Chapter III: Part 3

On page 810, in the first column, it is argued that no doubt big business and the insurance companies would be glad to see the pending constitutional amendment defeated. That is a pure assumption. Inasmuch as said amendment goes infinitely farther than authorizing a compensation law, and generally repeals the Bill of Rights in application to the relation of employer and employe, there may be many conservative opinions opposed to its enactment. But big business, the casualty insurance companies and a host of conservative people have been most active in the movement for an amendment permitting the enactment of a compensation law in this state in such form as the judgment of the legislature might decide, without any restrictions in the interests of any party.

On the same page, near the top of the second column, it is objected to the insurance committee’s compensation bill now pending in the Legislature that it leaves the function of fixing rates in the State Insurance Department. Why not! Is the objection to that provision that the Insurance Department, being already constituted and being composed of officials expert in the subject of insurance, will fix rates properly and not use state-administered insurance as a political weapon? Why create a new body to deal with the technical subjects with which the Insurance Department is qualified to deal?

Further down it is stated, sneeringly, that “three constitutional objections to one bill is good measure.” The objections are then stated. Now as a matter of fact three constitutional objections to one bill don’t amount to much unless these objections are valid. All the objections recited in this paragraph have been carefully considered and the overwhelming weight of opinion is that they are not valid.

It is then stated that a certain change in this bill from its earlier form has “in effect, turned the whole rich New York field over to the casualty companies.” And the reason for that conclusion is stated to be that the employers will do nothing until the casualty companies’ agents come to them, and will then do what the casualty insurance agents advise. That is nonsense. When the casualty insurance agents go to the employers under a law such as is proposed in this bill, they will go with a proposition involving an extremely large increase in rates. Employers throughout this state have been aroused over the subject of compensation and have studied the question of insurance sufficiently to turn out en masse against a proposition to give a state office the monopoly of insurance. Does it seem probable that when they are approached by the casualty insurance companies’ agents they will suddenly turn into fools and in effect submit to a monopoly by those companies? On the contrary, they will study the problem of mutual insurance very hard, and there will undoubtedly result many experiments in that line. Large establishments also will study out the problem of carrying their own insurance. It is also probable that a few employers may venture to experiment with state insurance. But the fact is, as the writer of this article knows, that no well informed and substantial employer will have anything to do with state insurance except as a last resource, or unless he is compelled.

Finally it is stated that no spokesman for the casualty insurance companies appears upon the field in New York. That is rather ridiculous. Officially, the two best informed persons upon casualty insurance in this state should be Mr. Hotchkiss, the former, and Mr. Emmet, the present, state insurance commissioner; and they both have spoken for, although not as the representatives of, the casualty companies of New York. At the same time, Frank E. Law, of the Fidelity and Casualty Company, and Edson S. Lott, of the United States Casualty Company, have made many addresses and published a considerable amount of literature on this subject. Naturally, the insurance companies have sought to avoid anything that would cause the false impression that any bill was in their particular interest. They have therefore rather confined themselves to opposing thoroughly bad measures than to advocating anything that they particularly desire or recommend.

The whole animus of this article is clearly betrayed in the opening words of the last paragraph, where the writer says, “while men are deliberately and openly planning the utter rout of the casualty companies....” Who are these men that are deliberately and openly planning the utter rout of the casualty companies? The writer is among them. They are those who seek to destroy private business in all its forms and to substitute state management and control in its place. Their activities in the present campaign have nothing to do with the particular merits or demerits of the compensation measures in question. Their whole attitude is false, in that they do not admit their motives, and besides wantonly misstate facts as to their adversaries.

F. ROBERTSON JONES.

[Secretary-Treasurer Workmen’s Compensation Publicity Bureau.]
New York.

MOTHERHOOD AND PENSIONS

TO THE EDITOR:

After all, the discussion of State Funds to Mothers has not left us breathless. Even after the clear statements of two opposing social points of view in THE SURVEY of March 1, and the summing up by Dr. Devine it seems to me that there still remains another point of view—that of the mother.

Speeches in a Mother’s Congress do not always give the right idea of the mother’s point of view. One must make allowance for fervour. A speaker of charm and imagination will be quoted, but the great body of mothers are as calm and collected in thinking on this subject as on any other domestic problem which comes to them for solution. For there is no doubt that the women, and above all, the mothers, will have something to do and say about the solution of this problem.

