Chapter IX

It is the interest of exploitative capital that makes the Morning Land, Mexico, China and Africa rotten stones in the arch of civilization. But for exploitative capital, those regions might remain backward, socially and politically: this would not greatly concern any industrial nation, except in so far as it responded to a missionary impulse. The backward states afford, however, possibilities of sudden wealth; and since this is the case, they must attract exploiters, who must seek, and obtain, the backing of their home governments, with resultant international rivalry, hostility, war.

If we could confidently predict the industrialization of the backward countries, we should be able to foresee an end of this one most fruitful of all sources of international strife. But China will not be industrialized for a generation, at least; and many generations must elapse before the tropics are concession proof. Accordingly the one hope for universal peace would appear to lie in the possibility of divorcing, in the popular consciousness, the concessionary interest from the national interest.

For the present war will settle nothing. When it is over, the skeleton titles thrown about the undeveloped lands may have undergone change; but underneath the new order, the struggle of exploitative capital will emerge as before. Diplomatic squabbles will again arise; popular envy will be wrought upon; international hostility will be fomented; military and naval rivalry will again crush out progress. The minor interest will once more drag the major interest to ruin.

There will, however, be in the situation one element new, at any rate, to us. In a generation we shall not be, as now, a nation with almost all its capital secure within its own boundaries. Our strong men of speculative finance will be established in the undeveloped countries; concessions will figure conspicuously among the items of our national wealth. The foreign contingent of our capital will join battle with that of the group of nations destined to fare best in the present struggle: if Germany and Austria, in South America; if Russia and Japan, in the Orient. And who shall say that our country may not be a protagonist in the next great war? One half of one per cent of our capital just failed of forcing us to subjugate Mexico.

The concession and the closed trade are the fault lines in the crust of civilization. Solve the problems of the concession and the closed trade, the earth hunger will have lost its strongest stimulus, and peace, when restored, may abide throughout the world.

THE WAR BY A MAN IN THE STREET

That a kindly old man having his nature temporarily reversed by a passion for revenge for the murder of two relatives, should have the power to waste a large portion of the lives and treasure of the civilized world, is so counter to everything that civilized men ordinarily consider reasonable, that it is perhaps the sharpest evidence yet given of the tyranny of the past over the present.

Perhaps the strangest thing about such a circumstance is that, while it is counter to the deliberate reason of nearly all sane and civilized men, millions of sane and civilized men are contributing to its occurrence, not only with devoted self-sacrifice, but with enthusiasm.

The conflict between these two utterly opposing conditions is, in the last analysis, simply the conflict between the jungle and the railroad, between the lion and the savage, between the savage and the civilized man.

And the same conflict is in each man’s soul. Behind the man of today, who reasons, is his savage ancestor who merely felt; behind the gentleman in evening dress who goes to the boxing match is his ancestor who turned his thumb down over the arena; behind the jurist who arbitrates at The Hague, is his ancestor who commanded a pirate ship in the neighboring sea; behind the German who, less than a generation ago, was leading civilization, is the barbarian who attacked Rome, and who now has come out to attack Belgium.

Now absolute power is old fashioned, alliances are old fashioned, even violence and revenge are old fashioned, and among civilized nations they are “not done,” except through the madness or the imbecility of crowds. Nobody really wants to do either of them, except the rulers and soldiers who see a chance of gain.

Of the hosts of men sacrificing, fighting, suffering, dying, not one in twenty wants to do it, or even knows why he is doing it, or what is to be gained by doing it, and not one in fifty thousand was consulted about doing it. Mr. Lowes Dickinson after expressing himself in the _London Nation_ somewhat to the foregoing effect, adds:

We are sane people. But our acts are mad. Why? Because we are all in
the hands of some score of individuals called Governments.... These
men have willed this thing for us over our heads. No nation has had
the choice of saying no. The Russian peasants march because the Czar
and the priest tell them to. That of course. But equally the German
socialists march; equally the French socialists. These men know what
war means.... They hate it. But they march. Business men, knowing
too, hating too, watch them march. Workingmen watch them march, and
wait for starvation. All are powerless. The die has been cast for
them. The crowned gamblers cast it, and the cast was death.

But “some score of individuals” is too many. The _New York Nation_ puts that better:

Whatever happens, Europe--humanity--will not settle back again into a
position enabling three Emperors--one of them senile, another subject
to melancholia, and the third often showing signs of disturbed mental
balance--to give, on their individual choice or whim, the signal for
destruction and massacre.

