Chapter XLIV: Revenge (2)

“Around this youth is a group of young men of fine appearance, and
engaged in fine pursuits, as beseems men of noble birth. One of them
seems to bear on his countenance traces of the palæstra, another gives
evidence of gentleness, a third of geniality: here is one who you
would say had just looked up from his book; and of the horses on which
they ride no two are alike, one is white, another chestnut, another
black, another bay, and they have silver bridles, and their trappings
are adorned with golden and decorated bosses (φάλαρα). And it is said
that the barbarians by the ocean pour these colours on red-hot copper,
and that the designs become hard, like stone, and are
durable.”—Philostratus, Imagines. Chapter on Boar-hunting.

Footnote 163:

The articles found include glass, mosaic, and porcelain beads;
fragments of four bone combs; four tweezers of bronze, of which two
hang on bronze rings; remains of wooden shields with metal mountings;
bronze mountings; 10 iron swords, damascened in several patterns, the
length of the blades being from 31 to 35 inches, their width 1¾ to 2
inches; and fragments of several others; fragments of wooden
scabbards, of which one has remains of leather on it; several metal
mountings for scabbards; a buckle of bronze; about 80 points of iron
spears, all of different shapes; 30 spear-handles, ornamented with
engraved lines, some straight, and others with snake lines; remains of
a wooden bow, length 47½ inches, and fragments of another; arrows;
four whole iron knives, between 7 and 10 inches long, and several
handles and fragments; four oval-shaped whetstones and fragments of a
square one; five small balance-weights; fragments of a heavy wooden
post and of a small twig; some mountings of silver which probably
belonged to riding harness; bones of three animals; &c., &c.

Footnote 164:

Among the objects found in the bog were 106 iron swords, all
double-edged, with handles of wood sometimes covered with silver, or
of bone or massive bronze; 93 damascened in different patterns, two
wrought from two different pieces, and only eleven simply wrought. On
several there are Latin inscriptions, and on one blade runes inlaid in
gold. The condition in which the swords were when buried is peculiar.
Generally they were without hilts and bent, on many were found deep
cuts on both edges, one having 23 cuts on one, and 11 cuts on the
other edge. Wooden scabbards, with mountings of bronze; mountings to
sword-belts; buckles of iron and bronze; rings with loose
end-mountings; 70 iron shield buckles; iron axes; iron bridles, three
of which were still in the mouths of (skeleton) horses; 552 iron
spear-points, several ornamented with gold; several hundred
spear-handles; numerous household utensils of wood; several hundred
arrow-shafts with traces of marks of ownership on them, and some with
runes, &c.

Footnote 165:

Thirty-four Roman coins, struck between the years 69 and 217 A.D., are
so-called denarii of silver, and date from the time of _Vitellius_
(1), _Hadrian_ (1), _Antoninus Pius_ (10), two of which have the mark
of DIVVS; _Faustina the elder_ (4), _Marcus Aurelius_ (7) (partly as
Cæsar, between the years 140–143, and partly as Imperator), _Faustina
the younger_ (1), _Lucius Verus_ (2), _Lucilla_ (2), _Commodus_ (5),
and _Macrinus_ (1), the latter a very rare coin, struck in 217 A.D.

Footnote 166:

See p. 385.

Footnote 167:

In the coffin itself, on the right side of the skeleton, were found,
among other objects, forty-six checker pieces of glass, sixteen dark
red, the others of whitish colour, ¾ to 1½ inch; three finger-rings of
gold, and a spiral bracelet, similar to the one from Oland (vol. ii.
p. 311); two fibulæ of silver, one gilt. On the left, sixty checker
pieces, thirty-one of which were black, the others whitish; with these
was a small amethyst stone with rough, unworked surface. At the feet,
bronze vessels, one placed on the other, two small bosses of silver of
unknown use.

Footnote 168:

See also pages 280, 282, 284.

Footnote 169:

The earliest coins (Gotland) are those of Augustus (29 B.C.–A.D. 14).
Then follow those of Nero, and coins of all the different emperors to
Alexander Severus (222–235); the greatest numbers are those of Trajan
(98–117); Hadrian (117–138); Antoninus Pius (138–161); Faustina, wife
of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius (161–180); Faustina junior, wife of
Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus (180–192). At Hagestaborg the most
numerous were those of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Faustina the
younger, and Commodus. The earliest are of the time of Nero (54–68),
the latest of that of Septimius Severus (193–211). In Öland the
earliest are those of Trajan, the latest those of Alexander Severus.
In Zeeland the earliest are of Vespasian, the latest of Macrinus (217,
218). In Fyen the earliest are of Tiberius (14–37), the latest of Geta
(211, 212). In Bornholm the earliest are of Nero, the latest of
Septimius Severus. In Jutland the earliest are also of Nero, the
latest of Macrinus (217, 218). In southern Sweden the earliest are of
Claudius (41–54), the latest of Alexander Severus, but only one or two
of the latter have been found; after the time of Commodus the silver
denarii became rarer and rarer. On the island of Fyen a complete
series of gold coins from Decius (249–251) to Licinius the elder
(307–323) have been found. The Byzantine coins are of gold, and
chiefly used as ornaments, date from Constantinus Magnus (306–337) to
Anastasius (491–518); one also of Justinius I. (518–527) has been
found. In Norway the gold coins of the above period are exceedingly
rare, only one of Valens (364–378) and one of Gratuanus (367–375)
having been discovered; also one of Tiberius Constantius (578–582),
one of Mauricius Tiberius (582–602), one of Constantius V. Copronymus
(741–775), one of Michæl III. (842–867) all of gold. Some of the
earlier Arabic coins had already made their appearance in Scandinavia.
The Roman coins from the Bangstrup find date from between A.D. 249 and
361. See also Appendix.

Footnote 170:

I have myself seen an illustration of this on the African coast, where
natives could not understand that coins represent the value of goods,
though traders had come to their country for a long time, and in some
places they were loth to take money as payment, while a few miles
inland it was refused.

Footnote 171:

See “Land of the Midnight Sun.” The islands of Zeeland and Fyen are
especially rich in Roman objects and show the existence of great
intercourse with the Roman provinces; while Gotland is particularly
rich in coins. In the hamlet of Ryk (Tanum parish), Bohuslän, a Roman
coin struck A.D. 179 for the Emperor Marcus Aurelius was found in the
ground. From the inscription on the coin the date can be accurately
fixed, for it was said that it was coined in the year when Marcus
Aurelius was Tribune for the thirty-third time, Imperator for the
tenth time, and Consul for the third time.

A gold coin of Tiberius (14–37) was found in a stone-set coffin at
Rorbœk; a silver denarius of Nerva (96–98) in the find of Fraugdegard,
Fyen; and a silver denarius of Antoninus Pius (138–161), with a
skeleton, in a natural hill at Bennebo, near Holbœk; a silver denarius
of Lucius Verus (161–169), with a skeleton, in a hill at Gunnerugs,
near Prestö; a barbaric imitation in gold of a Roman imperial coin,
with a loop soldered to it, found with a skeleton at Aareslen in
Odense amt, Fyen. One limit of time obtained by means of the coins is
certain enough, for the graves cannot have been closed before the year
of their coinage.

Pyteas mentions Guttanæ. The Gotlanders in the Sagas are called Gutar;
they may have met him on some of their trading journeys. The two names
seem to be sufficiently similar to make this a probable supposition.
In the island of Gotland a Greek coin of copper was found, but it
seems to have been struck at Panormus in Sicily. On the obverse is a
female head looking to the right, on the reverse a horse galloping to
the left; it has no Punic letters. (In the collection of Capt. C. T.
von Braun, of Ystad.) Two Macedonian coins of silver were also found;
one of them is a diabole of Philip II., similar to the coins described
in Müller, “Der Macedoniske Konge Philipp II.’s Mynter,” p. 3, Nos.
14–16, and engraved Plate 1. (Both were in the collection of Capt. v.
Braun, of Ystad; now only one remains there.)

Also Roman coins anterior to Augustus, found together about 100 years
ago. A silver coin of the family of Lucretia; a silver coin of the
family of Nævia; a coin of the family of Sulpicia. They are all
unusually well preserved, but shorn on the border. (In the collection
of Capt. von Braun Ystad.) A silver coin of the family Funa; a silver
coin of the family Poblicia; one subærate coin of the family Postumia;
one silver coin of the family Procilia; a silver coin of the family
Tituria; a silver coin of the family Veturia. (In the collection of
Capt. von Braun.) A silver coin of the family Nævia, given by Capt.
Braun to the Museum at Uddevala; and a silver coin of the family
Sicinia, both well preserved. (In the Wisby Museum; formerly in the
collection of Mr. P. A. Save.)

Footnote 172:

Three hundred and forty-four silver denarii, coined by the emperors
between Nero and Marcus Aurelius, among them many of Trajan, Hadrian,
and Antoninus Pius, have been found at the mouth of the Elbe.

Under a large stone on a bank at Sengerich, in Hanover, 1,100 silver
denarii were dug up, coined between the years 96 and 211.

In Mecklenburg the finds of imperial coins embrace the period from
Augustus to Valentinian.

Finds of Roman coins from the first two centuries after Christ have
also been made at the mouth of the Vistula and in its lower course,
near the Oder.

