Chapter C (1)

Châi, [182] Châin, Châini.—A cultivating, fishing, and thieving caste found in Oudh and the Eastern Districts. Nothing certain is known as to the origin of the name. It has been suggested that they are the representatives of the Chârya, [183] a degraded Vaisya class, or that the word is totemistic (meaning the seed of a tamarind; Sanskrit, chârmika, “leather”). Mr. Risley [184] writes of them:—“They are probably an offshoot from some non-Aryan tribe. They are found in Oudh, where Mr. Nesfield connects them with the Thâru, Râji, Nat, and other broken and gypsy-like tribes inhabiting the base of the Himâlayas, and traces in their physiognomy features peculiar to Mongolian races. Mr. Sherring, again, in one place speaks of them as a sub-caste of Mallâhs; in another as a class of jugglers, thimble-riggers, and adventurers, who attend fairs and other festivals like men of the same profession in England. A sub-caste of the Nuniyas bears the name Châin, but the Nuniyas do not admit any affinity. Mr. C. F. Magrath, in his Memorandum on the Tribes and Castes of Bihâr, published in the Bengal Census Report of 1872, says they closely resemble Binds in their occupation, being chiefly boatmen, who also engage in fishing. Châins are thickest south of the Ganges, while Binds are most numerous in North Bihâr. Mr. Magrath adds that their reputation as thieves, impostors, and swindlers, is in his experience not altogether deserved, as the men whom the common people, and even the police of Bihâr, describe as Châins, usually turn out on enquiry to be Maghaiya Doms, Nats, or Rajwârs.” Their customs, according to Mr. Risley’s account, do not differ from those of Mallâhs.

2. In Oudh, according to Mr. Carnegy, [185] they live chiefly by fishing, cultivation, and making reed mats. They smoke with but do not eat with Mallâhs. They frequent the neighbourhood of lakes and rivers, and are divided into the Eastern and Western branches, which do not intermarry.

In January they go to the hills to collect catechu (khair). They worship the monkey-god Mahâbîr, Satnârâyan, and Devi Pâtan: to the first they offer rice-milk (khîr) in October; to the second a mixture of cooked rice and vetch (urad), called phâra; to the third, cakes (pûri) and new rice, coriander, and molasses to Mahâbîr. They eat pork and drink spirits. A woman who sins with one of her own tribe may be absolved by feeding the brethren; but not so if her paramour is of another caste. They are thimble-riggers, ornament-snatchers, swindlers, and impostors. According to Mr. Risley they rank with Binds, Nuniyas, and Pâsis, but nowhere do they rise to the distinction which Binds and Nuniyas sometimes attain, of giving water and certain kinds of sweetmeats to Brâhmans.

3. In Kheri the rule of exogamy bars the line of the maternal uncle and father’s sister. They can marry two sisters in succession, but polygamy is forbidden. Infidelity, even intertribal, is reprobated. Marriage takes place at the age of ten or twelve, and is settled by the caste Chaudhari. No money is paid by the relations of either party. Widow-marriage is prohibited; but they can live with a man of the tribe, the phrase used being ghar-baithna. The children of such connections are recognised as legitimate, but they are not admitted to full caste privileges. The levirate on the usual terms is permitted. There is no custom of adoption or initiation into caste. Betrothals are made in infancy, and the marriage ceremony is of the standard type, the bhanwari or walking round the sacred fire being the binding portion of it. They worship Mahâdeva, Sûrajnârâyan, and Kâli, who receive sacrifices of goats and rams on a Monday. They will not take any food or water from, or smoke with, any other caste. They have given up their occupation of mat-making, and now live by fishing and thieving at fairs.

4. In the returns of the last Census they are classed as a sub-caste of Mallâh. The Châin is what is known as an Uchakka, Uthaigîra, or Jebkatra—one who picks pockets and cuts with a little knife or sharp piece of glass the knots in their sheets in which natives tie up their valuables. They frequent fairs and bathing places, and the boys are put on to steal, while the men act as “fences” and engage the attention of the victim, or facilitate the escape of the thief.

Chamâr. [186]—The caste of curriers, tanners, and day-labourers found throughout Upper India. Their name is derived from the Sanskrit charma-kâra, a “worker in leather.” Traditionally the Chamâr is the offspring of a Chandâla woman by a man of the fisherman caste. The Kârâvara of Manu, [187] “who cuts leather,” is descended from a Nishâda father and Vaideha mother. The Nishâda, again, is said to be the child of a Brâhman and a Sûdra woman, and the Vaideha of a Vaisya father and a Brâhman mother. On this Mr. Sherring [188] remarks:—“If the workers in leather of the present day are lineal descendants of the workers in leather in Manu’s time, the Chamârs may fairly consider themselves as of no mean degree and may hold up their heads boldly in the presence of the higher castes.” Mr. Sherring appears to have been impressed with the high-bred appearance of some Chamârs. This may, perhaps, be to some extent accounted for by liaisons with some of the higher castes; but most observers will agree that Mr. Risley [189] is right in his opinion, that “the average Chamâr is hardly distinguishable in point of features, stature, or complexion from the members of those non-Aryan races from whose ranks we should primâ facie expect the profession of leather-dressers to be recruited.” Mr. Nesfield believes the Chamâr to have sprung out of several different tribes, like the Dom, Kanjar, Hâbûra, Chero, etc., the last remains of which are still outside the pale of Hindu society. “Originally he seems to have been an impressed labourer (begâr) who was made to hold the plough for his master, and received in return space to build his mud hut near the village, a fixed allowance of grain for every working day, the free use of wood and grass on the village lands, and the skins and bodies of the animals that died. This is very much the status of the Chamâr at the present day. He is still the field slave, the grass-cutter, and the carrion-eater of the Indian village.” But it is, perhaps at present, until the existing evidence from anthropometry is largely increased, premature to express a decided opinion of their origin further than this, that the tribe is in all probability occupational, and largely recruited from non-Aryan elements. Among all the Indo-Aryan races the use of hides for clothing prevailed in primitive times. [190] The Vishnu Purâna [191] enjoins all who wish to protect their persons never to be without leather shoes; and Manu [192] warns the Brâhmans never to use shoes that have been worn by another. In the Râmâyana Bharata places on the vacant throne of Ajudhya a pair of Râma’s slippers, and worships them during his exile. The Charmae of Pliny’s list have been identified with the inhabitants of Charma Mandala, a district of the West, mentioned in the Mahâbhârata, and also in the Vishnu Purâna under the title of Charma-Khanda. [193]