The German tradition of 1870, so strongly in favor of getting in the first blow, made it impossible for a spreading of the war to be seriously threatened without Germany striking that blow, and so turning any possibility of a general war into the reality.

In fights between individuals, the wrong has usually been laid to the one who struck first. There is equal reason for so laying it between nations.

When to the tradition in favor of the first blow is added the military habit diffused through the nation to a degree absolutely strange to modern times; when over a nation thus accustomed to arms, there is a ruling class whose only ambition and only hope is in War, and when at the head of this class is a ruler with a megalomaniac ambition and conceit, the wonder is not that such a nation has gone to war with virtually all its neighbors, but that it has so long been at peace with them.

This war is probably the world’s greatest illustration that a condition of “preparation for defence” is apt to lead to war. Forty years of such preparation has developed in the peaceful scholarly German nation an oligarchy of swashbucklers who crowd women off the sidewalk and cherish an ambition to conquer the world.

More specific causes of the low condition of Germany are not far to seek. If a hundred portraits of each of the rulers of, say, the ten leading nations were culled at random from the leading illustrated publications, a due proportion being kept of the various functions in which the rulers were engaged when the pictures were taken, there is no reasonable doubt that the absolute rulers would be represented the greatest number of times in military dress--like savages in war paint, and that William of Germany’s proportion would be larger than that of any other ruler. The presidents of republican France and the United States would not appear in war paint at all, and the king of democratic England would so appear less often than the head of any other dynasty.

Of all alleged civilized rulers, William II has alone borne the barbarous title of “The War Lord,” yet before last August he never saw a battle. He was “The War Lord” simply because it was his delight to pose as such, and what a man poses, he wishes to become. Since 1870, and to some extent before, the Kaiser’s country has been, to a degree approached by no other in Europe, an armed camp. In Germany, gentleman and army-officer have been almost synonymous terms: no amount of learning, genius or eminence in any other direction has brought a man as high social consideration as eminence in the army. The army has been the dominant interest of the Emperor, and, despite the enormous industries, the dominant power in the eyes of the people--a power more recognized than the legislature and the courts. Among the aristocratic and would-be aristocratic classes, it has been the one career, and the one avenue to eminence. But in times of peace, promotion is slow: it is liveliest only when war kills off or wears out superiors. Hence in the German army the chief yearning--all the stronger for being suppressed for nearly half a century--has been for war: the daily toast at the officers’ messes has been for many years “Zum Tag!” Of such conditions as these, the natural outcome has been the barbarities in Brussels, Antwerp, and Louvain.

For these conditions of course neither the German people nor their Kaiser has been entirely to blame: everybody knows how, at the start, the conditions were forced upon them. But what pains have been taken to keep at the lowest terms their barbarizing influence, not to speak of doing away with it altogether? What has been the general attitude of Germany, under the Kaiser’s influence, toward the proposals instituted by the Tzar--sovereign of a far inferior people--for the development of machinery for international peace?

This war, in its murders and destructions, is probably the worst calamity the world has ever known. Yet it is doubtful whether the murders and destructions are the worst things about it: for it has, for the time being, turned a people long among the most admirable and lovable and peaceable in the world, into a nation of destroyers, and made some of their admirable qualities--their coolness, their patience, their energy, their system, their ingenuity, their coöperation, their patriotism, all of which were long among the chief agencies of the world’s progress, into the chief agencies for its misery and debasement.

But, with all the German’s old-time merits, there is no blinking the fact that the current of civilization which came through Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece and Rome does not flow through his veins. He came into civilization late, and he shows it despite the virtues Tacitus saw him bringing with him: he still holds the barbarities of a highly inflected speech, a highly centralized government, and a ruthless disregard of the finer amenities of both peace and war. But we repeat that, except as his barbarian warlike passions have been trained since the fifties, and now been specially aroused, the great virtues which he had evolved even when History first knew him, made him admirable and lovable, and when he has felt the consequences of his mistakes, will make him so again.

The obvious conditions would suggest, even to the visitor from another planet, that there must be two Germanys; and so there are--the Germany of industry and peace, and the Germany of idleness and war. The higher Germany--not the higher in the army or the state, but the higher in intellect and morals, even less than a generation ago was among the greatest examples of mankind. The lower Germany--baser though more brilliant--nurtures a nest of microbes, and they have entered into the blood of the higher, and made it mad.

