more than a hog, we seized three canoes; and when they saw that we had taken these canoes, they ransomed them, giving for two canoes two hogs. We saw in this island some pearls that the Indians brought, which they did not hold in much esteem. They also brought us some tusks[241] that seemed to belong to some large animal, of which they have many: and they told us that we should take them and give them back their canoe. I considered that we should restore their canoe and accept these tusks: but the ‘maestre de campo’ was not willing to do so. This island is in latitude 9⅓°. We named it the island of Jorge.[242]

[237] There is here a strange coincidence. The natives in using the
word “mate”--a widely spread Polynesian word for “dead”--were
unconsciously making a correct use of the Spanish verb “matar,” to
kill.

[238] Norueste quarta del norueste (?).

[239] This fine harbour is at present known as Thousand Ships Bay.
It was visited by D’Urville, in 1838, who named his anchorage
Astrolabe Harbour.

[240] The outlet to the northwest has been named Ortega Channel. It
was explored by the officers of D’Urville’s expedition.

[241] Probably boar’s tusks.

[242] The St. George’s Island of the present chart.