[Traditions of origin.] 2. One curious legend of the origin of the tribe has been referred to in connection with the Agarwâla Banyas:—Once upon a time a certain Râja had two daughters, Châmu and Bâmu. These married, and each gave birth to a son who was a prodigy of strength (pahlwân). An elephant happened to die in the Râja’s palace, and being unwilling that it should be cut up, he searched for a man strong enough to take it out whole and bury it. Châmu undertook and performed the task. Bâmu pronounced him an outcast; so the Banyas are sprung from Bâmu, and the Chamârs from Châmu. Another legend tells how five Brâhman brothers were passing along together. They saw a carcass of a cow lying on the way. Four of them turned aside; but the fifth removed the dead body. His brethren excommunicated him, and since then it has been the business of his descendants to remove the carcasses of cattle. Another tradition makes them out to be the descendants of Nona or Lona Chamârin, who is a deified witch much dreaded in the eastern part of the Province. Her legend tells how Dhanwantari, the physician of the gods, was bitten by Takshaka, the king of the snakes, and knowing that death approached he ordered his son to cook and eat his body after his death, so that they might thereby inherit his skill in medicine. [194] They accordingly cooked his body in a cauldron, and were about to eat it, when Takshaka appeared to them in the form of a Brâhman, and warned them against this act of cannibalism. So they let the cauldron float down the Ganges, and as it floated down, Lona, the Chamârin, who was washing on the bank of the river, not knowing that the vessel contained human flesh, took it out and partook of the ghastly food. She at once obtained power to cure diseases, and especially snake-bite. One day all the women were transplanting rice, and it was found that Lona could do as much work as all her companions put together. So they watched her, and when she thought she was alone she stripped off all her clothes (nudity being an essential element in all magic), muttered some spells, and throwing the plants into the air they all settled down in their proper places. Finding she was observed she tried to escape, and as she ran the earth opened, and all the water of the rice fields followed her, and thus was formed the channel of the Loni river in the Unâo District.

[Internal structure.] 3. The Census Returns show eleven hundred and fifty-six sub-divisions of Chamârs: of these the most important locally are—

Sahâranpur—Ajmar, Baliyân, Dharaun, Mochi, Sagahiya, Sirswâl.
Bulandshahr—Bharwariya, Chandauliya or Chandauriya, Lâlman.
Aligarh—Chandauliya, Harphor, Kathiyâra, Mochi, Ojha.
Mathura—Chaurasiya, Kadam, Tingar.
Mainpuri—Loniyân, Pajhasiya, Suji.
Etâwah—Amrutiya, Bisaili, Nakchhikna.
Etah—Nagar, Nunera.
Bareilly—Bardwâri, Bhusiya, Chandauliya, Nona.
Bijnor—Sakt.
Budâun—Baharwâr, Chauhân, Kokapâsi, Uriya.
Morâdâbâd—Bhayâr, Râmanandi.
Cawnpur—Gangapâri, Rangiya.
Fatehpur—Desi, Dhuman, Domar, Panwâr, Rangiya, Turkatwa.
Bânda—Barjatwa, Dhaman, Dhûndhiya, Dhindhor, Janwâr, Rangiya, Seth,
Sorahiya, Ujjain.
Hamîrpur—Dhindhor, Rangiya, Umrê.
Allahâbâd—Autarbedi, Chand Râê, Ghatiya, Kahâr, Turkiya.
Lalitpur—Bhadauriya.
Benares—Dhuriya.
Mirzapur—Turkiya.
Jaunpur—Banaudhiya, Turkiya.
Ghâzipur—Kanaujiya.
Ballia—Kanaujiya.
Gorakhpur—Bamhaniya, Belbhariya, Birhariya, Dakkhinâha, Desi,
Ghorcharha, Ghosiya, Kanaujiya, Mohahar, Râjkumâri, Sarwariya,
Siudas, Tatwa, Uttarâha.
Basti—Birhariya, Chhagoriya, Chamarmangta, Dakkhinâha, Desi,
Mohahar, Sarwariya, Tanbuna, Uttarâha.
Azamgarh—Guâl, Kanaujiya.
Lucknow—Chauhân, Dusâdh.
Unâo—Chauhân.
Râê Bareli—Chandel, Dhaman, Dhundhar, Dhuriya, Ghorcharha, Gorait,
Harphor, Khalkatiya, Kulha, Nona, Tanbuna.
Sîtapur—Chauhân, Pachhwâhân.
Sultânpur—Banaudhiya, Dhaman, Nona, Tanbuna.
Partâbgarh—Banaudhiya, Chandel, Dhaman, Dhingariya, Jogeya, Nona,
Surahiya, Tanbuna, Turkiya.
Bârabanki—Jogiya, Pachhwâhân.