One thing that has made possible this great tragedy is the survival of old ideas of high and low, which, like many other ideas, were once true, and in the progress of evolution have now become false--more destructively false in Germany than anywhere else in civilization. In all savage communities, the ruling class is apt to be the best. Evolution approaches equilibration--the beam of the scale approaches the level--by the arbitrary power of the upper class going down, and the capacity of the lower class rising up, until at last, we may hope all classes will be on a level. The scale of course oscillates until, if ever, equilibration shall be reached: the revolutionary movements at times place the lower classes in the ascendant, even make them for brief moments the rulers,--often very ridiculous and even destructive rulers, as in the French revolution, and the ascendancy of the silverites in the American congress. But the mistakes of the temporary rulers from the ignorant classes have been nothing beside the excesses of a Zenghis Khan, a Tamerlane, an Alexander, a Nero, a Henry the Eighth, a Napoleon, and a William II of Germany.

The claim that Germany is waging a war of defence is too thin to justify attention. The Kaiser’s responsibility for spreading the conflict is of course disputed by him and his supporters; but the thing has been brewing from the day the young Emperor, imitating the pirates and stage villains, pasted up his moustache farther than any other man’s to make himself look fierce. No man of peace or modesty ever hung out such a sign.

He has hardly ever made a speech without showing his megalomania, and placing his army first among his many interests; in agreements proposed for the promotion of peace, from the first meeting at The Hague, he has been the one to hang back; and he refused the arbitration suggested by Sir Edward Grey, which the other nations seemed ready to accept.

But his responsibility for spreading the war is of little consequence beside his conduct since it began. His first step was to trample under foot his own nation’s contract with Civilization itself; to violate the rules that, with infinite labor and through infinite suffering, had been slowly built up in aid of international peace and justice; to begin murdering an unoffending people whose peace his own country had solemnly pledged itself to maintain--devastating their country and robbing them of millions on millions, all because they had defended rights which, as already said, were pledged by his own country.

He had prepared for this by debauching his own peaceful, industrious, scholarly and harmony-loving people into such familiarity with the apparatus and drill and idea of war, that they have been taking on the army ways, ideas, ambitions and megalomania at a progressive rate that has saddened the former admirers who have visited them at sufficient intervals to notice the change. Even among the scholars, not only has the army influence spread, but the old allegiance to the simple life is gone. Our exchange professors report the deterioration. Says one: “They have been bought by court favors.”

And they, like us, have been corrupted by their prosperity; their patriotism has become perverted into greed; and the vast industry, the vast wealth, even the vast population that this once exemplary people had built up in spite of the Emperor’s colossal military waste, he is destroying to feed his own lust of power, and he has impregnated them with that lust, and the trade which his people have made worldwide by their industry, he is, for most fallacious and insignificant reasons, seeking to extend by their blood.

He is widely believed to be insane. However that may be, I do not see how any candid and unbiased judgment can find him other than a man forsworn, a robber, a murderer of the innocent--of his own people no less than of other peoples, a destroyer of civilization, an enemy of mankind.

* * * * *

Perhaps the worst tragedy in the whole awful drama is this man’s militarism rotting out the morality of the people of Luther, Kant and Fichte. His ministers now talk of the highest moral stand a nation ever took, in England’s defence of Belgium’s neutrality, as the absurdity of going to war over a little piece of paper. It is also a large part of the present German philosophy that force and cunning are essential agents in evolution. The pity and tragedy of it!--that the German race, long the moral leaders of the world, should have sunk to a Machiavelism below Machiavelli--one not even, like his, superficially intelligent and refined, but throughout stupid and brutal.

This German military philosophy that reckons only with itself, carries the elements of its own destruction. It is already actually at war with most of civilized Europe. It may not be destroyed this year or even next, but destroyed it will be; and until it is destroyed, civilization stops and stands at bay.

If necessary, its every resource must be called into play. Even those of remote Japan are already in action. If the need becomes greater, inaction on the part of nearer nations will become disgraceful. The wisdom that ignored the comparatively petty issues in Mexico, will become folly if it ignores anything so colossal as the present issues may become, especially as they already deeply concern our own blood.

* * * * *

If the outcome of the battles shall be the Kaiser’s victory, it will be for us only to reflect that the end is not yet, and that the Power which works out our good, often does it by ways that appear to our limited vision strangely devious. But if the battles shall destroy his dynasty, and dismember the artificial and cruel Austrian empire which ostensibly initiated all these horrors, and lead to a concord of the nations against such disasters in future, the justice of the Power above all empires will, despite all the misery, again be made plain.

* * * * *

It must no longer be possible for any madman who happens to sit upon a throne to wreak worldwide destruction. Whatever the cost, the peace of the world demands that Germany shall not hereafter be left in a condition to strike the first blow--that she shall not be permitted to keep an army large enough to give the military class the control of the nation, and that for her crimes against International Law she shall be made to bear proper penalties.