I belong to the class of mothers who would not usually speak in public except for an accident. The accident was that I discovered a woman trying to do the impossible and found that society seemed organized to ignore her. She was not very good, but she was not bad. No one tried to help her to be better. They said they had been observing her, and that they were not satisfied. She was a widow of thirty-five with eight children under the working age. The conditions under which that woman was struggling were absolutely impossible and I broke the boycott. Since then I have been interested in mothers with minor dependent children.

It seems to me that taking away the children from a mother, is like taking away her life, for the connection is so close and subtle. Many a mother would prefer a quick and sudden death to that slow and living one. It is like giving capital punishment for a trivial offense. Sometimes the offense is unintentional. It may be poverty.

There is a certain temporary relief gained, when children have been entirely dependent on the mother, and she has had no bread to give them. At first, when the relieving officer takes the children and she knows that at night they will be snug and warm and in the morning dressed and fed, there is a great wave of thankfulness and relief. But soon the mother asks herself, “why could not I have warmed and fed and dressed them, since I could have done it for less?” Even the simplest mothers have heard the whisper now. In their desperate loneliness they are gathering, by tens and by thousands, to ask for the custody of their own children.

This social revolution may be like the French revolution, but it is surely not like the burning of witches, unless the witches are the ones that stand by the cradles of neglected childhood.

How carefully Miss Richmond, appealing to our judgment and sound sense, figures out the seemingly fabulous sums that might have been saved to fight tuberculosis and feeble-mindedness, from the sums wasted in soldiers pensions. But why, I ask, is the whole country spell-bound, helpless and hopeless at the prospect of the mounting pension ladder? If we admit that the granting of pensions to disabled soldiers was right, why attack the principle instead of the abuse of the practise? Surely that could be helped. If a thing can be proven to be wrong and illogical by mathematics, as Miss Richmond has proved it to be, then it can be solved by mathematics. There is a leak somewhere.

In the same way, if there are more children with their mothers, after a certain law has been passed, and at the same time more in the institutions, it shows, surely, that the attention of the community has been called to a lot of children unknown before or that someone has blundered in counting them. A new law does not produce a spontaneous crop of children, under the Juvenile Court limit. Where were those children? These are the things that a mother naturally asks. They say that the soldiers are dying out. But unless the risks and dangers and lack of independence of the life deter women in the future, there will always be mothers.

But will there always be poor mothers? Have we not begun a war on poverty?

Why is not the prevention and cure of poverty as wide and noble a field as the cure of tuberculosis? Are we not studying to eliminate it in the same way by destroying its breeding places, by rescuing the child, by no longer considering poverty as “the curse of God?” Poverty and tuberculosis and other dark shapes go hand in hand. Why is not the prevention of needless poverty also a constructive health measure?

And why, if we are to be so very careful and scientific about it, is the question of non-support always confused with that of the death of the wage-earner? The man cannot take his responsibilities with him into the next life, whatever we say, and the poor cannot carry adequate insurance till we copy England or Germany.

Let us have “more individualized, more skillful, more thorough treatment of the widely diversified causes of dependence” by all means. But let us not forget that the fact of bearing and rearing a child in itself creates a certain, if variable, state of dependence for a woman. No amount of learned reasoning can change the fundamental fact that while the child is coming into the world and is young the mother must forfeit a certain amount of her independence to care for the child. What I do not have patience with is the preaching of that good old-fashioned dogma “the mother’s best place is in the home.” Nothing can be more valuable to the state than the mother’s contribution, but the home has no safeguards other than those which the man, with his willing or unwilling hands can give her.

It is the preachers and the social workers, I have thought to myself many times who have waked our sleeping “social conscience.” It may be a good genie that is waked but it wants something to do, and will not be put off with promises.

CLARA CAHILL PARK.

[Secretary of the Commission to Study the Question of Support of
Dependent Minor Children of Widowed Mothers.]

Wollaston, Mass.