4. In the detailed lists we find the Chamârs of the Province classified into sixteen main sub-castes. Aharwâr (principally found in the Allahâbâd Division), Chamâr (chiefly in Meerut); Chamkatiyas (mostly in Bareilly); Dhusiyas (in Meerut and Benares); Dohars (in Agra, Rohilkhand, Allahâbâd, Lucknow); Golê (in Etâwah); Jaiswâras (strongest in Benares, Allahâbâd, Gorakhpur, and Faizâbâd); Jatwas (in Meerut, Agra and Rohilkhand); Koris (in Faizâbâd, and Gorakhpur); Korchamras (in Lucknow); Kurils (in Lucknow and Allahâbâd); Nigoti (a small sub-caste chiefly in Mainpuri); Patthargotis (in Agra); Purabiyas (in Lucknow and Faizâbâd); Râêdâsis (tolerably evenly distributed throughout the Province), and Sakarwârs (in Agra and Allahâbâd). But there is hardly a District which does not possess, or pretend to possess, the sevenfold division which is so characteristic of castes of this social standing. Thus, in Ballia, we find Dhusiyas, Jaiswâras, Kanaujiyas, Jhojhiyas, Jatuas, Chamartantos, and Nonas; in Agra, Mathuriya, Jadua, Domara, Sakarwâr, Batariya, Guliya, and Chandauriya. Some of these sub-castes are of local origin, some are occupational, and some take their name from their eponymous founder. Thus the Aharwâr are connected with the old town of Ahâr, in the Bulandshahr District, or with the Ahar tribe; the Chamkatiyas take their name from their trade of cutting hides (châm kâtna). This sub-caste claims to have produced the saints Râê Dâs and Lona Chamârin. The Jatua or Jatiya have, it is said, some unexplained connection with the tribe of Jâts. The Kaiyân is also a sub-caste of the Bohras, and is said to be derived from their habit of always saying kahê, “what?” “when?” The Jaiswâras trace their origin to the old town of Jais, though some have a ridiculous story that it is a corruption of Jinswâr, in the sense that they are agriculturists and grow various crops (jins). The Koli or Kori, a term usually applied to the Hindu weaver, as contrasted with the Julâha or Muhammadan weaver, are connected by some with the Kols; by others with the Sanskrit Kaulika, in the sense of “ancestral” or a “weaver.” They say themselves that they take their name from their custom of wearing unbleached (kora) clothes. The Jhusiya, and also perhaps the Dhusiyas, have traditions connecting them with the old town of Jhûsi, near Allahâbâd. There are again the Azamgarhiya of Azamgarh; the Jatlot of Rohilkhand, who like the Jatiya say they are kinsfolk of the Jâts; the Sakarwâr connect themselves with Fatehpur Sikri; in the Central Duâb are the Saksena, who say they come from Sankisa, and the Chanderiya from Chanderi. In Mirzapur we find the Jaiswâra, Jhusiya, Kanaujiya, Kurla, Dusâdhu, kinsmen of the Dusâdhs, the Kori, the Mangta or “beggars,” the Dolidhauwa or “palanquin carriers,” the Azamgarhiya, and the Banaudhiya, who are residents of Banaudha,—a term which includes the western parts of Jaunpur, Azamgarh and Benares, and the south of Oudh. To these Mr. Sherring adds:—In Benares the Rangua (rang, “colour”) who are dyers; the Katua or “cutters,” (kâtna) of leather; and the Tantua, who manufacture strips or strings of leather known as tânt. According to the same authority some of these sub-castes are differentiated by function. Thus, many of the Jaiswâra are servants; the Dhusiya or Jhusiya, who trace their origin to Sayyidpur, in Ghâzipur, are shoe-makers and harness makers; the Kori, weavers, grooms, and field labourers; the Kuril, workers in leather; and the Jatua or Jatiya, labourers. The Jaiswâras will not carry burdens on their shoulders, but on their heads, and are liable to excommunication if they violate this rule. They supply most of our syces, and are liable to be expelled if they tie up a dog with a halter, which they worship. Any one who offends in this way is fined five rupees and a dinner to the brethren. The Mangatiyas or Mangtas live on alms, which they take only from the Jaiswârs. In Mirzapur they describe these functions somewhat differently. There the Jaiswâras make shoes and work as day labourers; the Jhusiyas are labourers and keep pigs, which is also the occupation of the Dusâdhu; the Koris make shoes and weave cloth; the Dolidhauwas carry palanquins, the Azamgarhiyas are menial servants of Europeans, and tend swine. The Banaudhiyas tend swine and are day labourers. There is again another local division of the Eastern Chamârs into Uttarâhas or “Northerners,” and Dakkinâha or “Southerners,” who live respectively north and south of the River Sarju, and do not intermarry. The Chandaur or Chandauriya, of the Central Duâb, claim to be descended from Chânûra, the famous wrestler of Kansa, who was killed by Krishna.

