Chapter II: Part 2

Seven songs are sung before they take up the rattles and the rawhide
and five songs for the raven. At this time, the man takes hold of
one of the rattles by the ball part touching it to the ground, while
he holds the end of the handle straight up. The raven songs are:
"Raven says, buffalo I am looking for; buffalo I take. The wind is
our medicine. The brush is our home. Buffalo I take." The man pecks
the rattle handle with one finger on both sides and crows. Then they
begin to beat the rattles on the rawhide and shake them in a circle
once.

Now seven songs are sung for the smudge which is made of a species
of fungus that grows on a kind of willow. The songs: "Old man says,
all right, may my lodge be put up. Old woman says, all right may my
lodge be put up or built." These words mean that the sun and moon
are speaking and want the sun dance lodge built without any
accidents.

The next songs are for the natoas bundle which is not opened. The
songs: "Old man comes in, he says, I am looking for my bonnet. I
have found it. It hears me. It is medicine." The old woman sings and
uses the same words in her songs. There are six of these bonnet
songs. The songs for the badger skin follow: "The man above hears
me; he is powerful. The ground is my home; it is powerful." There
are four songs for the badger. The badger skin and other things are
not handled, the songs about them are simply sung. The songs for the
natoas are: "Old man says I am looking for my bonnet. I have found
it: it is powerful." The woman then sings a song with the same
words, which is followed by a song about the stone arrow points on
the natoas. There is a song for everything which makes up the bonnet
which is as follows: the leather band, the blue paint on the band,
the stuffed weasel skin tied crosswise on the bonnet, the weasel
tails hanging from the bonnet, two feathers in front, and two
behind, two plumes on each side of the bonnet, a flint arrow point,
a buffalo calf tail, a snipe, and a small doll the head of which is
stuffed with tobacco seed. The song for the doll on the bonnet is:
"Children are running about. They are running from us. They are
running towards us. They are boys. They are powerful." The man says,
"Give me the child," and makes the movement of reception. Another
song is sung: "Child is crying," and the man imitates the crying of
a child. The song for the little birds is: "Bird says water is my
medicine; it is powerful," for the calf tail: "Man says calf tail I
want," and for the arrow point: "Sharp points are on both sides."
Then follows the song for the leather band which represents the
lizard: "Yonder man, I am angry and mad at you." This song of the
lizard refers to the prairie dog chief. The blue paint on the band
represents water and the song for it is: "The blue waters are our
medicine." The song for the feathers is: "Feathers I want." Another
song for the plume on the feathers: "Red I want." This closes the
evening ceremony. The man and woman are put to bed and all go home.

This is the ceremony after the first sweathouse is made. Three more
moves of the entire camp and three more sweathouses must be made.
The fourth move and sweathouse is where the sun dance takes place.
Nowadays, only one sweathouse is made for the sun dance.

It seems that the final camp is marked out by a society laying rocks around its bounds, according to which the arriving bands find their proper places.

At the fourth camp and on the fourth day, the natoas bundle is opened, or its formal ritual demonstrated. Early in the day another tipi is pitched before the medicine tipi and the covers are joined, thus enlarging the space and providing for a few spectators. A few men and women are invited to assist in the ceremony: the men use the rattles and with the women aid in the singing. The father and other men sit on the north side of the tipi, the former next the medicine woman's husband; and the other women sit on the south side, the mother next to the medicine woman. She directs the medicine woman and the singing of the other women. The ceremony opens at about ten A. M. with the first series of songs in the ritual. Three men hold a rattle in each hand, beating them upon the rawhide by a vigorous downward forward stroke, the seventh rattle is used by the father.

The ritual of the natoas will be found in Volume 7, pp. 215-220. Normally, this ceremony transfers the natoas to the daughter. She may, however, waive the right, in which case the bundle returns to the former owner. Yet, she seems to enjoy all the privileges accorded to one having been an owner.

Theoretically, no one can perform a transfer ceremony without having first owned the bundle in question. In case of the natoas, even now, a beaver owner is regarded as competent to conduct the proceeding, though he may never have gone through the ritual with his wife. This is consistent with the tradition that formerly the natoas was a part of the beaver bundle.[6] Yet, the conditions here are slightly different from those for other bundles in that the father must provide or is charged with the responsibility to see that a natoas is provided. Following the vow, either he or the son makes formal application to the owner of a natoas by the usual presentation of a pipe.[7]

When the daughter begins her fasting, the father has the natoas brought to her tipi. As a rule, the father's wife owns a natoas. Some informants claim that even should the daughter own a natoas, the father must provide another. On the other hand, the daughter can select the eligible natoas. In any case, the father furnishes the daughter with a dress and an elk robe for which he must be paid liberally.[8]