PERSONALS

Wilfred S. Reynolds, executive secretary of the Cook County Board of Visitors during its first year has succeeded Prof. Henry W. Thurston and Dr. Hastings H. Hart as secretary and superintendent of the Illinois Children’s Home and Aid Society. A graduate of Earlham College, Indiana, Mr. Reynolds was for six years superintendent of schools and assistant superintendent of the School for Delinquent Boys at Plainfield, Ind. Under Amos W. Butler, he was for four years in charge of the department of the Indiana Board of State Charities for the supervision of dependent and neglected children.

The Illinois Children’s Home and Aid Society is devoted to home-finding and the supervision of children in foster homes, the aid and helpful oversight of dependent parents with children, and to the administration of the four institutions conducted by the society in different parts of the state of Illinois. A careful survey of Chicago and of the state at large will soon be undertaken by Mr. Reynolds and his staff to determine anew the specific demands for the society’s work and the scale upon which it can now be undertaken. Its expenditures last year, as reported by the subscriptions investigating committee of the Chicago Association of Commerce, were $62,616.

* * * * *

The death of Samuel Allan Lattimore, Ph.D., LL.D., emeritus professor of chemistry of the University of Rochester, at the age of eighty-five, marks the passing of a notable educator and social worker. Though born in the central West of southern ancestry, he spent most of his professional life in the East. He combined in character the courtesy of the South, the vigor of the West and the conservatism of the East. He was a real aristocrat, the kind that makes a true democrat. As a teacher, and even as a friend, he gave the impression one has in the Alps of distance without remoteness, of aloofness without coldness.

Dr. Lattimore’s reputation as a scientist was such that in the face of bitter political opposition, his report recommending the present source of Rochester’s water supply was accepted. This secured to the citizens an ideal water system. He was one of the organizers of the Western New York Institution for Deaf Mutes, of the Mechanics Institute and of the Reynolds Library, three of the most useful institutions of the city. For several years he was a member of the city Board of Health, of the Monroe County committee of mental hygiene of the State Charities Aid Association, and of the board of visitors for that organization to the state hospital for the insane. He was a pioneer advocate of cremation on the ground of its sanitary value, and his body was one of the first to be reduced to its elements in the crematory just completed by his city.

PROF. SAMUEL A. LATTIMORE
]

The scholar and the gentleman blended in him so perfectly that we think of him first as a citizen. The community is as much his debtor as the university. He had unusual opportunities to make large sums of money as an expert chemist, but never would lower his professional standards for commercial gain. One of his most conspicuous early services was a course of free public lectures on science given to large audiences of working men for several successive years in Buffalo, Cleveland and Rochester.

Professor Lattimore’s mind was keenly alert to the very end of his career and kept in touch with all of the movements for social welfare. Only a few days before his death he was deeply interested in the article in a recent SURVEY by Samuel Fels on The Policeman. He suggested that it be reprinted in _The Common Good_ and a copy be sent to every policeman in the city. His wish has been carried out.[3] He was a fine type of the new citizen-scholar, with a large and keen sense of the duty which scholarship owes to the community.

Footnote 3:

The Common Good of Civic and Social Rochester. March, 1913. p. 171.

PAUL MOORE STRAYER.

* * * * *

Recently the Board of Directors of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company elected Lee K. Frankel sixth vice-president. As assistant secretary and manager of the Industrial Department, Dr. Frankel has brought his knowledge of social work and conditions into the industrial insurance field.

At the summit of his usefulness Prince A. Morrow has been gathered to his fathers. Worn out by labor for a cause that possessed him mind, body and estate, he was cut down in the glory of what must almost be considered martyrdom. His zeal for his endeavor engulfed him, rendered him oblivious to all minor concerns. He was happy in death because it occurred when the tidal wave that he had started on its onward course was sweeping a mighty current throughout the length and breadth of the land.

Dr. Morrow was born December 19, 1846, and therefore had not reached the allotted threescore and ten years when death claimed him. He was of gentle birth, and his mental equipment and capacity entitled him to work as a peer among intellectual men. His honesty of purpose, strength of character, and mental courage rendered him a fit champion for the cause he finally espoused. At the age of eighteen, he won his academic degree at Princeton College, Ky. He took his professional degree from the Medical Department of the University of New York in 1874.

His activity in professional work soon brought him into prominence as a surgeon, lecturer, professor, and author. He was an indefatigable worker from the first, and a voluminous writer, contributing essays freely to medical periodicals, translating important works from the French; he stood out as an authority on dermatology and syphilology. Along these lines he gained distinction and emolument.