[Rules of exogamy.] 5. These sub-castes are now all, or practically all, endogamous; but there seems reason for believing that this fissure into endogamous groups may be comparatively recent. Thus there seems no reason to doubt that in the east of the Province the Dhusiya and Kanaujiya intermarry. The rule of exogamy within the sub-caste seems to vary. Those who are more advanced say that marriage is prohibited within seven degrees in the descending line. Others say that they do not intermarry as long as any previous relationship between the parties is known or ascertainable. In Ballia, a careful observer states that they do not marry in a family from which their mother, grandmother, or great grandmother has come; nor do they marry in the family of their parent’s sister. A man may marry two sisters, but not a daughter of a brother-in-law. The descendants of one common stock are called Dayâd, and among them marriage is prohibited. Besides, this occupation plays a very important part in marriage alliances: thus, those who remove manure or night-soil cannot intermarry with those who practise the cleanlier duty of horse-keeping. As a rule they marry locally within their own neighbourhood, if a suitable match can be so arranged. If a Chamâr entice away the wife of a clansman, in addition to the punishment inflicted by the tribal council, he is obliged to repay her marriage expenses. If a girl is detected in an intrigue with a caste-fellow, her parents are fined one and-a-quarter rupees, and in Mirzapur the same is the punishment inflicted on a man who marries again while his first wife is alive. In fact, polygamy is discouraged unless the first wife be barren, when a second marriage will usually be sanctioned by the council. Among Chamârs in particular it seems to be believed that rival wives do not get on together; and this sort of quarreling has the special name sautya dâh—“the ill-will between the co-wives.” Other sayings to the same purport are Kâth ki saut bhi buri hoti hai,—“Even a co-wife of wood is an evil;” and when one wife is being carried to the burning ground, the other says:—Mor jiya na patiâwe; saut ka pair hilta jâwê,—“I cannot believe that she is dead; I am sure her legs are shaking still.” In Ballia it is said that if a Chamâr marries a second time, the first wife usually leaves him, and that her desertion for this reason is recognised as according to tribal custom.

[Tribal council.] 6. Chamârs have a particularly well organised and influential tribal council or panchâyat. The head of every family is supposed to be a member of the panchâyat, and nearly every village has a headman (pradhân, jamadâr). In large towns there is often more than one headman. In small matters the village council is competent to decide; but for the settlement of weightier questions the councils of several villages assemble under their own headman, and then a general meeting is formed. Custom varies as to whether the headman is a permanent official or not. The most usual rule is that, if the son of the late headman is competent, he is generally appointed; if he be found guilty of misconduct, the headman is as liable as any of the members to fine and excommunication. The cases which come before the council may be classified as (a) cases of illicit sexual relations or violation of tribal rules concerning food, etc.; (b) matrimonial disputes; (c) petty quarrels, which would not come under the cognizance of a Court; (d) disputes about small money transactions; (e) cases in connection with Jajmâni: this last is very common. Every Chamâr family has assigned to it a certain number of families of higher caste, which are known as its Jajmân (Sans. Yajamâna): for which its members perform the duties of cutting the cord at births, playing the drum at marriages and other festive occasions, removing and disposing of the carcasses of dead cattle, and in return for these services they receive money fees, cooked food, and sometimes grain, flour, etc. In return they sometimes supply shoes at marriages, a certain number of shoes annually in proportion to the hides they receive, and also do repairs to leather articles, such as well buckets used in cultivation. These rights are very jealously watched, and any interference with the recognised constituents of a family is strongly resented and brought before the tribal council. These orders of the council in the way of fine or entertainment of the clansmen are enforced under penalty of excommunication, of which the most serious result is that, until the ban is removed, all marriage alliances with the family of the offender are barred, and if any one marries a member of such a family, he at once becomes liable to the same punishment as that which they are undergoing. Every council has a mace-bearer (chharidâr), who goes round and calls the members to the meetings, and he is allowed a small money fee for this service. The amount of fine varies from one to five rupees, and it is very seldom that the process of excommunication has to be used to enforce payment. If a person think fit to lay a charge before the council he has to pay a fee of one and-a-quarter rupees to the chairman, who will not take up the case until the fee is paid. This money, which to the east of the Province is known as nâlbandi or lehri, is spent in purchasing spirits for the refreshment of the members.

[Marriage.] 7. Chamârs show an increasing tendency to the adoption of infant marriage. The usual age to the east of the Province is between four and eight, and it is not uncommon in Ballia for little girls of three to be married. It is very seldom that a girl remains unmarried after the age of eight. There are no regular marriage brokers employed; the negotiations are conducted by a member of the family who is known as agua. As among other Hindu castes marriage is looked upon as a sacrament, and not based on contract. It is complete and binding once the prescribed ceremonies are gone through, and its validity does not depend on the express or implied consent of the parties. But no marriage is carried out without the consent of all the relations, even those who are distant, and the descent and family connections of both bride and bridegroom are carefully enquired into before the engagement is made. In Mirzapur the bride-price payable to her relations is two rupees and five sers of coarse sugar. In Ballia they deny that there is a bride-price; but it is admitted that, if the parents of the bride are very poor, the father of the bridegroom may give as much as four rupees to defray the marriage expenses. As has been said, both bride and bridegroom are carefully examined as to whether they are free from any physical defect, and, as a general rule, if such be subsequently ascertained, it would not be a valid ground for annulling the marriage. If the husband become a lunatic after marriage, the wife in Ballia would not be entitled to leave him, provided his relations continued to support her; and in the same way the husband of a mad wife is held bound to support her. Impotence or such mutilation as renders sexual intercourse impossible is valid grounds for dissolving the marriage. But, as a matter of fact, impotency, proved to the satisfaction of the council, is the only valid reason for a wife abandoning her husband. Divorce in the strict sense of the term is unknown; but a husband may turn his wife out of the house for proved infidelity, while she cannot leave him even if he be unfaithful to her, provided he gives her food and clothes. A woman, whose expulsion has been recognised by the council, can remarry by the sagâi or karâo form. The offspring of such informal marriages rank equally for purposes of inheritance with those of regularly-married virgin brides. As regards the offspring of illicit connections they follow the caste and tribe of the father unless the mother was a Musalmân, or of some tribe lower than a Chamâr in the social scale. Such people are known by the name of Suratwâl or Suratwâla. When a Chamâr takes a woman from a caste superior to his own, their children will be recognised as members of the caste; but if she be inferior to him, their children are considered illegitimate, and will not inherit. This is always the case when the woman is a Bhangi, Dom, Dhobi, Kûnchbandhua, or Musahar.