An especially interesting discovery was that of a Greek denarius
coined in Lycia by Trajan; the only Greek coin discovered in Hanover.

Footnote 173:

Apollo Grannus, to whose temple the vase once belonged, was worshipped
by the tribes of Gaul and Belgium. The Roman historian Dio Cassius
relates that he was one of the gods worshipped by the Emperor
Caracalla, who was murdered in A.D. 217. The name has also been
discovered in Transylvania on a stone which Quintus Axius Ælianus,
Governor of Dacia at the beginning of the second century, had cut. It,
however, happens that this Ælianus had before this resided in Belgium,
whither he had probably brought with him the worship of the god.

Footnote 174:

More than forty different statuettes have been found.

Footnote 175:

Among the bones outside the urn were found various fragments of
bronze, six clinch-nails of iron, remains of glass, a burnt oblong
loaf of bread, two pieces of a head ornament of bronze with rivets of
iron, a ring of bronze, twelve beads of glass of different size and
appearance, a damaged hanging ornament of bronze, a square plate of
bronze with iron rivets, a denarius of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius
coined in A.D. 162.

Footnote 176:

The word amber occurs in three earlier poems. Magical runes were
written on gler.—Sigrdrifumal. Pliny in his ‘Natural History,’ Book
xxxv. 3, 42, speaks of amber as being “formed in the islands of the
Northern Ocean.”

Footnote 177:

For other objects in Bavenhöi find, see p. 252–254.

Footnote 178:

For other objects found at Varpelev, see p. 256–258.

Footnote 179:

Cf. also Flateyjarbók, i. 401; Hrólf Kraki, c. 44; Heidarviga Saga, c.
20; Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 13.

Footnote 180:

Cf. also Finnboga Saga, c. 23; Gunnlaug Ormstunga’s Saga, c. 5.

Footnote 181:

Grimhild had asked her sons Gunnar and Högni to pay _weregild_ to
Gudrún because they had slain her husband, Sigurd Fafnisbani.

Footnote 182:

This shows that bows of yew as well as of elm were used.

Footnote 183:

Another stone in relief has been found by Prof. Save, nearly 12 feet
high, at Larbrö, in the northern part of the island of Gotland; of the
same horse-shoe shape as shown here and on p. 58, with representations
of ships, horses, and the eight-footed horse Sleipnir.

Footnote 184:

In Tanum parish, Bohuslän, alone there are more than 2,000 mounds, the
largest being about 300 feet in circumference; near Upsala nearly 600;
at Ultuna, 700.

The greatest number of mounds found in any one spot is east of the
ancient Birka Bjorko, where there are over 1,000 of them; while seven
graves, as will be seen in the course of the narrative, are found
close together.

Footnote 185:

Poets, see vol. ii. p. 389.

Footnote 186:

I was sorry to see the place being gradually destroyed, the gravel
taken away, and the embankments, made by the digging, falling down
with the grave.

Footnote 187:

Gudlaug, Hakon’s ancestor.

Footnote 188:

At Eds, Upland, there is a very fine ship-form grave of twenty-eight
stones, 182 feet long and 50 feet wide. The largest stone at one end
is 9 feet in height, and is evidently a bautastone; the rest, although
large, each measuring several feet in circumference, are common
boulders. At the centre of the ship there lies a similar stone, where,
as well as at the ends, there is a small mound-like elevation.

In the woods at Braidfloar, between Levide and Sproge in Götland,
there is a ship-form grave 144 feet long, but only 16 feet at its
widest part; the stones, however, are small, none being higher than 3
feet.

At Lungersas, Götland, Nerike, there is a ship-form grave in which
stands a stone with an inscription in later runes.

There is also a bautastone with runes, in one end of a ship-form at
Lilla Lundley in Lids, Södermanland, upon which are the words “_Spjute
and Halfdan_ raised this stone after _Skarde_ their brother. He went
eastward with Roar. In Serkland lies the son.” (See p. 356 Yellow
Book, Den yngre jernalder.)

A ship-form grave between the post-stations of Ljungby and Hamneda
province of Kronobergs is 92 feet long and 32 feet broad; the
neighbourhood is full of grave-mounds and bautastones.

Another near the shore of the Baltic, in Eista parish, Götland, is 50
feet by 16 feet. A third, on the island of Faró, near Götland, is 50
feet by 8 feet.

We see by this that their breadth does not always bear the same
proportion to their length.

In two ship forms at Hjortehammar, in Blekinge, there were found
burned bones, ashes, two of the bowl-shaped fibulæ of bronze so common
during the later iron age, a round fibula of silver, some glass beads,
&c.

In one at Raftötangen, in Tanum parish, was an urn filled with ashes,
on the top of which lay a finely ornamented damascened sword of the
later iron age.