But this goal did not satisfy the cravings of his moral nature. He had in him the sturdy courage and the indomitable will of a reformer. In his late manhood he set about the herculean task of cleansing the moral atmosphere of the community. He opened the door of publicity and let in the light of knowledge upon the slimy and festering course of the venereal diseases in their ravaging march among the ignorant and innocent.

This led to a broadening of the lines of his endeavor and the inclusion of the sex problem in his crusade. More and more he recognized the necessity of imparting correct information upon sex matters to the budding curiosity of youth and of giving honest food to clean young minds, rather than the distorted nourishment they had been wont to receive. His studies, his writings, his teachings, and his special line of practice and hospital work, all had served to fit him peculiarly for his chosen task. The final outcome of it all was the crowning glory of his life, the formation of the Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, of which he was the life and the soul and which above all else is worthy of record among his achievements.

After months of thought and much counsel and consultation among his friends, who furnished him scant support and at best only lukewarm approval, he finally called a meeting on February 8, 1905, at the New York Academy of Medicine. A handful of men, twenty-five in all—timid, half-hearted associates—gathered around him to discuss the propriety of organizing a society for “the study and prevention of the spread of diseases which have their origin in the social evil.”

A movement of this nature was already under way abroad, notably in France, Belgium, and Germany, but England was nearly silent on the subject and not a ripple of the current had started on this side of the Atlantic. The medical profession of New York was indifferent, if not passively hostile, to the new movement, while the country at large was apathetic. But Dr. Morrow struggled in season and out of season against indifference, opposition, and ridicule. From this small beginning he pushed ahead, until death snatched his tired body from the arena. Yet his accomplishment lives and is his monument—and practically his alone—for he was its life and its spirit.

Today the society in numbers approaches 2,000 and embraces in its membership individuals in every quarter of the globe—Canada, England, Scotland, Mexico, Asia, Africa, New Zealand. Largely from the seed sown by the pioneer society, there have sprung up in the United States over twenty kindred bodies, most of which were helped in organization by the literature of the New York society and the kindly counsel and encouragement of Dr. Morrow. The laity even more than the profession, and notably women, have put their shoulders to the wheel and assisted. The press is no longer timidly hostile, but opens its columns and lends its editorials to spreading the idea which is now slowly sweeping over the land.

Dr. Morrow has been recognized as the general at the head of the advancing army, a recognition which may be epitomized by quoting the words of a resolution passed by the International Congress of Hygiene and Demography at Washington, September 27, 1912:

Be it resolved: That the participants of this section on sex hygiene
of the Fifteenth International Congress of Hygiene and Demography,
consider it a privilege to make public record of their sense of
obligation to Dr. Morrow for his courageous and unflinching attitude
in the fact of difficulties that would have discomfited an ordinary
man, and of admiration for the achievement that has culminated in
the prominent position that education in sex hygiene has commanded
in the deliberation of this congress.

“Be it also resolved: That the delegates here assembled join with
rare pleasure in the attempt, inadequate though it be, to express to
Dr. Morrow the gratitude not only of the American people, but of the
world of nations.”

Dr. Morrow’s gracious manner and courtly dignity, the balanced charm of his cultured and deliberate diction, a combination that quite justifies the seeming pretension of his praenomen—these things, and many others, will long be remembered by those who have the honor to believe that they may be classed among the number of his friends.

E. L. KEYES.

* * * * *

Prof. Charles E. Merriam of the University of Chicago was again elected alderman of his ward on April 1. The circumstances of the victory give it unusual significance. All Chicago watched the struggle so closely as almost to forget the aldermanic battles in other wards. The way in which he took up the cudgels shows again Professor Merriam’s high degree of civic courage. For scarcely a man who had served with distinction as an alderman and then as the leader in a mayoralty campaign that attracted the nation’s attention, would have entered an aldermanic fight again with the odds against him. His ward, the boundaries of which were recently changed, no longer includes the university as it did when he was previously elected alderman. It now stretches far to the south, and takes in some industrial sections. Professor Merriam not only had an able opponent but, in making non-partisanship a main issue, he decided to run solely as an independent candidate nominated by petition.