The next step to the limitation of her armies will be the limitation of all, and the uniting of them ostensibly, as they are now in reality, as the police force of the world.

* * * * *

It may be a relief to turn from the barbarity of the war to its absurdity. All its conditions are of course heritages from the barbarous past, and the only process of doing away with them is the slow complexity of human progress. Not the least element of that progress is the development of a sense of humor. If everybody felt the supreme ridiculousness of these conditions, they could not stand a year.

Another ridiculous element in the situation is the shortsightedness of capital. The force of the fighting world is in its wealth--directed by its brains. An army is proverbially a monster that crawls upon its belly. Now how long are the brains of the world going to permit its wealth to feed this monster, and leave industry and exchange paralyzed? Yet though those in control of the world’s wealth have not prevented the war, they must have learned that it will pay to devote a good percentage of the wealth to perfecting the machinery for peace which centers at The Hague. That the capitalists have not already taken hold of those agencies, is as little creditable to their sense of their own interests as to their sense of the interests of mankind--and of the ridiculous.

* * * * *

The nations are still in the stage of civilization that individuals were when every man carried a sword, and impromptu fights were matters of course. The first step out of that stage was the organization of the premeditated duel, with its “code of honor.” The next stage was the leaving of quarrels to arbitration and the courts, and the prohibition of individual fights and of carrying weapons to facilitate them.

The nations have lately made rapid progress toward the second stage. Yet International Law, though rapidly growing before Germany’s attack on it, is, so far, nothing but a “code of honor.” It prescribes rules for the conduct of international duels, both for the principals and for neutrals, but, like the code of the duello, it has no sanctions to enforce the rules but public opinion.

Among the most important of these rules is respect of combatants for the peace and independence of neutral states, especially when the neutrality has been specifically guaranteed by the warring states. Another very important rule is that unfortified towns shall not be bombarded, and that to fortified towns twenty-four hours’ notice shall be given, to permit the removal of non-combatants. The military oligarchy who have corrupted and misrepresented the German people, have not attained to, or have fallen from, the stage of civilization needed for the observance of these rules. They invaded Belgium and Luxemburg, and dropped bombs into Antwerp without notice.

In these acts, the Germans have done what they could to destroy the International Law which has been one of the most laborious and most hopeful products of civilization.

* * * * *

All law, local and international, has been made by the most advanced people, and must be guarded by them against the less advanced. Each civilized nation has a police force to guard its national law, but International Law has not yet progressed so far. Yet whatever may have been the origins of the present war, the Germans’ conduct of it has made them international outlaws, and constituted the nations fighting them a police to maintain the law.

Whatever the time and sacrifice involved, whatever other nations may be needed to strengthen the police force, the law must be vindicated, or civilization must go backward generations, and build the law up again.

That a union to develop and enforce International Law may result from the present war, seems among the possible compensations of the waste and misery. The world will have had enough of war, and more than enough, to a degree never before concentrated in as brief a period. In the early and long wars, men had not outgrown the stolid conviction that war was the inevitable and normal condition of the race; and at that stage of the race’s evolution, so it was. But evolution has progressed, men’s--many men’s--ideas are different, and during this unparalleled tragic absurdity, they are going to become still more different, and at an unprecedented rate. Never before did a nation go to war as England now has done, to vindicate, enforce, and preserve what had been evolved of International Law. The German barbarities have made all England’s allies warriors in the same cause, and have opened the eyes of the world, as never before, to its value, its dignity, and, the blood flowing for it is going to add, its sacredness. To the seed planted at The Hague, this blood will be a fertilizing stream, and a growth may be expected that will be a shade and a defence to the nations.

EN CASSEROLE

_Special to Our Readers_

In this number, we have put the war articles last, giving them the place of second emphasis, and at the cost of cutting into the Casserole, because at the time the table of contents was made up, we considered the topic of our first article, Free Speech, of more consequence than any War possible among civilized nations. But we did not then suppose that one of the nations we considered civilized was capable of stamping on treaties, violating neutralities, dropping unnotified bombs on cities, and, if late reports are true, guiding the Turk in another assault on civilization.

Resistance to such infamies we regard as of more pressing importance than even the main object to which our leading articles have been heretofore devoted, namely, the elevation of the humbler man. We even regard that as, in the long run, the most effective agency toward Peace. But sometimes in emergencies, the long run has to be disregarded. Thus, not the least of the bad effects of the war is its diversion of effort from the social and political amelioration to which, for a generation, the world has given a degree of interest without precedent in all previous history. From this cause, where we would have our peculiar function the saving one of a brake, even our own humble efforts must be considerably diverted by an emergency so overwhelming; and we know that our readers, despite their inclination for the still air of delightful studies, can not fail to respond to so general and poignant an interest.