The child of a Chamâr at Ballia by a Dusâdh woman is known as Chamar Dusâdha, and this is the only case in which a similar fusion of castes is known to have been recognised. The importance of such facts in connection with the problem of the origin of the mixed castes is obvious.

[Widow-marriage and the levirate.] 8. Widow-marriage is, as has been said, fully recognised; but among Chamârs, who have, like those at Cawnpur, risen in the world, there seems a tendency to prohibit it. The levirate is recognised, but the widow can live only with the younger brother of her late husband. If the widow be young, and her younger brother-in-law of a suitable age, they usually arrange to live together; if this cannot be arranged, she usually marries some widower of the tribe by the sagâi or karâo form. In this case the brother and father of her late husband have a right to the custody of the children of the first marriage: this rule is relaxed in the case of a baby, which accompanies its mother. In some cases the widow is allowed to take with her to her new home all the children of the first marriage. Any dispute as to matters of this sort is settled by the tribal council. If a widow marry an outsider she loses all claim to the estate of her first husband, and so do any children she takes with her to the house of her new husband.

In such cases the property passes to the brothers of her first husband. If, on the contrary, she marry her husband’s brother, she or her husband will inherit only if there was no male heir by the first marriage. At the same time, though Chamârs are quite ready to lay down definite rules on this subject, the tribal custom does not appear to be quite settled, and when there are in the case of the levirate or widow-marriage two families, the matter is usually left to the council, who make a partition.

[Birth ceremonies.] 9. Among some branches of the tribe, as, for instance, at Sultânpur, when the first pregnancy of a wife is announced, a ceremony known as sathâi is performed, which consists of the distribution of cakes (pûri) to the clansmen at their houses. But as Chamârs are particularly exposed to fear of witchcraft and diabolical agency generally, careful precautions are taken to guard the woman from evil. To the east of the Province promises of offerings are made to Vindhyabâsini Devi of Bindhâchal, Bânru Bîr, Birtiya, and to the sainted dead of the family if they vouchsafe an easy delivery. Thorny branches of the bel tree (Aegle marmelos) are hung at the door of the delivery room to intercept evil spirits, who are also scared away by the smoke from an old shoe, which is burnt for that purpose. The woman sits on her heels during accouchment, and is supported by her female relatives. She is attended by a woman of the caste for six or twelve days, which is the period for impurity. When it is announced that the child is a boy, the women sing the sohar or song of rejoicing. Much of this consists of the invocation of Mâta, the goddess of small-pox. After the cord is cut, if the child be a boy, the mother is bathed in warm water; if a girl, she gets a cold bath. After the mother and baby are bathed, she gets a meal consisting of molasses, turmeric, and oil, and after twelve hours she is given some halwa sweetmeat. Next day she gets her ordinary food. All through the period of impurity the singing of the sohar is repeated. At the door of the delivery room (sauri; Sans.: sutaka) a fire is kept constantly burning, and into it some ajwain (lingusticum ajowan) is occasionally thrown. At least for the first six days a light is kept constantly burning. On the night of the sixth day the women sit up all night and worship Shashthi or Chhathi, the goddess of the sixth, with an offering of cakes made of barley-flour and rice boiled with sugar. These are presented in a leaf platter (dauna), and then eaten by the members of the household. An iron cutting instrument is also kept near the mother and child during the period of pollution. If the child be a boy the father is expected to entertain his friends which is usually done on the twelfth day.

On that day the parents or brothers of the mother—if they can afford it—send her a coat and cap made of red cloth for the baby, and a yellow loin-cloth for the mother. This present is sometimes accompanied by a special sort of sweetmeat known as suthaura (sonth, dry ginger) made of sugar, ginger, and other spices; sometimes with the suthaura is sent some caudle (achhwâni). There is no distinct trace of the couvade, except that the husband has to take the first sup of the cleansing draught given to the mother, and that he does not shave for six days after his wife’s delivery. There are no special ceremonies in connection with twins, but they are considered inauspicious. If during the pregnancy of a woman an eclipse happen to occur, she is made to sit quiet while it lasts with a stone pestle in her hand, and is not allowed to move or touch any cutting instrument. If she move, it is believed that her child will be deformed, and if she touch a cutting implement that it will be born mutilated. The child is named by the senior member of the family. On the fourth or fifth day after the mother rejoins her family, the child’s head is shaved (mûnran), and when about six months old, it is fed for the first time on grain (annaprâsana); it is at this time that it is usually named. At the age of five or seven its ears are bored (kanchhedan), and this constitutes the initiation: after this the child must conform to the rules of the tribe regarding food.

[Adoption.] 10. When it is proposed to adopt a boy, the clansmen are invited and in their presence the parents make over the boy to the adopter with these words,—“You were my son by a deed of evil (pâp); now you are the son of so-and-so by a virtuous act (dharm).” As the boy is accepted, the members of the caste sprinkle rice over him, and the adopter gives a feast.

[Betrothal.] 11. The customs of betrothal vary somewhat in different places. Thus, in Mirzapur, when a marriage is proposed, the bridegroom’s father with his uncle and other near relations visit the bride. She is carefully examined to make sure that she has no physical defect, and, if approved, the boy’s father gives her a rupee, and some coarse sugar is distributed. Then her father entertains the party. Next follows the regular betrothal (barrekhi). This generally takes place at the village liquor shop, where the two fathers exchange platters (dauna) full of liquor five times, and at the last turn the bride’s father puts a rupee into the cup of his relation-to-be. Liquor is served round, two-thirds of the cost of which is paid by the father of the boy, and one-third by the father of the girl. On this day the date of the wedding is fixed by the Pandit. In Ballia, on the contrary, the parents and relations of the girl go to the boy’s house and present him with a rupee and loin-cloth. This is known as paupûja, or “the worshipping of the feet” of the bridegroom.