His opponents all ran on party tickets. There was even a candidate under the Progressive Party designation despite Professor Merriam’s prominent identification with that party during the last presidential campaign. The progressives in Chicago tried hard to arrange an agreement between all the parties to abandon party names and leave the field throughout the city clear for nominations solely by petition. When this failed they nominated their own candidates. The candidacy of a “progressive” against Professor Merriam is said by some to have been part of a scheme to beat him.

Professor Merriam has aggressively worked for public rights and welfare and the newer methods of bringing the control of government back to the people. His election is a triumph for this type of public service as distinguished from the “business administration” type which his chief opponent personified.

G. R. T.

* * * * *

Karl DE Schweinitz, for nearly two years secretary of the Pennsylvania Society for the Prevention of Tuberculosis, will shortly become head of the Bureau of Advice and Information of the New York Charity Organization Society. This bureau undertakes to investigate, at request, agencies and institutions accepting donations from private individuals.

Mr. de Schweinitz brings to his new task experience in investigation, publicity and social work. He has been a reporter on both the Philadelphia _Public Ledger_ and _Press_, and has served in the circulation department of the Curtis Publishing Company. For a year he engaged in publicity work at the University of Pennsylvania.

* * * * *

Olive Crosby has been appointed office secretary of the Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis. Miss Crosby was formerly secretary of the New York Diet Kitchen Association, and earlier, head of the investigating department of the New York Charity Organization Society.

TREND

LEADERS IN THE MONTH’S MAGAZINES

WHY CHILDREN WORK. By Helen M. Todd. _McClure’s._ The answers of eight
hundred of the little workers who were questioned by Miss Todd as
factory inspector in Chicago. A little less than half the Chicago
children gave their father’s illness or death by industrial accident
or disease as the reason. An almost equal number said they liked
work better than school, and their reasons, as given by Miss Todd,
constitute a pretty serious criticism of our educational system.

SAFETY BY SANCTION. By John Anson Ford. _Technical World Magazine._
Tells of the “safety first” campaign set on foot by R. C. Richards,
claim agent of the Chicago and North Western Railroad, which, in
less than two years, has resulted in saving the life of one trainman
out of every two who under former conditions would have been killed
under the cars; saving similarly one out of every three of the
trackmen formerly doomed to death in the performance of duty;
reducing the accident toll among passengers by 152 more passengers
saved from death and almost 5,000 more spared from injury than the
year before.

This novel and enlightened effort to reduce claims by preventing
accidents has now spread to forty-six railroads operating 60 per
cent of the railroad mileage in the United States.

THE FIRE INSURANCE TRAP. By William B. Ellison. _Pearson’s._ As the
expert chosen by Governor Sulzer to frame a new form of the
insurance policy for New York, Mr. Ellison tells of the sixteen
“teeth” by which policy-holders can be caught at the present time.
These teeth are clauses in the policy by which the companies can
escape from their liability.

A UNIVERSITY THAT RUNS A STATE, by Frank Parker Stockbridge, and

WHAT I AM TRYING TO DO, by Adolph O. Eberhardt. Both in the _World’s
Work_. In Wisconsin, the university “writes many of its laws,
directs much of its public service, increases its crops, makes
better farmers and housekeepers, conducts correspondence schools,
and carries a college education to the door of every citizen who
wants it.” In Minnesota a governor who writes of his own plans, is
trying to keep farmers on their farms, by using a generous state
educational fund, with further grants by the Legislature, to make
the country school houses centers for social intercourse for
recreation and for practical instruction in agriculture and
household economics.

CONSUMERS’ CO-OPERATION, by Albert Sonnichsen, and CO-OPERATION IN
WISCONSIN, by Robert A. Campbell. Both in the _Review of Reviews_. A
résumé by the secretary of the co-operative league of the progress
of the co-operative movement in Europe and America, supplemented by
the intensive study of one state by an official of the State Board
of Public Affairs, created last year with instruction, to make a
special study of the state experience in this field.

INDUSTRIAL PEACE AND WAR. By Everett P. Wheeler. _Atlantic Monthly._ A
plea for a compulsory arbitral tribunal, which would substitute
continual peace for recurrent warfare in the relations of labor and
capital. Mr. Wheeler does not believe such a method of settling
labor disputes would be impracticable or unsuited to American
conditions or that the compulsory powers of such a tribunal should
be any more repugnant to our ideas of liberty than is the power of
our courts to decide disputes between individuals.

