Chapter XIII: Some Intellectual and Moral Aspects of Our Tariff-Making (2)

The troubled face of to-day is chiefly due to the realization that so much of our achievement does not stand the morality test—does not make the right kind of men. Here is where the trust fails. A Standard Oil Company violates a man’s self-respect and outrages the rights of the other man. The harsh judgment of the world is due to that. The gathering into a few hands of what nature made for all, weakens equally the sense of justice in the individual and limits the natural freedom of his fellow, and doing so must cease. Here, too, is the final case against the doctrine of protection. As we know it, it operates in defiance, and often in contempt, of the imperative moral demand that all human activities improve, not injure, those concerned, that men be better, not worse, for them. The history of protection in this country is one long story of injured manhood. Tap it at any point, and you find it encouraging the base human traits—greed, self-deception, indifference to the claims of others. Take the class chiefly involved in making a tariff bill—the suppliants for protection. We have seen in previous chapters the ends they seek, the methods they employ. What kind of men does this make? It makes men deficient in self-respect, indifferent to the dignity and inviolability of Congress, weak in self-reliance, willing to bribe, barter, and juggle to secure their ends. All this is on the face of the activities of men who run their business through Congress.

There is another moral angle of this matter which must be faced. These men who tremble at the idea of unprotected business, what kind of producers does it make of them? _Quality is a moral issue._ A man’s handicraft is the final test of his integrity: let it be slovenly and unfinished, let it be showy but unsound, let it never get beyond a first stage of value, let it be turned to quantity, not value, and you have a measure of the man’s character. Moreover, you have a contaminating thing. People forced by conditions to use dishonest goods, who find their shoes quickly falling to pieces, their coats quickly threadbare, their food adulterated, their rented rooms out of repair, who are forced to pay for things without virtue, quickly lose all sense of quality. They never give it because they never see it. Can an employee who knows that his employer adulterates his fabrics and covers up imperfections regardless of the interests of the consumers, be expected to continue to care for the quality of his own work? There is a universal outcry against the poor workmanship the day laborer gives—the lack of interest in the work—but can he be expected to care if his employer does not? At the very basis of the laborer’s general indifference as to whether he gives a full day of honest work or not lies a widespread indifference among business men as to the quality of the output of their factories and shops.

If there were no other case to-day against protection, as we apply it, it ought to fall in more than one industry, on the deterioration of quality it has encouraged, in the ambition it excites to turn out quantity, not give value. Moreover, this vicious result hits the poor man. We can make as good woollen textiles in the United States as are made anywhere in the world; we do make many of them—at double the price that they cost abroad; but cutting off all competition in cheap goods as our tariff does, enables the domestic manufacturer to ignore the quality of these goods as he could not do if he were subjected to proper foreign competition. He knows he can sell what he turns out. There are no other goods for the poor man to buy; the cheaper he can make them the better; they will have to be replenished the oftener, and so trade will be encouraged! So flagrant has this offence against sound morals become in cloth manufacturing that in the last two years there has developed an organized revolt against it among manufacturers of clothing. And this attack has been based by certain of them on the sound ground that it is unethical.

It is but a step from indifference to the quality of goods, to indifference to the lot of those who make the goods. The tariff is laid to help and protect the working-man. According to the protectionist argument a tariff-made state like Rhode Island, a tariff-made city like Pittsburg, should produce the happiest, most prosperous, best conditioned working-men and women in the country. We have seen something of what the tariff has done in Rhode Island. In Pittsburg it has worked contrasts between labor and capital still more violent. It has produced on one hand an absentee landlord, the “Pittsburg Millionnaire,” and on the other a laborer, whose life as pictured by one of the most careful investigations into living conditions ever made in this or any country, the Pittsburg Survey, is made intolerable by a twelve-hour day, Sunday work, cruel speeding, and cheerless and unsanitary homes. This Pittsburg Survey is the most awful arraignment of an American institution and its resulting class pronounced since the days of slavery. It puts upon the Pittsburg millionnaire the stamp of greed, stupidity, and heartless pride. But what should we expect of him? He is the creature of a special privilege which for years he has not needed. He has fought for it because he fattened on it. He must have it for labor. But look at him and look at his laborer and believe him if you can.

This, then, is the kind of man the protective system as we practise it encourages: a man unwilling to take his chances in a free world-struggle; a man whose sense of propriety and loyalty has been so perverted that he is willing to treat the Congress of the United States as an adjunct to his business; one who regards freedom of speech as a menace and the quality of his product of less importance than the quantity; one whose whole duty toward his working-man is covered by a pay envelope. This man at every point is a contradiction to the democratic ideal of manhood. The sturdy self-reliance, the quick response to the ideals of free self-government, the unwillingness to restrain the other man, to hamper his opportunity or sap his resources, all of these fine things have gone out of him. He is an unsound democratic product, a very good type of the creature that privilege has always produced.