* * * * *

Buzzing around this subject, one of our most valued contributors writes: “Please don’t print a _peace article_. There are only two possible kinds of peace in this world, while man is man: the peace of exhaustion and the _pax romana_.”

How prophecy does rage on this subject--on both sides!

Which peace with each other did the chief European nations enjoy from 1871 to 1914, and the English speaking nations from 1814 to 1914? And we seem abundantly justified in hoping that it may be permanent.

“While man is man.” Which man--Homer’s,--butchering unarmed foes whom he finds in bathing; or today’s,--arbitrating most of his quarrels, and busying himself over schemes for the automatic settlement of the rest? Any one who fails to recognize the change in man, may well fail, especially at a time like this, to recognize the increasing peace and aids to peace among the nations. Between civilized peoples, war comes now mainly because of one decaying institution--autocratic government, and of one vanishing human peculiarity--the madness of the crowd--the readiness of men to do in mass what they scorn to do as individuals--to get excited over foolish causes, or no cause at all, and to find glory in doing at wholesale, work which, at retail, they shrink from as robbery and murder.

_Academic Courtesy_

A certain college professor was asked by a lawyer for technical information needed in a property case. The professor spent half a day in disentangling the material and putting it into practicable shape. With it he presented a bill for $25.00.

Was this sensible or shocking?--business or betrayal? The lawyer, who seems in no way to have begrudged the money, told the tale as an instance of vulgar commercialism worming its ugly way into the fair ethics of the academic profession. And with him doubtless most college professors themselves would agree, even in the face of his confession that for any scraps of legal information formally sought by the professor a lawyer would charge a fee.

To a layman the case for the defence seems simple. Here is no shining opportunity for the idealism of the scientist who, preferring to give to humanity the fruit of his works, refuses to patent discoveries made in the university laboratory. Nor is there in such an instance any question of aid to a disinterested “seeker after truth.” A professor of Greek will gravely spend several hours in answering a village clergyman’s question about the New Testament “baptism.” The historian himself will take the free hours of several days to make out reading lists for a woman’s club. But why should one man who is making his living give time and work freely to another man who is going to use them to increase his earnings? The professor’s salary, unadorned by inherited capital or wife’s dower or extra work, is not a living wage. He has to endure the annual appeal to humanitarian alumni to consider his needs, the reiterated disclosures of his poor economies and poorer expenditures. Why should he not take from a lawyer’s pocket, rather than from a “donor’s,” in return for desirable goods, money which will pay part of his expenses to the next meeting of that learned society before which he is to read an unmarketable paper?

Why, indeed? we seem to hear the college professor echo. There is no reason save that he likes learning without courtesy, as little as religion without charity--and courtesy, like charity, makes no exceptions.

_Simplified Spelling_

While Germany is fighting in disregard of International Law, and the allies fighting in its defence, it is a good time to impress a very powerful consideration for simplifying English spelling.

Probably the strongest reason why International Law has developed so much more slowly than law in the separate nations, has been the greater difficulty of the nations understanding each other, and this is rapidly disappearing under increased facilities of intercommunication. Apparently there is no agency in sight which would promote this as much as an international language. Many considerations nominate English for the place: not only do more people speak it already than speak any other civilized language; but quite probably more people not born to it, speak it. Of all civilized languages, it is by far the simplest in its inflections and the richest in its vocabulary, and contains most words already contained in other languages. As a possible world-language, it far surpasses them all, except in the difficult inconsistencies of its spelling; and many devoted men, including virtually all the leading authorities, are now working hard to remedy these, perhaps their strongest motive being, as it is that of their most generous supporter, the interests of peace.

* * * * *

And now for a few words regarding some details of the simplification, which wil contain a few examples of mildly impruuvd forms, insted of the most outrageusly inconsistent of the uzual wons. Those we uze wil be inconsistent enuf in all consience.

Of experienses discuraging to those who favor the reform, the worst we hav encounterd has been in the letrs from members of the Simplified Spelling Board which hav bin evoked by our articls. Probably not one in five of those letrs has containd any new forms whatever, or at least enuf to be notist. If the anointed aposls of the reform don’t bac it up any betr than that, those who oppose it hav occasion to rejoise. On the other hand, the letrs from som of the faithful who really wer faithful, wer deliberately impruuvd until they wer very funny, tho very probably our grandchildren woud not find anything funny in them.