When these presents are received in the presence of the members of the caste the engagement is complete.

[Marriage ritual.] 12. Marriage is of two kinds—the shâdi, charh, or charhaua, which is the respectable form, and the dola, used by poor people. In Mirzapur the wedding invitation is distributed by the father’s sister’s husband of the boy. The marriage pavilion (mânro) is then erected. In the Gangetic valley it consists of four bamboos; Chamârs above the hills make it of nine poles of the siddh tree (Hardwickia binata) in obvious imitation of the Dravidian races by whom they are surrounded. On this day the Pandit ties round the wrist of the bride an amulet formed of mango leaves and thread. The next day is devoted to feeding the clansmen, and cakes of various kinds are offered to the sainted dead. Then follows the matmangara ceremony, which is done, as already described in the case of the Bhuiyas. Then as the procession starts, the bridegroom’s mother does the wave ceremony (parachhan) to keep off evil spirits. With the same object the bride’s mother puts some lamp-black on the bride’s eyelids, and hangs a necklace of beads round her neck. At the same time, as an assertion or acknowledgment of maternity, she offers the girl her breast. The bridegroom’s father is expected to take with the procession five ankle rings (mathiya) for the bride. The marriage is then performed by making the pair revolve five times round the ploughbeam (haris), which is fixed in the centre of the pavilion. There also is erected a rough wooden representation of a flock of parrots (suga) sitting on a tree. When the marriage is over all present scramble for the wooden parrots; but the pole on which they were hung is carefully kept for a year. During the marriage, a special dance, known as the natua nâch, is performed by members of the tribe, some of whom dress in women’s clothes. Chamârs can give no explanation of this practice, which may possibly be a symbolical ceremony done with the hope that the first child may be a boy, as the Argive brides used to wear false beards when they slept with their husbands. [195] It is specially to be noticed that Brâhmans are not employed in the marriage ceremony. The whole business is done by the uncle and brother-in-law (phûpha, bahnoi) of the bridegroom. Before they leave the pavilion a goat or ram is sacrificed to Paramesari Devi, and the flesh is cooked at the marriage feast. The marriage ends with a general carouse at the nearest liquor shop.

13. The dola marriage is done in quite a different way. The following is the ritual at Ballia. The friends and relations are invited to attend at the bridegroom’s house, and they are supplied with a meal known as kalewa, which ordinarily consists of rice and pulse or parched grain (sattu) or wheat cakes. The men then proceed to the bride’s house and halt about a mile off to take refreshment. The boy’s father subscribes twelve pice and the others two pice each with which liquor is purchased. The sum given by the boy’s father is known as batsâri or nisâri, and that contributed by his friends behri. After drinking they go to the bride’s house, which they reach usually about sunset. There the guardian of the boy pays twenty-four pice, known as neg, to the father of the bride, who supplements it with sufficient to provide another drink for the party. Then they are all fed, and next morning they go away with the bride. The boy’s guardian presents two sheets (sâri), one for the bride and one for her mother, and gives a couple of rupees to her father, who in return gives a loin cloth (dhoti) and a sort of handkerchief worn over the shoulder (kandhâwar) to the boy, as well as a sheet for his mother. The barber, washerman and village watchman receive a present of two annas each on this occasion. Sometimes the owner of the village charges a rupee as marwachh or marwâna, (mânro, the nuptial shed), which is paid by the father of the bridegroom, and may perhaps be a survival of a commutation of the jus primae noctis, but is more probably one of the ordinary village dues levied from tenants by the landlord. This, however, is not invariably taken, and in return he usually supplies some wood, etc., for the wedding. The bride is supplied by her guardian with a sheet (sâri), brass bracelets (mâthi), and anklets (pairi), made of bell metal. Her brother or some other person as her representative accompanies her to the house of the bridegroom. It is a peculiar custom that on this occasion he always walks behind the bride. In the dola form of marriage the bridegroom or his father very seldom goes to the house of the bride. The duty of escorting the bride home is left to some relation or clansman.

14. After the bride has arrived that very day or very soon after the date of the wedding (lagan) is fixed. The family barber takes ten pieces of turmeric, of which he gives five to the bride and five to the bridegroom. With this he brings one and-a-quarter sers of paddy, which he divides equally between them. The turmeric is ground into a paste, which is rubbed on the foreheads of the pair, and the paddy is parched and made into lawa for use in the ceremony of lawa parachhana. This part of the ritual is called haldi or haldidhân. The next day or a day after comes the ceremony of matkor or “the digging of the earth.” This commences by the bridegroom’s mother worshipping a drum (dhol). If his mother be dead, this is done by his aunt or some other elderly female relation.

Turmeric and rice are ground into a paste (aipan). The woman smears her hand in this and applies it to the drum. This is known as thappa lagâna. A leaf of betel, a betel nut, and two pice are also placed on the drum, which are the perquisite of the owner. Five marks (tîka) are then made on the drum with vermilion, and the women form a procession and go into a field, led by the drummer playing away vigorously. The senior woman then worships Dharti Mâta or Mother Earth, and digs five spadesful of earth, which are brought home and placed in the courtyard. In the middle of the yard are placed an earthen pot full of water with its top covered with a mango leaf and an earthen lid. Near it is a ploughbeam (haris) and a green bamboo fixed in the earth. The earthen pot is known as kalsa. In the evening there is a feast known as matkora. It may be noticed here that there are in all five marriage feasts—the haldidhân and matkora already described and the byâh, marjâd and kankan or bidâi. From the commencement of the haldi ceremony up to the end of the marriage ceremonies the women sing songs both morning and evening.