_But this man would be impossible were it not that he has the backing of politicians and law-makers._ Behind and allied with every successful high tariff group is a political group. That is, under our operation of the protective doctrine we have developed a politician who encourages the most dangerous kind of citizenship a democracy can know—the panicky, grasping, idealless kind. This is the most serious charge that can be made against the man who holds or seeks office, that he injures the quality of the citizen.

The man who is a candidate for Congress in any district, city or country, has two courses open to him: He can appeal to greed or to the ideal. He has the opportunity to discuss with his constituents the questions and measures of his day and to win them by the enthusiasm he awakens for ideals. He has equally the opportunity to win them by the promises he makes—the promises of individual local benefits, like pensions and public buildings, or the promise of securing protection for local industries. Take the case of “Pig Iron,” Kelley—a man who clung to protection with the passionate faith of a fanatic, who saw in it the great panacea for the country’s poverty, who believed himself an incorruptible man, and yet who allowed the protectionists of both parties in his own Philadelphia district to return him without effort on his part, because they knew he would get for them what they wanted. Mr. Kelley, honest man as he thought himself to be, educated his constituents in the pernicious notion that a Congressman’s first business is to look after their business. The hopelessly sordid mental and moral attitude of Pennsylvania toward politics is due chiefly to the training in selfishness which for sixty years her Congressmen have given her. Throughout this period those who sought her suffrage have held up the promise of protecting taxes. Vote for us and we will take care of you. One of the most immoral of the many immoral trades which belong to the period of our Civil War was the bargain the state made with the Republican party to support the Union in return for the duties they wanted on their manufactures. For years almost the sole appeal made by candidates to the people of the state has been selfish. They have had a steady education in the notion that government is something from which to get a personal advantage. Is it strange that the Pennsylvanian should come to regard all public undertakings, even the building of a state capitol, as legitimate prey? It is a logical enough chain from the instructions of Thaddeus Stevens and “Pig Iron” Kelley to a tariff-made Pittsburg, blind to the appalling inhumanity of her mills, or to the shameless looting of a great state building. Once the appeal to men’s greed is the established rule of a state’s politics, the inevitable outcome is every degree and species of baseness. On the other hand, a people trained by its leaders to think of the general good, to consider principles and ideals as of first importance to national life, to feel that our fundamentals must be preserved before everything else—such a people will rise to any height of enthusiasm and sacrifice.

The legislator who is so indifferent to the moral effect of his appeal on the country’s citizenship, who refuses to see the connection between the appeal to selfishness and corruption such as that which in 1884, 1892, and partially in 1910 swept the Republican party from power, can hardly be expected to be nice about the methods he employs to get the things he has promised. Indeed, there is political necessity for just such methods as have been discussed in the previous chapters of this book. They are a part of the whole, perfectly consistent with the appeal, not a whit more immoral. If Mr. Aldrich promises the cotton manufacturers of New England to support their demands, allowing them to raise the money and do the work to reëlect him, can you expect him to do less than he did in the Payne-Aldrich Bill—allow a tricky revision of the cotton schedule to go through?

Let us admit that reasonable people must not expect in a popular government to arrive at results save by a series of compromises. As long as men disagree as to what is desirable to accomplish, as well as on the methods which are to be employed in getting what they all agree to be desirable, each successive step comes by one side agreeing to take less than it believes should be given, and the other yielding more than it believes wise. No reasonable person can expect the protective system to be handled without compromises, backsets, and errors of judgment, but _he can expect it to be handled as a principle and not as a commodity_. The shock and disgust come in the discovery that our tariffs are not good and bad applications of the principles of protection, but that they are good or bad bargains. Dip into the story of the tariff at any point since the Civil War and you will find wholesale proofs of this bargaining in duties; rates fixed with no more relation to the doctrine of protection than they have to the law of precession of the equinoxes. The actual work of carrying out these bargains is of a nature that would revolt any legislator whose sensitiveness to the moral quality of his acts has not been blunted—who had not entirely eliminated ethical considerations from the business of fixing duties. And this is what the high protectionist lawgiver has come to—a complete repudiation of the idea that right and wrong are involved in tariff bills. There is no man more dangerous, in a position of power, than he who refuses to accept as a working truth the idea that all a man does should make for rightness and soundness, that even the fixing of a tariff rate must be moral. But this is the man the doctrine of protection, as we know it, produces, and therein lies the final case against it,—men are worse, not better, for its practice.

INDEX

Agriculture, 203.

Aldrich, Nelson W.:
ability of, 111, 112.
influence of, 168, 169.
protection policy of, 170.
position of, with regard to McKinley Bill, 199.
leadership of, 207.
and the “Interests,” 208.
as leader for McKinley Bill measure, 208.
and sugar stock speculation, 227.
on Dingley Bill, 244.
and sugar trust, 245.
and wood interests, 251.
report on wool schedule of, 308.
and cotton manufacturers, 319, 320.
relation of, with Lippitt, 320, 321, 322.
loyalty of, to wool schedule, 325.
traffic in duties of, 326.
threats of, 355.
political methods of, 363.