If the reform ever coms, it now seems most likely to com thru peepl getting so familiar with the milder impruuvd forms in correspondence, advertisments, and prospectuses, that they wil be reddy to giv their children a consistent scooling.

In such ways, and thru argument and right reson, probably there may gro up, in time, approval enuf to start the better forms in som scools, and when that is don, the spred and establishment of such forms seems inevitabl.

But there wil be som difficultys that ar obvius even now. Inevitably at this stage, experts ar qarreling among themselvs, tho qarreling is hardly the term: for the differenses ar in the best of temper. It is a question whether enuf new forms ar yet agreed upon, even by those who attemt thurro and consistent reform, to make possibl a scool-bouk that woud succeed. The foregoing sentence givs som illustrations. The word we spel as _thurro_ is spelt by the S. S. B. as _thoro_, and by the S. S. S. as _thuro_. The word we spel _woud_ is spelt by the S. S. S. as _wood_, and the S. S. B. leavs it alone, after som tentativ votes that resulted in _wud_. _Wood_ is excellent if identity with present practis wer desirabl, but if _wood_ is right (_riit?_), how about _food_ and _door_, and how, in any case, about using _o_ to express a _u_ sound? The S. S. S. setls part of the difficulty by keeping _wood_ as now, and making _food_ = _fuud_, and _door_ = _doer_. The present _doer_ (won who duz) it makes _duer_. With _fuud_ and _duer_ we agree; but with _doer_ for _door_ we don’t: we think _door_ as it is, is as good as possibl, and think that _coast_, _ghost_, _globe_, _lore_, etc., would be vastly impruuvd if they wer made uniform and to agree with door, thus: _coost_, _goost_, _gloob_, _loor_.

It is a question wether reform had betr wait for a betr agrement of experts, or wether there is now enuf agrement to justify anybody’s going ahed with his share of it, and such personal extras as his consience reqires (_reqiirs_?) him to ad; and letting everybody’s personal extras fight (_fiit_?) it out to a survival of the fittest.

INDEX THE UNPOPULAR REVIEW VOL. II

[_Titles of Articles are printed in heavier type. The names of authors of articles are printed in italics._]

A., Miss, 160-162.

=Academic Courtesy=, 441.

=Academic Donors, A Post Graduate School for=, 213.

=Academic Leadership=, 132
--uneasiness of mind among thoughtful men; its significance and
character, 132-133
--present small regard for scholarship, 134
--education and society, 135
--need of discipline; failure of language and science courses,
135-137
--superior discipline of classical studies, 137
--“efficiency,” 138
--lack of academic solidarity, 138-139
--value of common background of the classics for social efficiency,
140
--Elyot’s _Boke Named the Governour_ quoted, 141-142
--the Magna Charta of education, 142-143
--intellectual aristocracy the basis of English education, 143-145
--the aristocratic principle embodied in Greek and Latin literature,
145-146
--liberty and distinction, 147-148
--real service of the classics in education, 148-149
--duty of the college to mould character and foster leadership,
150-151.

Addams, Jane, 5-6.

=Advertisement=, 216.

Advertising, 246.

Agriculture, 240.

_Allinson, Mrs. F. G._, ‘Academic Courtesy,’ 441;
‘The Muses on the Hearth,’ 189.

Americanism, 128.

Anarchists, 231.

Angell, Norman, 403.

Arbitration in New Zealand, 29.

Asquith, H. H., 402.

Associated Press, 230.

Austria. _See_ War.

B., Madame, 388-389.

Balkans. _See_ War.

Bartlett, Geo. C, 153-156.

Bax. _See_ Morris and Bax.

Beer, 259.

Belgium. _See_ War.

Belloc, Hilaire, 332.

Bergson, Henri, 184.

Bernhardi, General, 201.

Bismarck, 405.

=Blues, On Having the=, 301
--gloomy persons, 301
--superior persons and the blues, 301-302
--a fallacy, 302-303
--depression a result of weak nerves, 303
--folly of fearing disaster, 303-304
--blessings in disguise, 304-305
--moral benefits of the Sicilian and Calabrian earthquakes, 305
--worst blues, 306
--uncertainty as to the goodness of nature, 306
--borrowed troubles, how to avoid, 307-308
--over-refinement in work, 308
--value of sleep, 309
--on “rising superior,” 309-311
--keeping busy, 310
--faith in immortality, 311-312
--the Providence that helps, 312-313
--have reasonable since life is reliable, 313
--brooding on death, 314
--the normal feeling toward it, 315
--mourning customs, 316
--proper preparation for the end, 316-317.