* * * * *

THE FOOL

Mary Eleanor Roberts in the _Independent_

There’s a fool runs the mission, that place on the pike,
For darkies, and dagoes, and bums, and the like,
And if I had his job, why I’d go on a strike.

With coal at eight dollars, and working alone,
All smiling, and eager, and thin as a bone,
“For the Lord,” so he says, “will take care of His own!”

And the ghost of a coat, and a stitch in his side,
And his eyes bright and starved, and his boots gaping wide—
I got tired of waiting for Thee to provide.

So I sent him a check; just to shame, it might be
Such a God by an out and out sinner like me;
But he fell on his knees and gave thanks unto Thee!

HOW THE FACTORY GIRL IS BETTER OFF THAN THE STORE GIRL

A GRAPHIC PRESENTATION IN THE REPORT ON WORKING GIRLS AND WOMEN OF ROCHESTER OF THE RELATIVE POSITIONS UNDER THE LAW OF TWO GROUPS OF GIRL WORKERS.

FACTORY MERCANTILE

Law requires one seat to each girl. Law requires only one seat to every
three girls.

60 minutes for meals. 45 minutes for meals.

Indifferent appearance. Must dress well.

Many sit to work. On legs most all the time.

MINORS MINORS

8 hours a day, 6 days a week. Not 9 hours a day, 54 hours a week. Not
before 8 a. m. or after 5 p. m. before 8 a. m. or after 7 p. m.

WOMEN WOMEN

9 hours a day, except when making Over 21, no limit to hours she may
up for a holiday. work. Up to 21, 10 hours a day,
60 hours a week.

54 hours a week. (Law does not apply between Dec.
18th and 24th)

Not before 6 a. m. or after 9 p. m. Not before 7 a. m. or after 10 p.
m., if under 21.

—_From the Common Good._

_The Common Good_, a civic and social periodical of Rochester, devotes its February issue to a compilation by its editor, Edwin A. Rumball, in collaboration with Catherine Rumball, of the facts in regard to the working girls and women of that city who numbered at the 1900 census about 19,000, or over 31 per cent of all the women of Rochester. The facts are for the most part taken from the last census or from the Federal Report on Women and Child Wage-Earners and other authoritative sources, and are handled so as to show Rochester people just how high up or low down in the scale of cities, Rochester stands in its treatment of its women workers. The report is also issued as an “equal pay” document by the woman suffrage organization.

* * * * *

Among the answers to the question why they quit school which Helen M. Todd put to Chicago factory children are the following from Why Children Work in _McClure’s_:

“Because you get paid for what you do in a factory.”

“Because it’s easier to work in a factory than ’tis to learn in
school.”

“You never understands what they tells you in school, and you can
learn right off to do things in a factory.”

“They ain’t always pickin’ on you because you don’t know things in a
factory.”

“You can’t never do t’ings right in school.”

“The boss he never hits yer, er slaps yer face, er pulls yer ears, er
makes yer stay in at recess.”

“The children don’t holler at ye and call ye a Christ-killer in a
factory.”

“They don’t call ye a Dago.”

“They’re good to you at home when you earn money.”

“You can go to the nickel show.”

“Yer folks don’t hit ye so much.”

“You can buy shoes for the baby.”

“You can give your mother yer pay envelope.”

“Our boss he never went to school.”

“School ain’t no good. The Holy Father he can send ye to hell, and the
boss he can take away yer job er raise yer pay. The teacher she can’t
do nothing.”

* * * * *

Running the Home, by Martha Bensley Bruère in _Good Housekeeping_, is an argument for the use of public utilities in place of certain old-fashioned forms of “elbow grease,” on the ground not merely of the saving of labor but of expense. Mrs. Bruère’s conclusion is that the city, with its superior facilities for using centralized facilities for heating, lighting, etc., co-operatively, comes out far ahead of the country. In the budgets she studied the percentage of income spent for the “operation of the household—heat, light, repairs, services, etc.”—in the city was only half what it is in the country.

* * * * *

In Parenthood and the Social Conscience, Seth K. Humphrey (_Forum_) recommends the lifting of the burden of the hereditary defective from society by “parenthood laws” which would not force sterilization on defectives but would give them the choice of sterilization or segregation. The much controverted Indiana institutional experience is the basis of Mr. Humphrey’s conclusion that many defectives will accept the former method of “ending their miseries with themselves.”