15. The actual marriage always takes place at night. No Brâhman is called in, but the village Pandit is consulted as to the auspicious time, and he receives two pice for his trouble. For the marriage a square (chauk) is marked out in the courtyard with barley-flour, and the bride and bridegroom are seated within it, the bridegroom on a stool (pîrha) or on a mat made of leaves (patal). The service is done by some one in the caste who knows the ritual. He begins by the gotra uchchâra or recital of the names of the couple, their fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers. Then the marriage jar (kalsa) is worshipped, and an offering of butter, rice, and barley is made to the fire which is lighted close beside the jar, and a similar offering is made to a fire which is lighted in the oratory (deokuri) sacred to the household god. The bride’s father then gives her away to the bridegroom (kanyâdân). He accepts the gift and marks her forehead with a line of vermilion, which is the binding part of the ceremony. The ceremonies in the dola and charhaua marriage are practically identical. The only difference is that in the former the ceremony is performed at the house of the bridegroom; in the latter at that of the bride.

[Death ceremonies.] 16. Those who have been initiated into the Siva Nârâyani or Sri Nârâyani, Kabîrpanthi or Râmanandi sects are buried, unless before death they have expressed a wish to be cremated. Their corpses are removed to the burial-ground on a gaily decorated bier without any marks of mourning and accompanied with shouts of Râm! Râm! Sat hai. “The Lord is the Lord of Truth.” Ordinary Châmars are burnt in the usual way. Those who are poor only scorch the face of the corpse (mukhâg). The ashes, when the body is properly cremated, are thrown into some neighbouring stream. The chief mourner who has fired the pyre on the day after the cremation places outside the house an earthen pot full of milk and rice gruel (mânr) with a pitcher of water for the use of the disembodied spirit. On the third day after death comes the tirâtri ceremony which consists of the offering of oblations and cakes of barley-flour (pinda) to the departed soul. On the tenth day (daswân), this ceremony is repeated, and the castemen are fed. On that day the person who fired the pyre (dagiha) is purified by being shaved. On the eleventh the utensils and private property of the dead man are made over to his sister’s husband (bahnoi), who acts as the officiant priest—perhaps a survival of the matriarchate. In some places, however, and particularly where Chamârs are becoming rich and influential, the Mahâbrâhman offers the sacred balls (pinda). When the service is done by a member of the tribe he says,—Âr Ganga, pâr Ganga; Bihâri ka beta, Râmbakhsh ka nâti, pinda det; Ganga Mâi bujbuji det—“Ganges on this side, Ganges on that side; the son of Bihâri (or whatever his name may be) the grandson of Râmbakhsh offers the cakes, but mother Ganges gives only bubbles in return.” Some plant a few stalks of grass near a tank as an abode for the spirit which wanders about until the funeral ceremonies are complete. On this water is poured daily for ten days. Some again give a tribal feast on the twelfth, some on the sixteenth day after death. On the anniversary of a death twelve balls are offered, and, if the family can afford it, the clansmen are fed. Some, again, after the usual balls and oblations during the fortnight (pitrapaksha) sacred to the dead, join in removing the corpse, and each of the five touches his mouth with a burning brand. By this procedure none of the five incurs any personal defilement.

[Religion.] 17. Chamârs in the main conform to the popular type of village Hinduism. To the east of the Province all, except the richer and more advanced members of the caste, dispense with the services of Brâhmans, except in so far as they usually consult them about the marriage auspices. To the west their marriage ceremonies are performed under the guidance of the low Gurra or Chamarwa Brâhmans. To the east, as they become rich and influential, they employ Sarwariya or Kanaujiya Brâhmans of a degraded type. To the west the mourners accompanying the corpse address the Creator in the words—Tûhi hai; tain ne paida kiya, aur tain ne mâr liya. “Thou art He; Thou hast created and then destroyed.” In Rohilkhand their clan deities are Bhawâni, Jagiswâr or “the lord of the world,” Kâla Deo, Gaja Dewat, Zâhir Pîr, and Nagarsen. In Agra they call themselves of the Gorakhi sect, and worship Devi, Chamara, and Kuânwâla, “he of the well.” In Ballia they usually worship a deity whom they call Parameswar or “the Supreme Being.” The godling is supposed to dwell in a mound of earth erected in a room of the house. On the day of the Dasahra festival seven wheaten cakes and some halwa are offered, and some cloves and cardamoms are ground up and mixed in water, which is poured on the ground. This is known as chhâk. Sometimes the offering consists of a young pig and some spirits. When a person is absent from home, he does not erect any mound or oratory (deokuri) until he returns. In Mirzapur they have a special deity known as Terha Deva or “the crooked one;” they also worship the Vindhyabâsini Devi, of Bindhâchal; Bânru Bîr, a demon of whom they know nothing but the name; Sairi Devi, Birtiya, and the sainted dead (purkha log). All these deities are worshipped in times of trouble with the sacrifice of a young pig, the meat of which is eaten by the worshippers and with a libation of spirits. On the Pachainyân festival milk and parched grain are offered at the hole occupied by the domestic snake. Those who have no children fast and worship the sun godling, Sûraj Nârâyan, in the hope of offspring. Fire and the moon are also occasionally worshipped. To the east their chief festivals are the snake feast at the Pachainyân; the Kajari, which is a sort of saturnalia held in the rainy season, when women drink and the rules of modesty are held in abeyance; the Tîj, on which women fast for the welfare of their husbands and sons, and next day eat cakes (pûri); the Phagua or Holi. A second wife wears an image representing the deceased, known as sirajna, round the neck, and when she puts on fresh clothes or jewelry she touches them first with the image as a sign that they have been offered to the spirit of her predecessor. If this be not done, it is believed that the offended spirit of the first wife will bring disease or death.