Bosnia and Herzegovina. _See_ War.

_Brewster, William T._, ‘The Principles and Practice of Kicking,’ 318.

_Bruce, H. Addington_, ‘Our Debt to Psychical Research,’ 372.

_Bumpus, H. C._, ‘Trade Unionism in a University,’ 347.

Burrows, C. W., 207.

Butler, Nicholas M., 365.

Cattell, J. M., 358.

Charcot, J. M., 389-390.

=Chautauqua, Lecturing at=, 116
--personal point of view, 116
--sudden summons, 116
--arrival, reception and hotel, 117
--early swim, Hall of Philosophy, lecture on Poe, 118
--the settlement and its depressing effect, 119
--relief map of Palestine, 120
--various emotions, fame, embarrassment, 120-121
--secret of the art of lecturing, 122
--steamboat ride, Bemus Point and drinks, 123
--Sunday and forbidden recreations, 124
--life at the hotel, 125-126
--Higgins Hall, 126
--the point of conversion to a liking for the place, 126
--listening to lectures, 127
--pathetic pursuit of culture by the elderly, 127-128
--Americanism of the people, 128
--Chautauqua a genuine democracy, 128-129
--economic conduct of the Institution, 129
--teas and picnics, 130
--a reception; pleasant memories, 131.

Chesterton, G. K., 319, 332.

Chicago anarchists of 1886, 231-233.

Christian Science, 71.

Civil War, 411.

Classics in education, 132.

Colleges, 189, 356.

Comer, Mrs., 273.

Commercialism in college professors, 441.

Competition, 246.

Conventionality, 280.

Corporations, 80.

Culture, 127.

=Curse of Adam and the Curse of Eve, The=, 266
--some opinion on women and marriage, 266-268
--drudgery in man’s life and woman’s, 268-269
--woman’s freedom, 269-270
--women and war, 270
--differentiation of men and women the best product of civilization,
271
--and more important to woman than to man, 272
--chastity, 272
--effect of Feminism on women, 273
--the dress of men and women, 274, 275
--distinctive titles for married and single women, 276
--married names of women, 276, 277
--sex war, 277, 278
--self-sacrifice in man and woman, 278
--value of matrimony, 278
--answer to Feminism, 278-279.

Death, 314.

Democracy in Education, 356.

Democratic individualism, 246-247.

Demos, 248.

Dickinson, Lowes, 384, 430.

=Disfranchisement of Property, The.= _See_ Property.

Distribution, 245.

Domestic science, 189.

Dreams, 152.

Du Prel, 157.

Education, 134, 189.

=Education, Monarchy and Democracy in=, 356
--anomaly of educational monarchy in America and educational
democracy in Europe, 356-357
--difficulty of the discussion, 357-358
--origin and growth of monarchy in colleges, 358-359
--evils of this condition, 359-360
--objections against faculty legislation, discussed, 360-363
--what college professors wish, 363-365
--relation of professors and president, 365-366
--what might be learned from business methods, 367-368
--presidential prerogative, 368
--why professors are discouraged, 369-370
--ground for hope, 371.

Electricity, 244.

Eliot, Chas. W., 139, 369.

Eliot, George, as control, 168-174.

Ellis, Havelock, 184, 185.

Elyot, Sir Thomas, 141.

=En Casserole=, 205, 440.

England. _See_ War.

Essex Junction, 92.

Eugenics, 60.

Europe. _See_ War.

=Experiment in Syndicalism, An.= _See_ Syndicalism.

Farmers. _See_ Agriculture.

=Femina=, 271.

Feminism, 266.

=Feudalism, A Stubborn Relic of=, 21
--tipping a survival of feudal relation, 21
--Europe and America, 22
--ideal and practical ethics, 22-23
--is tipping almsgiving? 23
--position of servants, 23-24
--reasonableness of tipping, 24-25
--rich and poor, 25
--private families, 25
--progress toward ideal condition, 26
--moderate tips legitimate, 26-27
--wider application, 27
--impracticability of socialism, 27-28.

_Fisher, Dorothy C._, ‘The Gentleman-Sportsman,’ 334.

=Flatland, The Way to=, 59
--“Life Extension” movement, 59
--university efficiency proposition and Harvard University, 59-60
--eugenics movement, 60-61
--prohibition, 61-62
--flatness and superficiality of prevailing thought, 62-63
--loss involved in applying factory methods to university life,
64-65
--loss to human dignity and rights involved in the eugenics
propaganda, 65-67
--significance of the prohibition movement and its impairment of
personal liberty, 67-69
--“Life Extension” movement, 69-70
--the body as a machine, 70
--concern for health, 71
--periodic examinations and liability to errors in diagnosis, 71-72
--greatest objection an invasion of personal liberty, 72-73
--character of these movements and what they indicate, 73-74.