Alliance of wool and cotton, 325, 326.

Allison, Wm. B., 36, 51, 53, 63.
debate of, on Schenck Bill, 67, 68.
and wool tariff, 115.
chairman of sub-committee, 165.
position on tariff of, 166.
preparation of bill of, 166.
report of bill to Senate, 168.
and tin plate, 192.

Allison Bill:
discussion of, 168–172.
passed by Senate, 181.
goes to Ways and Means Committee, 184.

Ambler, Judge Jacob A., 102.

American Cotton and Wool Reporter, 303.

American industries in Canada, 294.

American Ironmaster, 96.

American Thread Trust Co., 263.

American Tin Plate Association:
questionable methods of, 192.

American Woollen Co., 354.
product of, 354.
capital of, 354.

“American working-man,” 336.

Amnesty, 75.

Anti-trust Bill, 200, 201.

Arkwright Club, 316.
attempts union with European manufacturers, 356.

Arthur, President:
appoints commission, 101.
message to Congress, of, 109.
as protectionist, 110.
and Dorsey, 176.

Attack on Whitman, 303, 304, 305.

Attorney-General, 44.

Average earnings, 259.

Baird, Henry C., 106.

Barbour, Wm., 268.

Basket willows, 298.

Bayard, 127.

Beck, James B.:
character of, 112.
filibustering of, 117.
insubordination of, 118.
as member of tariff conference, 127.

Beef Trust:
benefited by duty on hides, 267.
strength of, 275.
effect of Dingley Bill on, 276.

“Belshazzar’s Feast,” 176, 177.

Bennett, Frank P., 13.
and Whitman, 303, 304, 305, 306.

Bingham, Judge, 40, 44.

Blaine, James G., 11, 19.
speaker of Congress, 54.
and tariff reformers, 70.
slipperiness of, 96.
republican candidate, 140.
and Industrial League, 174.
and “monopoly” dinner, 177.
suggestions of, regarding surplus, 188.
and the trusts, 200.
and foreign trade, 203, 204.
and “Hell Gate,” 210.

Bleakie, Robert:
personal experience of, 286.

Bombay, 91.

Book-making, 30.

Boteler, Alexander R., 102.

Brandeis:
appears for consumers, 258.

Brice, 221, 222, 223.

Brinkerhoff, Gen. R.:
resolution of, in Republican platform, 54.
and Greeley and Carey, 55.
lecture campaign of, 70.
recollections of, 71, 72.
and Democrats, 83.

Bristow, 309.

Brooklyn Gas Light Co., 23.

Bryan, Wm. J., 241.

Budget:
of one family of four, 265.
of one woman, 265, 266.

Business depression, 143.

Business embarrassments, 32.

Butler, Ben:
compromise plank of, 139.

Cameron, Senior, 65.

Campaign of 1884:
scandal of, 177.

Campaign of 1888, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179.

Canada, 2, 24.
American industries in, 294.

Cannon, Joseph, 197.

Carlisle, John G.:
on House Committee, 113.
principles of, 118, 119.
candidate for speakership, 133.
ability of, 134, 135.
early life of, 134.
elected speaker, 137.

Carlisle and Randall factions, 141, 142.

Carnegie:
as illustration, 172.
testimony of, 298, 299.

Cary, Henry C., II.
as high tariff champion, 56.
as author, 56.
intolerance of, 56, 57.

Census of 1880, 98, 99.

Chandler, Zach, 22.
fights for copper bill, 46.

Chase:
attitude on tariff, 6.
as free-trader, 9.
Secretary of Treasury, 10.
arranges amendments to Morrill Bill, 10.

Chicago _Tribune_, 55.

Child labor, 343.

Cincinnati _Gazette_, 55.

Civil War:
changes wrought by, 28.

Clarke Mile End Spool Cotton Co., 263.

Clay, Henry, 2, 17.

Cleveland, Grover:
record of, 140.
reminiscences regarding, 141.
caution of, 141.
and tariff revision, 142.
second message of, 144.
message of 1887, 147–153.
effect of message on Republicans, 154.
popular vote for, 179.
warning of, 200.
position of, on tariff, 213.
inauguration of, 216.
letter of, on Wilson Bill, 231–233.
and Gorman, 234.
and Gorman Bill, 236.
and panic of 1893, 238.

Cloth analyses, 289, 290.

Coal duties, 34, 35.

Coats, Archibald, 264.

Coats, J. & P., 263, 264.

Cobden, Richard:
death of, 56.

Compact of 1867, 249, 250, 303.

Congress, 145, 299.

Congressional investigation, 41.

Conkling, Roscoe, 122.

Conscience Whigs, 3.

Cooper, Peter, 86.