In conclusion, it may be remarked that anyone can make up a natoas, if he has a dream so directing him; also, if he owned a natoas that was lost or otherwise destroyed; if he gave it away, without receiving payment; or if it was buried with someone. Having owned a natoas and transferred it, he cannot duplicate it; should the new owner lose it, he may, if called upon, replace it; likewise, if buried, the surviving husband or wife could call upon him. In all such cases fees are given. When one transfers a medicine bundle and has been paid for it, he has no more right to it and cannot duplicate it on his own motion. Should one sell the bundle without the ceremony of transfer, the ritual remains with him and he can again make up the bundle; should one make the transfer and fail to receive the pay, or waive the pay, he can make it up again. The relatives of one buried with a bundle can call upon a former owner to make it up, after which it must be formally transferred to one of them. Men were sometimes killed on the warpath and their bundles lost; such were replaced as noted above. In every case these must be true duplicates; it is only a dream that authorizes new creations, or variations, however slight.

An interesting sidelight is thrown upon the idealized qualities of this woman's function by the following narrative:--

Once while a medicine woman was sleeping in the sacred tipi during the fasting, a nephew of her husband stole in and made improper advances. Being a good and true woman, like all others who give the sun dance, she spurned him. Next day she told her husband the whole story. He was very angry. He was not satisfied with the confession she made, but suspected that she must have given the young man some encouragement. So when all the medicinemen and women had come into the tipi to rehearse the songs as usual, he made a statement of these suspicions and as he had two wives, he proposed to have them change places.

The medicinemen pleaded for the first wife because they believed her innocent, but the husband was obdurate. So the second wife was called in to take the place. Then the first wife said, "It was I who saved this man's life when he was ill. I made the vow to give the sun dance and he got well. I have suffered much in fasting, all for him. Now he disgraces me before all the people. But I will put my virtue to a test. If I am true, I have already acquired power."

She filled a pipe, went outside and standing now on the east side of the tipi, then on the south, the west, and the north, she addressed the sun. The day was clear, but soon after the woman entered the tipi, thunder was heard. A storm came down with hail and blew over many tipis. But in spite of these proofs, her husband was obdurate and the second wife went on with the ceremony.

Not long after the sun dance this same man became ill again. Finally, as a last resort, he called upon the first wife to save him again. This woman told him to call upon the other woman as he seemed to have so much faith in her. So he died and was properly punished for so unjustly treating his faithful wife.

FOOTNOTES:

[6] In former times, the natoas and the medicine woman's costume were
owned by a beaver man. When a woman gave a sun dance she gave a horse
for their use. She just borrowed them. Later on, a beaver man
transferred them, whence they became a separate bundle.--Tom Kiyo.

[7] Should the woman already own a natoas and the transferrer (father)
own one; the woman must say which bundle shall be used. She can use
her own, borrow, or purchase of the transferrer.--Curly-bear.

[8] A Piegan informant comments as follows: The woman can either buy
or borrow a natoas. In the olden times she often borrowed because the
natoas, the dress, the elk tooth wristlets, and the robe were owned by
a beaver man's wife. After a time, however, these were transferred to
a medicine woman and were thus separated from the beaver bundle.

THE PROCESSION TO THE DANCING LODGE.

In our account of the natoas ritual we told how the father, son, etc., emerge from their tipi. The file is headed by the father, followed by the son, next the mother, then the medicine woman followed by women bearing the tongues. The father and the son are muffled in blankets (robes); the latter walks with bowed head, leaning heavily on a staff and bearing over his head a wild rhubarb stalk.[9] The medicine woman wears the natoas on her head, an elkskin (often buckskin) dress and an elkskin robe, with the digging-stick on her back. For a staff, she uses one of the smudge sticks. The women in her rear bear parfleches containing the tongues, together with blankets and other ordinary objects. Two or three old men act as conductors, or flankers, keeping the way clear of spectators, etc. The procession moves slowly and by stages. The four principal personages in it keep their eyes upon the ground. The course is southward past the entrance (east side) to the dancing lodge, around the south side, the rear of the shelter and entering from the north side. Here the medicine woman remains until the dancing lodge is raised at sunset, when she returns to her tipi and breaks her fast with berry soup. The father and the son go to a sweathouse after which their responsibilities also end. During the continuance of the ceremonies in the sun lodge, the medicine woman cares for the natoas bundle, now her property, until transferred to another, but is otherwise free to do as she likes. She usually remains quietly at home receiving guests and resting.