=Fly Time, Philosophy in=, 209.

Foster, Chas. H., 152-156, 159, 160.

France. _See_ War.

Francis Joseph, 405, 429.

_Franklin, Fabian_, ‘Some Free-Speech Delusions,’ 223;
‘The Way to Flatland,’ 59.

Freedom of the press, 223, 230-231, 233.

=Free-Speech Delusions, Some=, 223
--new martyrdom of certain agitators, 223-224
--factitious grievances of the I. W. W., 224-225
--the hunger strike, 225-228
--range and limits of freedom of speech, 226-227
--true and false doctrine of free speech, 228-229
--J. S. Mill quoted, 229
--confused and shallow thinking on the subject, 228-230
--illustrated by the notion that the newspapers suppress news,
230-231
--illustrated also by the notion that the Chicago Anarchists of
1886 were unjustly convicted, 231-233
--duty of intelligent men, 233-235
--underlying reason for free speech, 235.

Galsworthy, John, 332.

Gary, Judge, 233.

=Gentleman-Sportsman, The=, 334
--reasons for killing lions in Africa, 334
--“unsportsmanlike” methods, 334-335
--“giving the game a chance” compared to the cats playing with the
mouse, 335-337
--cat nature and man’s nature, 337-338
--true principle as to destroying life, 339-340
--place of sportsmanship and hunting in modern life, 340-342
--better ways of securing excitement, 342-343
--waste of physical courage, 343-344
--candor needed, 344-345
--danger to young minds in the hypocrisy of sport, 345-346.

Germany, 199.
_See also_ War.

_Gerould, Katharine F._, ‘Tabu and Temperament,’ 280.

Gilman, Charlotte P., 270, 271.

Goodrich-Freer, Miss, 381-384.

Gosson, Stephen, 327, 328.

Greek and Latin, 132.

Grey, Sir Edward, 401, 402, 434.

Gurney, Edmund, 174, 376.

Habay, Juliette, 270.

_Hamilton, Clayton_, ‘Railway Junctions,’ 91
--‘Lecturing at Chautauqua,’ 116.

Hapsburgs, 405.

Harden, Maximilian, 202.

Harvard University, 60.

“Harvey,” as control, 160-162.

Hell, 314.

Hodgson, Dr. Richard, 164-167, 170-174.

Hohenzollerns, 406.

Holland, Mrs., 167.

Holt, Emily, 385.

_Holt, Henry_, ‘Advertisement,’ 216;
‘Hypnotism, Telepathy, and Dreams,’ 152;
‘On Having the Blues,’ 301;
‘Philosophy in Fly Time,’ 209;
‘Simplified Spelling,’ 217, 442;
‘Special to our Readers,’ 205, 440;
‘A Stubborn Relic of Feudalism,’ 21;
‘A Suggestion Regarding Vacations,’ 216;
‘The War: By a man in the street,’ 429.

Howells, W. D., 105.

Hunger strike, 225-228.

Hunting, 334.

Hypnotism, 375.

=Hypnotism, Telepathy and Dreams=, 152
--some of Foster’s dreams, 152-156
--possession, 155
--explanation attempted, 156-157
--where do dreams come from? 157
--the cosmic soul, 157-159
--Wm. James on matter and mind, 158
--a hint of the explanation of hypnotism, 159-160
--Stillman’s story of Turner and Miss A. under “Harvey” as control,
160-162
--telepathy and teloteropathy, 162-163
--Mrs. Piper and some manifestations of free interflow of minds,
163-174
--story of A. and B., Mrs. Piper’s sitting with George “Pelham” as
control, 164-166
--cross-correspondences, Mrs. Verrall and Mrs. Holland, 167
--Piper sittings with George Eliot as control, 168-174
--sensitives and their dream-life experiences, 174-175
--what are personalities? 175-177
--postcarnate life, 176
--our dream life and its indication of the postcarnate, 177-181
--the cosmic soul as an explanation of dreams, 181-183
--Lombroso on dreams, 183
--dream life as an evidence of immortality, 184
--Ellis and Bergson quoted, 184-185
--Nature and immortality, 185-186
--new moral and intellectual interests, 186
--new evidence for immortality, 186-188.

Hysteria, 389.

Immigration, 45.

Immortality, 184-188, 311.

Industrial decentralization, 243-245.