Copper Bill of 1868:
reasons for, 44, 45.
and Chandler, 43, 46.
and President Johnson, 47–50.
passed over veto, 50.
lesson from, 50, 51.

Corn Products Co., 277.

Corn Products and Standard Oil:
associated, 277, 278.

Cost of living, 22.

Cotton:
as substitute, 283, 288.
exportation of woven cotton, 315.
importations of woven cotton, 314, 315, 322, 333.
investments in manufactories, 314.
strength of manufacturers, 324, 325.
conditions in making of cloth, 341–344.

Cotton schedule, 313, 314, 316, 317, 318.

Cox, S. S.:
as free-trader, 63.
as debater, 65.
sobriquet of, 66.
and Wood Bill, 88.
on exaggeration, 73.
on tariff, 77, 78.

Crisp, Charles F., 212.

Curiosibhoy, Adhersey, public letters to Greeley of, 91, 92.

Custom houses, 25.

Customs Administrative Bill, 187.

Dale, Samuel S., 289, 291.

Dawes:
appointed Chairman of Ways and Means, 73.

Dawes Bill:
debate on, 76, 77, 78.
reasonableness of, 76.
signed by Grant, 78.
features of, 78, 79.

Delano, Columbus, 113.

Democrats:
position on tariff, 83.
1880 tariff plank of, 94.
get majority in Congress, 110.
division among, 118.
tactics of, 119.
raise Constitutional question, 126.
gloating of, 122.
cry of excessive taxation, 178.
disadvantages of, 179.
split among, 180.
continue tariff agitation, 212, 213.
reverses of, 237.
inspiration of, 210.

Deterioration in clothing, 283, 284, 285.

Difference in home and foreign prices, 292, 293.

Dingley, Nelson:
Chairman of Ways and Means Committee, 239.
ability of, 239, 240.

Dingley Bill:
House passes, 240.
fate of, in Senate, 244.
compared with Wilson and McKinley Bills, 242, 243, 244.
changes made by Senate in, 244, 245.
influence of wool interests on, 251.
amendments to, 251.
passage of, 252.
effect of, 254, 255, 265, 267, 276, 277, 278.
practice developed by, 292.
makes burdens heavier yearly, 295.

Direct tax, 26.

Doctrine of protection:
final case against, 358, 359, 360.
kind of man encouraged by, 360, 361.

Dolliver:
Schedule K falls to, 309.
McKinley follows, 309.
member of Dingley Ways and Means, 310.
masters wool schedule, 311.
shows schedule K a law without morals, 311.
analyzes cotton schedule, 320, 324.
expresses revolt, 356, 357.

Dorsey, Stephen W., 176.

Douglas, W. L., 267.

Dunbar Co., 268.

Eaton, Senator, 100.

Elder, Cyrus, 86.

Elliot, E. B., 159.

England, 7.
anger over increased duties, 13.
feeling against, 22.

English Serving Cotton Trust, 263.

Evils of Tariff, 327.

“Experts,” 321, 322.

Factory employers:
life of, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346.

Factory owners:
greed of, 346, 347, 348.

Farmers:
relation of, to import duties, 201, 202.
protest of, 312.

Federal Commission report, 116.

Fessenden, Wm. Pitt:
description of, 20, 21.
and tariff on spices, 24, 25.
favors moderate protection, 39.
absent when wool bill is voted upon, 43.

File trust, 334.

Financial uneasiness, 145, 146.

Finkelnburg, 69.
speaks for tariff bill, 76.

Finlaysons, 268.

Flax, 267, 268.

Ford, Worthington, 159.

Forward, Walter, 17.

Foster, James P., 177

France, 7.

Fraud, 24, 25.

Free Poker and taxed Gospel, 156.

Free Trade, 6, 7.

Free Trade League, 55.

Garfield, James A., 53.
Blaine’s treatment of, 70, 71, 72, 73.
position on tariff, of, 94, 95, 96.
caution of, 97.

Garland, Austin M., 101, 113.

Glucose Trust, 277.

Gold Democrats, 241.

Golden Rule, 300, 301.

Gorman, 221.

Gorman Bill, 235, 236.

Grant, President:
hope of people, 52, 53.
advises postponement of tariff question, 53.
against Reciprocity treaty, 53.
dissatisfaction with, 73, 79.

Great Debate, 159–164.

Greeley, Horace, 13.
as protectionist, 16, 17.
extremist, 55.
heads movement in favor of general amnesty, 73.
nomination of, 74.
character of, 75.

Grosvenor, Col. Wm. M., 69.

Hale, Eugene, 71.

Halstead, Murat, 83.

Hamilton, Alexander, 1.

Hancock, Gen. W. S., 97, 98.

Hanna, Mark, 241.

_Harper’s Weekly_, 17.

Harpster, David, 113.

Harrison, recommendations of, 184, 185.