The part of the medicine woman is truly a sacrifice. She and her husband must pay liberally everyone called upon for ceremonial service directly connected with the tongues and the natoas ritual. They must also pay a considerable amount of property for the natoas itself. To give the ceremony means the sacrifice of all personal property. On the other hand, there is compensation, aside from fulfilling the vow. Her relatives are very proud of her since she is so virtuous. She is highly respected by her husband and family. In a measure those who "take the tongues" are also respected. The medicine woman may act as the mother in a future sun dance for which she will receive presents and she may eventually realize something by transferring the natoas to another. Should anything go wrong during the ceremony, the weather be unfavorable, etc., people will look with suspicion upon her and say she must have lied in her confession to the sun. Should she become ill or have deaths in the family, the same charge will be made.

_The Offerings of Cloth._ After the procession headed by the father and he is in position at the west side of the dancing lodge, offerings of cloth and clothing are brought up by the people. A man making such an offering hands the father a filled pipe and the cloth. The father holds the pipe and offers prayers for the giver and lights and passes the pipe to other old men sitting around. The cloth he lays in a pile. Then he paints the giver: first the face is smeared over with red, then black spots are daubed on the cheeks, nose, forehead, and chin, four in all. A black circle is marked around each wrist. Women bringing offerings and pipes go to the mother who prays for them and paints their faces red with a black spot on the nose and a black circle around the face. There is also a black circle around each wrist.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Scar-face is said to have made a whistle (flageolet) of such a
stalk. The pith of the growing plant is sometimes eaten for food.

THE HUNDRED-WILLOW SWEATHOUSE.

As stated before, a sweathouse of special form is constructed on the third day. This is said to have originated with Scar-face, it being the house into which he was taken by the sun. About the middle of the day a society is sent out for the willows. These were usually those of the younger men; the pigeons and mosquitoes. There is a belief, however, that in former times only warriors could be sent upon this errand. These persons are mounted and return in procession, singing and circling the medicine woman's tipi in the direction of the sun, and deposit their willows at the west side of the camp circle. They must not drink water while on this duty.

An older society is called to build the sweathouse. They must not drink water while engaged in this operation and receive some of the tongues after the ceremonies of the fourth day. Formerly, these men must have had a coup to their credit as a qualification and some informants claim that the sum total for the society should have totalled at least one hundred, the number of willows. The work begins some time before sunset by which time the sweathouse should be completed.

The willows are stuck into the ground in an oval and their tops bent over and interlocked over the top. The ends point toward the east and the west, an opening or door being provided at each. The willows are then painted, one side red and the other black. Next, a hole is dug in the center of the structure for the heated stones. In the meantime, a small heap of stones mixed with firewood has been placed some distance to the east. A buffalo skull is painted with red spots on one side and black on the other. Sagegrass is thrust into the nose and eye-sockets. Robes are then thrown over the willows and all is ready for the procession from the medicine woman's tipi.

The procession from the medicine woman's tipi consists of the father and another man experienced in ceremonial affairs, the husband, the mother and the medicine woman. They approach slowly and by stages, passing around the south side of the sweathouse to the north and then to the east or entrance. All keep their eyes on the ground. The husband walks with a heavy staff; the medicine woman carries the natoas bundle with a smudge stick.

The men enter the sweathouse, while the two women go to the west side and sit down facing the east. The medicine woman is on the north side with the bundle before her. After the men have entered, the fire is lighted and some of the attendants (builders of the sweathouse) lift the buffalo skull to the top of the sweathouse where it faces the east. Prayers and the usual sweathouse procedure now follow while the stones and a pail of water are passed in by an attendant. The covers are then drawn down and the vapor bath taken.

After the ceremony the procession returns to the medicine woman's tipi. The cover is removed from the sweathouse and the buffalo skull placed on top where it remains.

Should there be more than one medicine woman, another sweathouse is made on the east side of the camp circle and the others grouped around them equally.

Since after the sweathouse ceremony there is formal singing in the tipi until far into the night, it may be said that during the four days of the fast the ceremonies begin with the sweathouse at sundown, while on the fifth day the ceremony begins in the morning and ends at sundown.

To this generalized statement the following account from a Piegan may be added:--

Now, when the first sweathouse is to be made, orders are given in
the morning to one of the societies to get the willows to make the
hundred-willow sweathouse. Another man is to get the creeping
juniper to use in the smudge place in the medicine lodge, and still
another is to cut out the smudge place. The moves are short. The
people all move camp, as before, and the society goes on ahead and
stakes out the camping ground. When the tipis are pitched at the new
camping ground, the society comes in with the willows and the rocks
for the sweathouse. They circle once around to the right of the
lodges and stop outside of the circle, west of the medicine lodge.
They must neither eat nor drink while building the sweathouse. They
gather wood from among the tipis until they have enough to heat the
rocks. Robes for covering the sweathouse are borrowed from the
people of the camp. One man goes to the medicine lodge and digs out
the smudge place.