[The Siunârâyani or Srinârâyani sect.] 18. But the most remarkable form of worship is that of the deistic, revivalist sect of the Srinârâyani or Siunârâyani. The founder of this sect was Râêdâs or Ravidâs, who was a disciple of Râmanand. Curiously enough in the Dakkhin quite a different legend has been invented and the so-called Rohidas is said to have been born at Chambhargonda now Ahmadnagar, and is described as a contemporary of Kabîr in the twelfth or thirteenth century. [196] The Northern India legend, as recorded in the commentary of Priya Dâs on the Bhaktmâla, tells how a Brâhman disciple of Râmanand used daily to receive the necessary alms from the houses of five Brâhmans. This was cooked by his preceptor, and offered to the Creator before being eaten. One day as it was raining and the houses of the Brâhmans were at a distance, the Brahmachâri accepted the supplies from a Banya. When Râmanand cooked it, the Divine Light refused to accept it, as it was unclean. The preceptor made enquiries and discovered that the Banya had money dealings with Chamârs and that the food was hence defiled. Râmanand, in his displeasure caused his disciple to be reborn in the womb of a Chamârin; and so it happened. When the infant was born, remembering its past life, it refused to suck from the breast of its mother because she was not initiated. Then a voice from Heaven spoke to Râmanand and warned him that the punishment he had inflicted on his disciple was disproportionate to his offence. He was directed to go to the hut of the Chamâr and initiate the whole family. He was compelled to obey this order. The child was named by his parents Râêdâs. When he reached the age of eighteen he began to worship a clay image of Râma and Jânaki. This was displeasing to his father, who turned him out of doors. Râêdâs then set up business as a shoemaker and continued his mode of worship. He used to present all wandering ascetics with new shoes. One day a saint appeared before him and gave him the Philosopher’s stone. Râêdâs took no notice of it; but the Saint touched his shoemaker’s knife with it and turned it into gold. This had no effect on Râêdâs, and the saint finally left the stone in the thatch of his hut. Returning some time after he found Râêdâs in poor circumstances, and learned to his surprise that he had not used the stone. The saint then promised that before morning five gold coins would appear in front of the divine image which Râêdâs worshipped. These he also refused to accept. But he was warned in a dream not to continue to despise wealth; so he converted his shed into a magnificent temple and established regular worship. This enraged the Brâhmans, who appealed to the Râja in a Sanskrit verse which means—“Where unholy things are worshipped and holy things are defiled, three things follow—Famine, Death, and Fear.”

19. Râêdâs was summoned before the Râja and ordered to exhibit his miraculous powers. He replied that he could do only one miracle—that the Sâlagrâma or ammonite representing Vishnu would at his word leave its place and come down on the palm of his hand. The Râja ordered the Brâhmans to perform a similar miracle. They failed and Râêdâs succeeded. This miracle so affected the Râni Jhâli, whom one version of the legend makes out to have been a Princess of Chithor, that she became initiated. On this the Brâhmans refused to eat in the palace, on the ground that it had been defiled, and some raw grain was given them which they began to cook in the garden. But as they were eating they suddenly saw Râêdâs sitting and eating between two Brâhmans. So they fell at his feet, and then he cut his skin and showed them under it his Brâhmanical cord; so he was proved to have been a Brâhman in his former life.

20. The Grantha or Scriptures of the sect are believed to have existed for eleven hundred and forty-five years, but to have been unintelligible until Sîtala, an inspired Sannyâsi, translated them. The present recension is the work of the Râjput Sivanârâyana, of Ghâzipur, who wrote it about 1735 A.D. The most important of these works are the Gurunyâsa and the Santa Virasa. The former is compiled from the Purânas, and gives an account of the ten Avatâras of Vishnu or Nârâyana in fourteen chapters, of which the first six treat of the author, of faith, of the punishment of sinners, of virtue, of a future state and of discipline. The latter is a treatise on moral sentiments. The opening lines are,—“The love of God and his knowledge are the only true understanding.” [197]

21. Siunârâyanis have a meeting house known as Dhâmghar, or “House of Paradise;” Somaghar, or “House of meeting,” and Girja Ghar, or church, a word derived through the Portuguese igreja from the Greek ekklesia. It usually contains pictures of the Saints Gorakhnâth, Râêdâs, Kabîrdâs, Sûrdâs, and others. The scriptures are kept rolled up in cloth on a table at the East. They are carefully watched and never given to any one but members of their own congregation. They meet here on Friday evenings, and any educated man among them reads and expounds passages from the Gurunyâsa. The only occasion when the Santavirâsa is read is at death; it is then recited from the moment of dissolution until the corpse is buried. They are not allowed to eat meat or drink spirits before going to the weekly service, but this is the only restriction. On the Basant Panchami, or fifth light half of Mâgh, a Halwâi is called in, who cooks some halwa sweetmeat (which is known as manbhog, or “food of the mind”) in a large boiler (karhâo). This is first offered to Siunârâyana before the Scriptures of the sect, and until this is done no Chamâr is allowed to touch it. The explanation of this is that Siunârâyana was a Chhatri, and it would be defilement to him if any Chamâr touched it before dedication. An offering of the same kind is made to Guru Nânak by the Sikhs. [198]

22. The title Bhagat which they take does not imply that they abstain from flesh and spirits, but they are monotheists (Sans: bhakta, “devoted”). They say that their chief conventicle is at a place called Barsari, in the Ghâzipur District, about which they repeat the verse,—“As pâs Chandrawâr men, Ghâzipur Sarkâr; Bindu nirauni karat sab Bâgh Râê ke pâs.” “In the neighbourhood of Chandrawâr, in the Ghâzipur District, all meet together and discuss the doctrine of Unity. This place is near the Râê’s garden.”