Haskell, Dudley C.:
and Kelley, 112.
description of, 120, 121.
trouble with Townshend, 123.
resolution of, 127.
death of, 185.

Hayes, John L., 41, 42.
as chairman of tariff commission, 101.
campaign of, for wool interests, 113.

“Hearings,” 297–299.

Hewitt, Abram S.:
before tariff commission, 105.
compromise plank of, 139.

Hides:
proposed duty on, 204.

High protection, result of, 349.

High protectionists, 120.

High tariff, 62, 135, 136.

Hill, David J., 222.

Hill, James J., 293.

Holt, Byron W., 293.

Immigration, 254, 255.

Immorality of tariff system, 357, 358, 359, 360, 363, 364.

Imperialism, 252.

Income tax, 220, 221.
declared unconstitutional, 240.

Increased cost of living, 350, 351.

Industrial commission, 292.

Industrial League of Pa.:
object of, 86.
first president of, 86.
methods of, 86, 87.
power of, 86, 87.
recognized by Blaine, 87.
opposes Parsee, 92.
campaign of, 100.
demands tariff commission, 100.
incensed, 92.

Infant industries, 298.

Insurgents, 308.
reasons for revolt of, 309.
determinations of, 309.

“Interests,” 7.
leaders alarmed, 75.
fight reasonable bill, 76, 77.
barter of, 117.
continue pressure, 122.
unite own schedules, 193.
campaign, 241.
frustrated, 241.
oppose reciprocity, 256, 257.
narrowness of, 257.

Internal Revenue:
inequalities of, 12.
remonstrance against, 13.

Internal revenue bill, 110.

International Harvester Co., 294, 295.

Investigations in budgets of poor, 260.

Iron and Steel Association:
as dictator, 173, 174.
recognized by Blaine, 174.
energy and efficiency of, 174.
defeats Morrison, 174.
demands Quay head of Republican Committee, 175.

Jarrett, John, 174.

Jobbery, 7.

Johnson, Tom L., 213.

Johnson, President:
opposes Stevens, 44.
unhappiness of, 46, 47.
message regarding copper bill, 47, 48, 49, 50.

Jones, B. F., 174.

Kansas, 21.

Kasson, John A.:
service of, 36, 37, 38.
a supporter of Kelley, 112.
proposes revision of House Rules, 124.
appointed special plenipotentiary, 255.
resigns, 257.

Keifer, Speaker, 127.

Kelley, Wm. D. (“Pig Iron”):
favors highest protection, 35.
as protectionist leader, 63, 64.
dislike of Wells and Sumner, 64.
defends high tariff, 65.
accused of iron interests, 65.
and Cox, 66.
and Wood Bill, 88, 89, 90.
as chairman of House Committee, 112.
and Haskell, 120.
and Kasson rule, 124.
last illness of, 185.
pernicious teaching of, 362.

Kenner, Duncan F., 101.

Labor troubles, 216, 217.

Lawrence, Wm., 113, 246, 247.

Lea, Henry C., 86.

Legislation by violence, 228, 229.

Liberal Party, 69.

Lincoln, Abraham:
attitude on tariff, 6, 7.
calls extra session, 9.
asks for more men and more money, 18.
tariff views of, 18, 19, 20.

Lippitt, Henry F., 315, 316, 321.

Lobbyists, 113, 114, 118, 122.

Lodge, Henry Cabot, 237, 323, 350, 351.

Logan, Senator, 78.

London _Times_, 8.

Longworth, Nicholas, 283.

Louisville _Courier-Journal_, 81.

Lumber, duties on, 115.
danger of exhausting, 115, 116.
arguments for duty, 116.

Lumber barons, 116.

McAdoo, Col., 141.

MacColl, J. R., 316.

McDill, 127.

McKay sewing machine, 271.

McKenzie, James, 93.

McKinley, Wm.:
protection speech of, 88.
supports Kelley, 112.
argues with suit of clothes, 162.
succeeds Haskell, 185.
amiability of, 186.
introduces Customs Administrative Bill, 187.
as presidential candidate, 241.

McKinley Bill:
foundation for, 188.
points of, 191, 193, 198, 199, 208, 209.
effect of, 210, 211.
failure of, 216.
as compared with Wilson Bill, 238, 239.

McMahon, Wm. H., 102.

McMillan, 184.

McPherson, 227.

Mahone, 117, 127.

Mallary, Rollin C., 17.

Manhattan Gas Co., 23.

Manufacturers, unreasonableness of, 32, 33.

Marble, Manton, 137.

Marshals, 268.

Meriden Britannia Co., 293.

Mills, Roger Q., 83, 85.
chairman of Ways and Means, 155.
principles of, 156, 157.
chief hobby of, 158.
prepares bill, 158, 159.
argues from Wright’s report, 160, 161.
analyzes cost of suit, 162, 163.
opposes conference, 183, 184.
opposes bounty for sugar-growers, 197.
on McKinley Bill, 209.
candidate for House Speakership, 211.
refuses to serve on Ways and Means, 212.
position of, 213.
advises duty on sugar, 224.