When the sweathouse is ready for the medicinemen, four of the men
who helped in the construction go and inform the men and women. They
carry the parfleche with the tongues in it on a robe, each man
holding a corner. The two medicinemen take the lead, the two women
follow, then come the four men with the parfleche. Four stops are
made before they reach the sweathouse. The instructor leads, and is
followed in single file by the other man, and the two women walking
very slowly and singing. They march once around the sweathouse in
the direction of the sun. The other old men who are to join them and
the two medicinemen go in while the two women remain seated on a
robe just west of it with the parfleche beside them. A smudge is
made with sweetgrass, and a crescent-shaped place marked out between
the square hole and the rear of the sweathouse and live coals are
placed on the dot in front of the crescent. A song is sung while the
smudge stick is taken up and a man goes after the coal for the
smudge. The sweetgrass is placed on the live coal and the two songs
for the smudge are sung: "Spring grass I take. Where I sit is
powerful." A pipe is handed in and the pipe bowl and stem painted
red. The man holds the pipe over the smudge and prays for the one
who gave it to him and then passes it to the last man to his right
who lights it and all smoke it. When the pipe is all burnt out, the
man who blessed it, takes it, and with a red-painted stick loosens
the ashes and empties some of them on the southeast corner of the
square hole in the sweathouse, then on the northwest corner, on the
northeast, and finally in the center.

After this the buffalo skull is brought in and the songs of the
buffalo sung while the same man paints it with black and red dots,
the left half black and the right half in red. Grass is stuffed into
the eyes and nose of the skull which is passed out through the west
of the sweathouse and placed on the earth taken out of the hole in
the sweathouse. An extra buffalo horn wrapped with swamp grass is
brought in and given to the man who paints it red and sings while
doing so: "Chiefs of other tribes I want to hook." He throws the
horn out and all the men of this society who remain near the
sweathouse try to catch it. The one who captures it is considered
lucky and he is supposed to capture a gun in the next battle he
witnesses.

The men in the sweathouse all undress and as they pass their robes
and moccasins out through the west of the sweathouse and the door,
the buffalo songs are sung. The two medicinemen only wear a robe and
moccasins when they go into the sweathouse. While singing, the
forked stick is taken up and one of the outsiders goes for the
heated stones, stopping four times before he brings them in. One of
the men who is inside takes the stone with two straight sticks and
places it on the southeast corner of the hole, the same is done with
four more stones which are placed on the southwest, the northwest,
the northeast corner and the fifth is placed in the bottom of the
hole at the center. When a sixth stone is placed in the hole, they
are all rolled to the bottom of the hole. Water and a horn spoon or
wooden bowl is brought in.

A little water is thrown on the stones to wash them, the curtains
are lowered, and prayers to the sun, moon, and stars, and earth
begin. In groups of four, sixteen medicine lodge songs are sung. The
curtains are raised and four more songs are sung; the sweathouse is
opened and four songs are sung, until the sixteen have been
completed. The two medicinemen go out through the west of the
sweathouse while the rest go through the door. The men dress, and
the parfleche containing the tongues is opened and the tongues given
to the members of the society who made the sweathouse. The
medicinemen and women do not eat. After all are provided with the
tongues a piece is broken off each and while all hold the pieces up
a prayer is said and the piece of tongue placed on the ground. Then
they all begin to eat. After this the robes are all returned to
their owners, the buffalo skull placed on top of the frame of the
sweathouse with the nose pointed towards the east and the
medicinemen and women return in single file while four men follow
behind carrying the empty parfleche. The men who belong to the
society may now eat and drink as they wish.

THE DANCING LODGE.

The dancing lodge may be said to take its origin on the fourth day, by which time the medicine woman has her tipi in place near its site and the camp circle has been formed. In construction, nine forked tree trunks about nine feet in height are set in a circle. Across their tops, except the eastern face, are laid stringers about fifteen feet long of the same material.[10] In the center, is another forked tree trunk much higher than the other (this we shall call the sun pole) connected with each of the stringers by a rafter. Green boughs are placed thickly against the outside of the lodge. On the inside, at the rear, is a booth screened and roofed with boughs. The material is cottonwood. That other woods were occasionally used, is attested by the fact that a locality is known as "the place of sweet pine dancing lodge."

Some informants claim that in former years each band was required to furnish two rafters, a post, a rail, and their proportionate amount of boughs. Two rafters were used instead of one as now, each band furnishing the section opposite their place in the circle. The contradiction between the number of bands and the size of the dancing lodge seems not to have troubled our informants. Now, the young men go out during the early part of the fourth day to cut the poles and boughs. This is done without ceremony. A crier usually rides around the camp circle reminding the various bands of their duty. Formerly, the young women went out on horseback to drag in the poles and brush. On this occasion, they dressed in the best costumes and used the finest horse trappings obtainable. The men cut the poles and brush, hitching them to the drag ropes with their own hands. As the procession galloped toward the camp circle, the men rode behind, shooting and yelling. In recent years, the men bring the material in on wagons without demonstration.