* * * * *

Following up Burton J. Hendrick’s narrative last month of the Jewish invasion of America, Abraham Cahan, “editor, author, and general counselor of the Jewish East Side of New York,” this month begins in _McClure’s_ the material and spiritual history of David Levinsky, a Russian Jew who became an American millionaire.

* * * * *

Frank Barclay Copley in an article in the _American Magazine_, which receives the commendation of Frederick W. Taylor in an introductory note, thus defines the position of the new science of management toward trade unionism:

“The only way the workers, herded into gangs and treated as machines
for grinding out dividends, can defend themselves is through
organization. Ordinary unionism, therefore, finds its justification
as a war-measure. Scientific management, however, by establishing
that community of interest between capital and labor which has so
long been obscured by ignorance, creates industrial peace, and the
only persons who have reason to oppose it are those who have a
personal interest in the continuance of warfare. Under scientific
management the workers are not subordinates, but coordinates, and
each individual is free to earn, learn, and rise as the Almighty has
given him the power. No form of collective bargaining would seem to
be called for, because tasks are set and wages fixed, not by
arbitrary action, but by knowledge. The only real boss, in fact, is
knowledge; and if anyone can speak with knowledge, he will be
listened to, and he will have his reward. On the other hand, the
tongue of ignorance must be still; and so it follows that to the
extent that unionism means the placing of ignorant men in the
saddle, or to the extent that it involves high labor costs, to that
extent must scientific management always be against it.”

As an indication of those interferences with shop administration which, with the growth of scientific management, the unions will be called upon to abandon, the passage is significant. But progressive labor men will fail to find in it any glimmer of understanding on the part of the scientific managers of the larger democratic safeguards of unionism. Who, for example, is to set the base rates from which the wages of any given line of craftsmen are to be scientifically built up and calculated?

* * * * *

_Character_ (Boston) publishes the following resolutions adopted by W. E. Wroe and Company, a Chicago paper house. They are written in the first person, thus making them apply to the man who runs and reads as well as the man who formulated them:

I will be square, fair, and just towards all my fellow-men, and by
fellow-men I mean, not only those I meet in a social way, but my
associates and employes in business.

I will keep myself clean and decent, and my desires worthy of a true
man.

I will listen to the dictates of my conscience.

I will do my best in everything I undertake, and will undertake
nothing unless I can give it the best there is in me.

I will speak only optimistic, uplifting words—nothing which can
possibly bring pain to my fellow-men merely to give gratification to
my own fancies.

I will remember that life embodies _giving_ as well as _taking_ and
that what I receive depends entirely upon what I give.

I will be thankful for life because it gives me a chance to work and
accomplish.

I will despise nothing but meanness. I will fear nothing but
cowardice.

_Courtesy Rochester Common Good._

WORKING AFTER HOURS

A Rochester woman collecting fire wood. This is a regular part of the
daily housekeeping of poor families.
]

* * * * *

The beginning of a homesteading policy for Egypt is thus described in a Consular Report:

“Lord Kitchener laid the foundation stone of an agricultural school
in the Egyptian Delta on November 6 and initiated a scheme for the
distribution of land which has become available for cultivation
through drainage. As an experiment, 610 feddans (or acres) were
distributed in five-feddan lots to the landless fellaheen
(peasants), the idea being to help the poor fellaheen and at the
same time to increase the number of small landholders and to create
family homesteads. During the first three years, when they must do
work of reclamation, the fellaheen will receive the land practically
free, and in the following ten years they will pay a moderate
rental, after which the holding becomes theirs for life. Afterward
the land descends in the families if the government approves.
Alienation is forbidden, except with the consent of the State.”

JOTTINGS

ST. LOUIS SCHOOL OF PHILANTHROPY

A plan contemplated for over a year to make the St. Louis School of Social Economy a department of Washington University has just been consummated. The university now assumes full direction and control of the school, but the relationship which has always existed between the school and the Russell Sage Foundation remains unchanged.