Mills Bill, 158, 159, 164, 170.

Minnesota, 21.

Missouri Compromise, 4.

Missouri Liberal Republicans, 73, 74.

Moderate protectionists, 36, 37, 38, 39.

Moir, Edward, 301.

Monopolies, 352.

Montgomery, 8.

Moore, Joseph S., 90, 91, 92.

Morrell, Hon. Daniel J., 86.

Morrill, Justin S.:
character of, 3.
theory of, 4.
apologizes for bill of 1866, 34.
advises acceptance of Wells’s amendment, 39.
absent when wool bill is voted upon, 43.
votes for copper bill, 46.
debates on tariff, 68.
opposes quinine bill, 93.
head of the Senate committee, 110, 111.
reports on free silver, 240.
Bill of 1860, 5–11.
Bill of 1866, 34, 37, 38.

Morrison, Col. W. R., 83.
on House Committee, 113.
selected to prepare tariff bill, 137.
cleverness of bill, 138.
provisions of bill of, 138.
defeated for Congress, 155.

Mountain ivy root, 298.

Mugwumps:
return of, 180.

National Association of Clothiers, 283.

National Association of Wool Manufacturers, 41.
political strength of, 193.
claims of, 194.
pleads against reduction, 229.
supports wool duty, 247.
demands of, 249.
greed of, 250.
success of, 251.
makes compact, 301.
agreement with wool-growers of, 41.

National Treasury, 6, 10.

Newcomb, Simon, 159.

N. E. Shoe and Leather Association, 273, 275.

Newspapers:
Taxes on, 13, 14.
oppose copper legislation, 51.

New York Custom House, 91.

N. Y. _Evening Post_, 13.

New York Gas Light, 23.

N. Y. _Herald_, 13.

N. Y. _Tribune_, 13, 16, 17.

Niedringhaus, F. G., 192, 193.

Niles, Hezekiah, 17.

North, S. D. N.:
position of, 251.
accused, 304.
denials of, 304, 305.
summoned by Finance Committee, 306.
corresponds with Whitman, 306.

Oliver, Henry W., Jr., 101, 122.

Organization, value of, 132.

Overproduction, 31.

Panics, 3, 79, 217.

Parsee, 137.

Payne:
reports wool schedule, 307.
tricked, 318, 319.

Payne-Aldrich Bill:
criminality of methods in, 299.
removes duty on hides, 277.
lowers duty on thread, 277.
becomes law, 327.
reception given, 327.

Pennsylvania, 6, 362.

Pensions, 189.

Perry:
lecturer and author, 55.
reminiscences regarding Cleveland, of, 141.

Philadelphia, 23.

Phillips, Thomas W., 292.

Pierce, Henry L., 4.

Pig-iron, 60, 61.

Pike, F. A., 36, 50.

Pittsburg, 360.

Pittsburg _Commercial_, 55.

Pittsburg Survey, 360.

Politico-industrial alliance, 207.

Pomeroy, Senator, 22.

Pope, Col. A. A., 104.

Porter, R. P., 102, 106.

Portland _Advertiser_, 55.

Prentice, George D., 82.

Prosperity, 252, 253, 254.

Protection, 1, 4, 5, 6.
faults of, 24, 51, 52.
opposition to, 54.
doctrine saved, 68.
effects of, 98, 99.
early reasons for, 331.
never to be prohibitive, 332.

Protective steering committee, 85, 86.

Providence, 7.

Public opinion, 297.

Quay:
record of, 175.
chairman National Rep. Committee, 175.
secures funds from Wanamaker, 175.
acknowledges sugar speculation, 227.
long speech of, 228.

Quinine Bill:
introduced by McKenzie, 93.
passes House, 93.
opposed by Senator Morrill, 93.
passes Senate, 93.
effect of passage of, 93, 94.

“Quinine Jim,” 93.

Railroad iron, 21, 26.

Randall, Samuel J.:
skill and endurance of, 83, 84.
on House Committee, 113.
principles of, 119.
refuses to serve on committee, 127.
candidate for speakership, 133.
opposes Morrill Bill, 139.
prepares bill, 144.

Randall Bill, 144.

Raymond, Henry, 36.

Reciprocity, 2, 255.
clause in tariff of 1890, 206.
opposed by interests, 256, 257.
favored by McKinley, 257.

Recognition of organized business man, 131, 132.

Reed, Thomas B.:
as parliamentarian, 125.
views on tariff of, 125.
rule of, 126.
on Mills Bill, 164.
asks conference with House, 182.
as protectionist, 186, 187.
on Gorman Bill, 235, 236.
elected speaker of House, 239.

Register, 17.