Men of some prominence are selected to dig the holes for the posts. The posts are erected and the stringers put in place, excepting one on the west side nearly opposite the entrance. The rafters are leaned against the stringers, ready to be pushed in place and the green boughs piled up at convenient places near by.

The cutting of the sun pole is attended with some ceremony. Some informants claim that formerly this was to be carried out by the medicine woman's band; others that one of the men's societies was called upon for this service. In any event, they go out as a war party and locate a suitable tree. A man with a war record, preferably one having struck an enemy with an ax, comes forward, takes an ax, paints the blade as he recounts some event in which he killed an enemy, and then strikes the tree. Four such deeds must be told before the tree can be felled. Then one or two men cut the tree as the others stand around. As the tree begins to fall all give the war cry and shoot at its top, then rush up, and tearing off branches, wave them in the air as if they were trophies from an enemy. Indeed, the whole proceeding, from start to finish, is a mimic attack on an enemy.

The pole is cut to approximate form and taken to the site of the dancing lodge. One end is placed on a travois (in recent times on a wagon), while the riders assist with their ropes, their horses massed around the travois horse.

The hole for the sun pole is dug without ceremony by relatives of the medicine woman. When it is in place, they tie a bundle of green boughs in the fork,[11] making everything ready for the raising in the evening. The sun pole now lies on the ground with the butt over the hole and the forked end supported by a piece of timber. The fork points to the west. It seems that formerly the pole was painted. Just below the fork it was circled by two black bands and two red ones beneath these.

FOOTNOTES:

[10] Obviously, this would make the dancing lodge very large. In reply
to this objection it was said that they were large; that it was
necessary to select as a site places where very long rafter poles
could be cut; that formerly societies and others performed evolutions
within on horseback. The late Little-plume is credited with having
introduced the present custom of reciting deeds, requiring horses,
outside the dancing lodge. It may be of interest to note that the
Arapaho also made very large sun dance shelters.

In 1908 Mr. Duvall measured the dancing lodge. The sun pole stood
sixteen feet from the ground to the fork. The posts were eight feet
and approximately sixteen feet apart. The diameter of the whole was
fifty-two feet. The fireplace was east of the sun pole six feet and
was four feet by two feet and five inches deep. The booth for
medicinemen was five feet eight inches wide by seven feet six inches
deep. The two holes were about a foot forward from the sod walls,
eight inches across and six inches deep. The man who has been marking
out the site for the lodge during the last few years, begins by
selecting the place for the sun pole and stepping off seven paces as
the radius.

[11] The bundle of boughs is neither spoken of as the thunderbird's
nest nor given a name of any kind; though some old men seemed to know
that other tribes so designated it. We made diligent inquiry on this
point and feel that the above statement is correct. Reference to
published photographs will show that the brush is merely gathered into
a bundle and not made into the form of a nest as in case of the Crow.

CUTTING THE THONGS.

A fresh cowskin (formerly two buffalo hides) is provided that thongs may be cut for binding the rafters to the stringers and the objects placed on the sun pole. There seems to have been no hunting ceremony for providing this hide and there is now no symbolic hunting. After the medicine woman is in the shelter, the ceremony of cutting the thongs takes place. If no one volunteers, men are "caught." The men who cut the thongs last year may do the "catching" or engage representatives to do it. Formerly, this function was exercised by old warriors who had captured enemies alive. The "catchers" go quietly about the camp looking for eligibles. While pretending to pass one by without notice, they suddenly lay hold of him. The victim may pull back, but is not allowed to resort to other means of resistance. He is then led up to the hides near the front of the medicine woman's shelter. In former times, four such men were brought up for the ceremony. They must have coups to their records, otherwise they would not have been selected. In the ceremony of 1904 we observed an attempt to "catch" a man on horseback, but the struggles of the horse enabled him to escape. In former times, the friends of the interested party would have gathered around the rear and sides of the horse forcing him forward in the lead of the "catcher". This whole catching procedure is said to symbolize the capture of an enemy.

In order to understand the ceremony that now takes place, it is necessary to know that the right to cut the thong is to the Blackfoot a medicine to be transferred for gifts of property as in case of other medicines. The men who did the cutting in the previous year are to "sell", or transfer, this year. It is they who do the "catching", either in person or by deputy. Should no one be brought forward, those who performed the rite on the previous year must again serve. As soon as a man is caught, his relatives are notified; they come out with all kinds of property to support him in the transfer. The initiate is brought into the presence of the present owner of the right, his hands and face are painted, accompanied by ritualistic prayers. While this proceeds, an old man (usually a relative) stands somewhat apart and shouts out praise for the initiate. However, this may be done by a woman, if no man comes forward. A horse and other property is then given to the former owner of the right, whence it ceases to be his. The deputy "catcher", if there is one, then receives a small present or two from the former owner.