The staff, consisting of George B. Mangold, associate director, T. W. Clocker, assistant director, and Ora A. Kelly, assistant, has been increased. Charles E. Persons was recently appointed assistant director and immediately entered upon his duties. Mr. Persons is a native of Iowa, a graduate of Cornell, and received his Ph.D. at Harvard University. He has taught at Wellesley and at Princeton. From Princeton he went to Northwestern University. Mr. Persons’ brother, W. Frank Persons, is superintendent of the New York Charity Organization Society. Mr. Persons has courses on public health and immigration and will assist in research Work.

“THE UNAFRAID”

The Whitehaven Tuberculosis Sanatorium has a training school made up for the most part of young men and women who have been cured of tuberculosis, and who thus fit themselves to become workers against the scourge. Under the title The Unafraid, William Warren Keller, former secretary of the Child Labor Committee for western Pennsylvania, and himself a man who, during the past year, has downed an incipient case of tuberculosis, wrote some verses in congratulation of the last graduating class. To quote two stanzas:

Resolved to a life full of service
To those who must suffer to breathe,
You added your strength to God’s purpose,
The finest to mankind bequeathed.

The indentured years now are finished,
Though scarred, bravely forth do you go,
To relieve and restore wounded brothers,
Driving out from their lives pain and woe.

MOTHERS AND INFANTS.

Primary object to aid a mother to keep her infant in her personal care when without such help, usually temporary, she might be obliged to give it up for adoption or to place it in an institution.

An unmarried mother is not refused if she loves her infant, and desires to lead an upright life.

No institution connected with this work. Each applicant regarded as an individual and assisted according to her needs.

We have been especially successful in caring for the unmarried.

Reports of our methods sent gratis. Requests for these from directors of maternity hospitals welcomed.

Address: MISS L. FREEMAN CLARKE, 91 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass.

AMERICAN TRACT SOCIETY

Organized 1825.—Incorporated 1841.

Its work is interdenominational and international in scope, and is commended by all evangelical denominations. It has published the Gospel message to 174 languages, dialects and characters. It has been the pioneer for work among the foreign-speaking people in our country, and its missionary colporters are distributing Christian literature in thirty-three languages among the immigrants, and making a home-to-home visitation among the spiritually destitute, both in the cities and rural districts, leaving Christian literature, also the Bible or portions of the Scriptures. Its publications of leaflets, volumes and periodicals from the Home Office totals 777,702,649 copies with 5,459 distinct publications in the foreign field. The gratuitous distribution for the past year is $21,300.81, being equivalent to 31,951,215 pages of tracts. Its work is ever widening, is dependent upon donations and legacies, and greatly needs increased offerings.

WILLIAM PHILLIPS HALL, President.
JUDSON SWIFT, D.D., General Secretary.

Remittances should be sent to Louis Tag, Asst. Treasurer, 150 Nassau street, New York City.

Two Social Tours

IN EUROPE

The pioneer party went last year. Its success will be increased this
year.

SAILINGS

June 26 to Copenhagen
June 28 to Hamburg

Several have already enrolled. Full information

DR. E. E. PRATT
225 Fifth Avenue, New York

Take the Best of Europe Tour and other tours
with the University Travel-Study Club
High Grade—SYRACUSE, N. Y.—Medium price

Classified Advertisements

SITUATIONS WANTED

* * * * *

SUPERINTENDENT of Industrial School open for engagement May 1st. First class references given as to ability &c. Would accept position, either prison, reformatory or probation work. Address 1100 SURVEY.

* * * * *

JEWESS, with previous experience as Supt of Vacation Home, desires similar position this summer. New York references. Address 1102 SURVEY.

* * * * *

TRAINED and experienced woman desires position in Chicago as social worker among young women, or investigator in connection with court work. References. Address 1103 SURVEY.

* * * * *

YOUNG man (26), University graduate, possessing initiative, judgment, energy and ideals, experienced in business and social work, desires connection with socially minded business or professional man. Salary no object. Address 1104 SURVEY.

* * * * *

WORKERS WANTED

* * * * *

NURSE for social service work. Must speak German. Jewish Aid Society West Side Dispensary, 1012 Maxwell Street, Chicago, Illinois.

Apr 12, 1913

------------------------------------------------------------------------

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. P. 53, Added the title “THE SURVEY, Volume 30, Number 2, Apr 12, 1913.” 2. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in spelling. 3. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed. 4. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.