Republicans, 67, 69.
dissatisfaction with party, 73, 74, 75.
tariff plank of 1880 of, 94.
attack tariff for revenue only, 97.
demand tariff revision, 98.
rebuked on policy, 110.
majority of, favor reform, 118.
platform of, 173.
free use of money of, 175, 176, 177.
carry parrots in parades, 178.
win election, 179.
heavy losses of, 210.
causes of overthrow of, 210.
platform of 1896 of, 241.
declare for downward revision of tariff, 296.

Resolutions’ Committee, 139, 140.

Revenue:
system for raising, 26.
revision of, 29.
bill framed by House, 110.

Revenue cutters, 25.

Revolt against protective system, 296.

Rhode Island:
as an object-lesson, 336–346.
manufactories in, 337, 338.
desertion of farms in, 337, 338.
a tariff-made state, 338.
foreigners of, 339.
restlessness of laborers in, 340.
housing in factory towns, 347, 348.

Rhode Island factories:
temperature of, 340.
ventilation of, 340.
lint in air, 341.
scarcity of water in, 341.
lack of toilet conveniences, 341.
lack of dressing rooms, 342.
earnings in, 342.
unsanitary, 347.
without fire escapes, 347.
improvements in, 347.

Rise in cost of living, 260, 261.

Roosevelt, Theodore:
unstirred by tariff evils, 296.

St. Louis Democrat, 55.

Salt Interests, 58, 59, 60.

Sawyer, Philetus, 116.

Schenck, Robert C., 54, 62.

Schenck Bill, 62, 64, 65, 67, 68.

Schurz, Carl, 69, 75, 83.

Schwab, 292.

Scrapiron duties, 35.

Seceders, 7.

Secession, 6, 7.

Secretary of Treasury, 29.

Section Struggle, 39.

Semicolon, 124.

Senate:
frames revenue bill, 110.
passes Senate Bill, 118.
hearings before, 166.
examination of, regarding sugar stock speculation, 227.
make-up of Senate of 1897, 245.
analysis of duties of, 308.

Settlers, 116.

Seward, 6.

Sherman, John, 4, 5.
asks Senate to raise wool duties, 39.
advises lobbyists, 75, 76.
removes Parsee from Custom House, 91.
arrogance of, 111.
fights reduction of iron, 114.
fights for wool, 115.
dissatisfaction of wool-growers with, 131.
“Recollections” of, 131.
appoints Tichenor special agent, 167.
introduces anti-trust measure, 201.
prepares for “Hell Gate,” 210.

Ship-building, 61, 62.

Shoddy, 248, 249.

Shoe-making trust:
formation of, 270.
inheritance of, 271.
aim of, 271.
prepares lease, 272, 273.
monopoly of, 273.

Shoes:
cost of, 265, 266.
reasons for increased cost, 266, 267.
royalty on, 273, 274.

Silver Question, 216, 237, 238, 240, 241.

Simmons, “Wood-Screw,” 7.
connection with new tax and tariff bills, 15.
secures gun contract, 15.

Sinister phase of Hearings, 299.

Slavery Agitation, 3, 7.

Smoot, 323.

Smuggling, 24, 25.

Specie Payment, 53.

Specific duty, 302.

Spool cotton, 262, 263, 264.

Spooner, 193.

Springer, Wm., 211.

Standard Oil Co., 278, 279, 288.

Stand-patter, 353.

Starch, 277, 278.

States petition Congress, 85.

Stevens, Thaddeus, 12.
description of, 14, 15.
as dictator, 33.
opposes Morrill Bill of 1866, 33, 35.
alarmed at struggle of sections, 39.
death of, 53.
owner of foundry, 65.

Storey, Moorfield, 305.

Sugar, 195, 196, 197.

“Sugar House,” 227.

Sugar Refineries Company, 198, 199.

Sugar Trusts, 222–227.

Sumner, Charles, 4, 20, 21.

Sumner, Wm. G., 90, 91.

Surplus, 98.
oiling up of, 144.
methods to reduce, 188, 189.
reduction of, overdone, 216.

Surprise resolution, 71.

Swank, James W., 242.

Taft, Wm. H., 296, 300, 313, 324.

Tariff:
fifty years ago, 1.
to-day, 2.
bill of 1862, 14, 15, 16.
bill of 1864, 20.
bill of 1865, 26, 30, 31.
bill of 1875, 81.
“For Revenue only,” 82, 83.
Reformers, 90.
bill of 1883, 128, 129, 130, 131.
bill of 1886, 142, 143.
as a tax, 163, 164.
league, 178.
Act of 1890, 206.
Reform Committee of N. Y., 293.
self-defeating, 295.
as bargains, 363, 364.
a question of national morals, 357, 358.

Tariff Commission, 100.
personnel of, 101, 102.
reception of, 102, 103.
hearings before, 103–106.
platform of, 107.
inconsistencies of, 107, 108.

Tariff Conference, 127.

“Tariff of Abominations,” 1.

Textile World Record, 289, 291.