The cutting of the thong then takes place. The new owner of the right, standing up by the hide, shouts out his coups. He holds the knife in his hand and while pointing in different directions with it, he tells of a war deed. At the end of each tale he makes a pass with the knife as if to cut the hide. After four deeds are told, he cuts the hide. For example, he may say, "At such a place I captured a horse which gives me the right to cut this, etc." If there are other men with the right, they follow in turn. After this, the thongs are cut with the assistance of other men and distributed at the places where they will be needed. A thong with the tail attached is used to bind the bunch of boughs to the sun pole, the tail hanging down.

While this ceremony is going on, gifts of flour, beef, etc., made by white people are distributed among the old poor people. This is regarded as a recent intrusion.

The following extract from an unpublished version of the Scar-face myth accounts for the thong-cutting ceremony:--

Her husband could tell by her eyes that she had been crying and he
said, "I told you not to dig up that turnip, but nevertheless you
have done so. Since you are lonesome and wish to return to your
people, I will take you back." Then Morningstar went out and killed
some buffalo. After he had skinned all of them he cut the hides into
long strands, fastened them together, and tied the woman and her
child to one end and let her down from the sky to where her people
were.

Before she reached the earth, a little sore-eyed boy was lying on
his back, looking up at the sky and saw a very small object coming
down. The boy told the men who were playing the wheel gambling game
what he saw, but they laughed at him and threw dirt in his eyes and
said, "You must see the gum on your eyelids or lashes." As the
falling object came closer others noticed it and when it came among
the group they knew that it was the woman who was missing from the
camp. They untied the rawhide strand and noticed that some of the
buffalo tails were on the ends of the long rope which lay piled up
high before them.

This woman came down with her digging-stick. As she was not a wicked
woman and only lived with Morningstar as her husband, she gave her
digging-stick to the medicine lodge woman and the natoas was named
for the turnip she dug up. When the sun dance was held, this woman
told them always to cut up a rawhide into strands and tie the posts
with them. Also that the center post and the birch on it must be
tied with them. The tail of the hide is to hang down from the center
post. These rawhide strands are a representation of the rawhide rope
with which this woman was let down to the earth. Later, the moose
hoofs are tied to this digging-stick. The plumes on the natoas are
to represent the leaf of the large turnip this woman dug up while in
the sky.

RAISING THE SUN POLE.

While the hide is being cut, all the woman who made vows to take some of the tongues come forward to the parfleche placed near the medicinemen and women. Each woman takes one of the tongues and stands with the person for whom her vow was made and makes a confession to the sun in a loud voice, so all may hear. Then she prays to the sun for the beneficiary. After all the women have taken their tongues, some of the men tie the cloth offerings to the ends of the poles and a bunch of birch is tied between the forks of the center pole.

The preceding ceremony comes to a close as the sun gets very low. About time for the sun to set, a procession of pole raisers starts from each of the four quarters of the camp circle. Tipi poles are tied near the small ends in pairs, each pair carried by two men. The four parties advance in unison by four stages and at each pause sing a special song. In the last move, they rush upon the sun pole and raise it in place. In the meantime, the father and son go and stand on the center pole while their wives stand to the west. The men make wing movements with their arms toward the east. According to some informants, the medicine woman may make hooking motions at the pole, to symbolize the mythical Elk-woman.

Four men are called upon to assist the father and son. As the latter stand upon the pole, they encircle and screen them with their blankets and join the father in singing. The songs call for good luck in erecting the dancing lodge. The son does not sing. Four songs are sung. At the end of each the father blows a whistle while someone shakes the pole. The last time they jump off the pole. The son drops his blanket (some say the father also, some add moccasins) painted black as a sun offering. Another blanket is handed him at once.

As soon as the men leave the pole the advancing raisers rush in, raise the center pole, put on the rafters, tie them with the rawhide strands and place brush all around to form the wind-break. This is accompanied by much shouting, but without shooting.

While the sun pole is being raised the daughter and mother stand watching it. They pray and make movements with the corners of their robes as though steering the rising pole. As it sways from side to side, they gesture as if righting it.

As soon as the pole is set, the natoas, robe, and moccasins are taken off the daughter by the mother. She may call on someone to do this and pay a gun or a horse for the service. The mother and other attendants then lead the daughter to her tipi where she resumes her ordinary routine.