“The poor,” 258, 259.

“Thousand-dollar breakfast,” 10, 22.

Thread (linen):
advance in, 267, 269.
formation of trust, 268, 269.
duty on, 269, 270.
price jumps, 270.
Payne Bill lowers duty on, 277.

Thread Trust, 269, 270.

Thrift, 259.

Tichenor, Geo. C., 166, 167, 168.

Timber Culture Act, 116.

Tin plate, 278, 279, 280.

Tooke’s “History of Prices,” 95.

Top duty, 304, 305, 306, 307.

Townshend, 123.

Trusts:
development of, 200.
arguments about, 351.
breeding of, 353, 354.

Turner, A. R., 268.

Umbrellas, 30, 31.

Underwood, John W. H., 102.

United Shoe Machinery Co. and Linen Thread Company interwoven, 274,
275.

United States, population of, 259.

United States Census, 304.

United States Government, 24, 25, 27.

United States Investor, 305.

Vest (Senator), 221, 224.

Vilas, 213.

Wages:
government investigation regarding, 261, 262.

Walker, Francis A., 349.

Wanamaker:
contributes money for campaign, 175.
received seat in Cabinet, 175.

War, 9.
qualities developed by, 23, 24.
consequences of, 27, 32.
taxes, 12, 13.

Washington, 6.

Watterson, Henry:
as party leader, 81.
dictator, 82.
writes tariff plank, 82, 83, 139.
platform-maker, 214.
criticises Mills Bill, 219, 220.
Ways and Means Committee, hearings before, 297, 298, 299.

Wells, David A.:
early life of, 29.
head of Commission, 29.
prepares tariff bill, 38.
Carey’s hatred for, 56, 57.
summary of wool conditions, 57, 58.
reports on salt, 58, 59, 60.
effect of report of, 162.
removed from office, 69.
to Democrats, 83.
effect of dismissal of, 91.

Wells Bill:
approved by Senate, 38.
made an amendment to House Bill, 39.

Wentworth, Long John, 37, 38.

West:
disturbed over 1864 tariff bill, 21.
objects to 1866 bill, 37.
asks protection for farmers, 37.
succeeds in getting high duties on farm products, 38.

Wharton, Joseph, 86.
consulted by Blaine, 87.
tariff speech of, 96, 97.
before Tariff Commission, 103.

White, Horace, 55, 83.

Whitman:
Pres. National Association of Wool Growers, 194.
suggestions of, 194, 195.
calls conference, 300.
appears before Ways and Means, 300, 301.
attacked, 303.
denies charges, 304, 305.
correspondence demanded of, 305.
proofs regarding, 307.
reasons for powers of, 312, 313.
on increased cost of living, 350.

Whitney, 213.

Wholesale Saddlery Association, 276.

Wickersham, 352.

Wilson, James F., 36.

Wilson, James Lyne:
head of Ways and Means, 217.
qualifications of, 217, 218.
presents bill, 218.
disappointment of, 234, 235.

Wilson Bill:
provisions of, 218.
opposed by Mills and Watterson, 219, 220.
amendments, 220, 221.
passes House, 221.
Senate opposition to, 221.
revised, 222.
returned to House with 634 amendments, 230.
Cleveland makes protest against, 230, 231.

Wood, Fernando:
appointed head of Ways and Means, 84.
as Mayor, 84.
arrogance of, 84.
stirred by resolution, 85.
tabulates objections to tariff in operation, 87.
brings in new bill, 87.

Wood, William M., 312.

Wood Bill:
unrest over, 84, 85.
brought in, 87.
features of, 87, 88.
indifference to, 88.
opposition to, 88, 89, 90.
object of, 88.
condemnation of, 88.
failure of, 90.

Wood-screws, 7.

Wool:
Interests ask higher tariff, 40.
scandal regarding, 41.
campaign of 1866, 42, 43.
bill of 1867 passes House, 43.
bill signed by Johnson, 44.
dissatisfaction of growers, 113.
growers send trinity, 113.
demands of trinity, 113.
Interests disappointed, 229, 230.
conditions, 245.
Interests muster strong vote, 248.
carpet wool, 248.
value of, 280.
scarcity, 281.
wool tops, 250.
adulteration of, 282.
amount produced in U. S., 285.
two classes of manufacturers, 286.
substitutes for, 287.
decrease in per capita consumption, 288.
comparative prices in England and America, 291, 292.
Interests force Congress, 299.
Interests hold conference, 300.
Compact of Interests, 301.
carders appear before Ways and Means, 302.
carpet manufacturers ask common-sense duty, 303.
combination of Interests, 312, 313.
failure of protective dogma in, 333, 334.

Wool schedule, 284.
complexity of, 289.
difficulty of, 310, 311.
mastered by Dolliver, 311.
shown to be without principle, 311.
reasons for passage, 312, 313.

Wright, Carroll D.:
report of, 143, 160.

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