The father and son go to a sweathouse where all the paint is washed off. This is not the hundred-willow sweathouse and is the fifth sweathouse, if it were counted. The two men go in and some sagegrass being handed to the father, he takes off the feathers tied to the son's hair, the hair necklace, and whistle. After the first opening of the sweathouse he takes the sagegrass and wipes off the black paint on the son and hands out through the west side of the sweathouse the necklace, whistle, and feathers which are to be taken home. At the same time, the two women are in the ceremonial lodge, the mother caring for the daughter.

When the men have completed the sweathouse ceremony they go to the medicine woman's tipi. The father and his wife wrap up the natoas and place it in the badger skin. After this is done, they no longer have to eat sparingly. This ends the ceremony of the medicine woman.

Early the next day she and her husband must obtain the cottonwood brush with which the booth for the weather dancers is made. Another man digs out the place in the booth, making it the same as the smudge place in the medicine woman's tipi, with the sod on three sides and creeping juniper on top of it. The fireplace is dug out to the west of the center post and is made as in the medicine woman's tipi. When going for and returning the brush, the woman rides one horse and leads the one dragging her travois. While when the other brush was brought in there was much shooting and shouting, there are now no demonstrations of any kind, but absolute silence.

THE WEATHER DANCERS.

Early on the fifth day, a booth is built inside the dancing lodge opposite the entrance. A slight excavation about six feet square is made over which is erected a shelter of green cottonwood boughs, open on the side facing the sun pole. Before the middle of the day, a procession of one or more men supposed to have power over the weather, attended by drummers, proceeds by stages from the medicine woman's tipi to this booth. They pause four times and dance, facing alternately the east and the west. They hold whistles of bone in their mouths, which are sounded in unison with the dancing. The procession is of two transverse lines, the dancers, in front, the drummers and singers behind. A great deal of dancing is done between the entrance to the dancing lodge and the booth. At intervals during the day they stand before the booth and dance to the east and west: the drummers are now stationed on the south side of the booth where women also assemble for the singing. The dancing is chiefly an up and down movement produced by flexing the knees, the eyes are directed toward the sun and wing-like movements of the hands are made in the same direction. The dancers wear breechcloth and moccasins and usually a robe around the waist. Their faces and bodies are painted according to their own medicines and medicine objects worn on their heads.

It is stated that there is but one weather dancer, but others may join under certain conditions. In practice this seems to amount to there being a director or leader in the dance, at least such was the case in 1903 and 1904. In 1904 the two assistant dancers went to the medicine woman's tipi to paint themselves and began their procession from there, while the leader approached in a similar manner from his own tipi, the two forming one procession before the east side of the dancing lodge was reached. The leading dancer wore a special ceremonial robe, headdress, and several medicine objects, which have been described in Volume 7 (pp. 98-99).

These objects and their medicine functions may be regarded as esoteric in so far as they are not absolutely essential to the office of leading dancer. Yet, this same individual seems to have performed this function for a number of years. Clark mentions strings of feathers tied to the finger of this dancer.[12]

In 1904 there were two assistant dancers. Both wore headdresses somewhat like that of their leader. One was fully dressed with a blanket around his waist; the other was nude to the belt. The latter was painted chiefly in red with a circle in blue on the back and one on the breast. The former had a pair of horizontal lines on each cheek, those on the right, black, on the left, red.

It is said that formerly these dancers were nude, except for the breechcloth and moccasins. The entire body was painted. There seemed to have been no fixed painting, but the sun, moon, and stars were usually represented. Around the head, they wore a wreath of juniper and bands of sagegrass around the neck, wrists, and ankles.

The weather dancers are not permitted to eat or drink during the day. Formerly, they remained in the booth continuously until the evening of the fourth day of their dancing; in recent years, they spend the night at home and return to the booth in the morning.

The functions of these dancers are not clearly understood. They seem to be held responsible for the weather: i. e., upon them falls the duty of preventing rain from interfering with the dancing. Whether they do this because they happen to have independent shamanistic powers or whether it is a mere function of their temporary office in the ceremony, cannot be determined. Other medicinemen often attempt to control the weather during the days preceding the formal entry into the booth as well as during the later days. In 1903 (Piegan) there was a contest between a number of rival medicinemen some of whom conjured for rain, others for fair weather: strange to say, clouds would threaten and then pass away during these days, which coincidence was interpreted as proof of evenly matched powers. Several times one of the partisans of fair weather came out near the site of the dancing lodge and danced to the sun, holding up a small pipe and occasionally shouting. He wore no regalia and danced in a different manner from that observed among the weather dancers at the booth. However, the man who led the weather dancers for many years until his death in 1908, was famous for his control over the weather. Once, it is told, he became enraged at the power making the weather bad, shouting out "Now, you go ahead, if you want to. I have great power and can stop you when I will."

In former times, the dreams of the weather dancers while sleeping in the booth were considered of special supernatural significance, since, it is said, they were _en rapport_ with the sun. This _rapport_ may account for what seems to be one of their chief functions--blessing the people. During the days they are in the booth, individuals come to them "to be prayed for." They come up and stand before the booth. The dancer takes black paint and paints their faces. Then he prays to the sun for their welfare. During this part of the ceremony the recipient faces the sun. Again, the medicine-pipes and other ritualistic objects are brought up for the dancer to present to the sun. The pipes he holds up with the stems towards the sun, whom he addresses at some length, offering him a smoke, making requests, etc., after which he smokes the pipe. All the persons present are then permitted to put their lips to the pipe from which they are supposed to derive great benefits. The dancer also receives offerings made to the sun. A young man may fill a pipe and approach with his offerings. The dancer takes the pipe, smokes, prays, paints the man's face, and makes the offering. A woman or child may do this; or a whole family. Formerly, a great deal of old clothing was offered at this time, a custom still practised by the Blood. Also children's moccasins and clothing were offered in this way. As they grew out of them they were given to the sun to promote well-being. In last analysis, it seems that while these dancers are spoken of as weather priests, they are rather sun priests, since through them appeals to the sun are made. It should be noted that they are regarded as independent of and in no way associated with the medicine woman ceremonies or the erection of the dancing lodge, but upon entrance to the booth, the leading weather dancer is said to become the chief and director of all succeeding ceremonies. The length of the ceremony depends entirely upon him and formerly continued as long as he kept his place.

Like other rites this one was bought and sold, but it was usual to continue in ownership many years. Anyone could make a vow to dance with the weather dancer and join him in his ceremonies, but such vows were usually made by former owners of the rite. When one makes a vow to purchase the rite, its owner must sell, however reluctant he may be. The transfer must be in the sun dance. It is said that two men once alternately sold to each other for many years so that both could appear in every sun dance.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] Clark, W. P., _The Indian Sign Language_ (Philadelphia, 1885),
72.

DANCING.

The first ceremony of this character is named the cutting-out dance (to cut out a hole in a robe). It seems to have been performed by a society and occurs early on the fifth day. About four or six old men dance in line with a rawhide which they hold in front of them, singing and beating time on the rawhide with rattles similar to those of the beaver men. The society now divides into two parties, one placing itself north of the center pole, and the other party standing in line south of the center pole. The two parties dance back and forward in front of the pole shooting at it. The old men on the west side of the center pole dance in their places. The rawhide held in front of them, hangs down like an apron. They beat time on it, holding the rawhide in one hand, and the rattles in the other. An old man counts deeds and marks out with a knife the fireplace and the booth for the weather dancers. These are dug while the dancing and shooting take place.[13]

The hole, or fire pit, is dug between the sun pole and the entrance to the dancing lodge. It is about three feet by two and "two hands" deep. A warrior is then called to start the fire. Warriors now come forward in turn to count their coups. In this a man took a piece of firewood and holding it up, called out in a loud voice how he once struck a Sioux, a Snake, etc., then placed it in the fire. When he had recounted all he gave way to the next. Stories are told of men having enough coups to make a fire large enough to threaten the destruction of the dancing lodge. We were able to confirm the statement of Clark[14] that the height of the flame as determined by a buffalo tail hanging down was the criterion for determining a great warrior. One informant states as follows:--

There is always a cow tail hanging down from the center post. In olden times this was a buffalo tail, to the end of which a blackened plume was tied. This hangs down over the fireplace which was used at night to furnish light for the proceedings. The assembled people were entertained by narratives of warriors as they came forward to narrate their deeds; each threw a stick on the fire for each deed counted and he whose fire blazed high enough to reach the tail was considered a great warrior. It was a great honor when a man could tell enough war deeds to scorch the tail. All this time there was singing (the cheering songs) and drumming, while berry soup was served to all. The persons taking part are designated as those "who are about to make the fire." In recent years, this ceremony has been performed in a very perfunctory manner.

After the ceremony, the fire was fed in the ordinary way and kept going during the greater part of the succeeding days. The origin of this dance is often ascribed to Scar-face.

FOOTNOTES:

[13] It will be recalled that in the sun dance of the Dakota type (p.
110) there is a ceremonial shooting at the sun pole. Here the shooting
takes place in a perfunctory way, while the pole is dragged to the sun
dance site. Yet, McQuesten claims to have witnessed the driving of
evil power from the sun lodge at a Blood ceremony in 1912. ("The Sun
Dance of the Blackfeet" _Rod and Gun in Canada_, March 1912.) As this
is not noted in older accounts and we failed to get information as to
it, we suspect it to be due to foreign influences, or perhaps the
author's own interpretation.

[14] Clark, _ibid._, 72.

SOCIETY DANCES.