Footnote 189:

Such expressions occur as “i haug lagdr,” mound laid; “heygdr,”
mounded.

Footnote 190:

There seem to have been special places built for the burning of the
dead. On the island of Fyen, not far from Broholm, and about 1,200
yards from the numerous graves, are two sites of pyres, round in
shape, about 120 yards distant from each other. The pavement, about 7
inches in thickness, is made of cobble stones of the size of a man’s
fist set very close together, and broken into sharp angles. The
stones, especially those in the middle, have been exposed to the
action of fire, but have been preserved by being covered with earth
that had gathered over them brought by wind and rain in the course of
centuries.

Footnote 191:

Nabjargir.

Footnote 192:

In Sigrdrifumál the texts have in stanza 34 _laug_ = bath, and _haug_
= mound. The letters _h_ and _l_ being very like in the manuscripts,
we can choose whichever we like best of the two.

Footnote 193:

Cf. also Egil’s Saga, c. 61.

Footnote 194:

In Brynhild’s ride to Hel we have a different account:—

“After the death of Brynhild two pyres were made, one for Sigurd,
which was first set on fire, but Brynhild was burned on the other and
was in a carriage tented with _god-web_ (a kind of fine cloth). It is
told that Brynhild drove in the carriage on the road of Hel, and went
through the tun where the jötun-woman dwelt” (Hel-reid Brynhildar).

Footnote 195:

Sigurd.

Footnote 196:

See Volsunga, ch. 20 and 31.

Footnote 197:

Probably on account of the ring on the door, as fine doors were
ornamented with them.

Footnote 198:

We will follow on his heels, so that the door will not be shut after
he enters, but be open while we enter.

Footnote 199:

The inheritance—wealth, treasure, dowry, &c., &c.

Footnote 200:

In the preceding stanzas she has foretold the fate of Gudrun, Gunnar
and Högni, as is told in Volsunga.

Footnote 201:

For battle, see Vol. ii., p. 436.

Footnote 202:

A division of land.

Footnote 203:

Cf. also Göngu Hrolf’s Saga, c. 3.

Footnote 204:

Breast.

Footnote 205:

Tyrfing.

Footnote 206:

Tyrfing.

Footnote 207:

I would wish thee to believe it.

Footnote 208:

Ships.

Footnote 209:

That Tyrfing was dangerous.

Footnote 210:

I visited the island of Samsö in order to see if I could discover any
indication of the mound of Angantyr. This island stands in the middle
of the great belt; it is only in clear weather that part of the coast
of the peninsula of Jutland can be seen; its shores are in many parts
lined with huge boulders. In some parts mounds, passage graves,
dolmens, &c., are to be seen; everything tends to show that in olden
times it was a great burial place. Many of the mounds are either
hidden by woods, or stand solitary amidst cultivated fields. The scene
described in Hervara came forcibly upon my mind, and I wondered not
that Hervör knew not where the mound of her father was. This island
was well chosen for the resting-place of these men of the sea.

Footnote 211:

The gyg (ogress, witch) seem to have been women of Jötun race,
possessing supernatural strength.

Footnote 212:

Volsunga Saga. ch. 38; instead of a ship he is buried in a stone
coffin, but the poetry must be more trusted.

Footnote 213:

Smear well with wax the sheets.

Footnote 214:

Cf. Landnama, ii. An Bogsveigi’s Saga, c. 6. Atlamál. Gisli Súrsson.
Laxdæla Saga, ch. 7.

Footnote 215:

Other ship-graves, such as that of Tune, Borre, &c., have been found
with skeletons of horses.

Among other ships found is the Gunnarshaug ship, discovered in Bergen
Stift in 1887. The large mound in which it was found had a diameter of
over 125 feet, and stood about 500 feet from the shore.

The ship was only partly preserved owing to the action of the soil.
Its planks were of oak, thicker and less broad than those of the
Gökstad ship, fastened by clinch-nails. In the uppermost planks,
considerably thinner than the rest, there are holes at distances of a
little over 3 feet. Its keel is about the same length as that of the
Gökstad ship.

It stood _north to south_, and has been supported by six stones, each
about 6 feet high. Its inside has been clothed with a layer of moss,
evidently to hinder decay by the soil, and on one side of it was a
heap of shavings, chips and bark, left by the carpenters. There are
reasons for thinking that a wooden roof had been erected over the
ship, and afterwards broken down.

Of the Viking’s body no trace is left, but the remains found indicate
his place in the middle of the ship; these are two swords,
forging-tools, five long whetting-stones, a tinder-box and pieces of a
wooden box. Farther north: several large beads of mosaic glass and
fine chesspieces of amber and coloured glass, part of a waxen tablet,
a bracelet of gold, &c.

Near the weapons lay an iron kettle and both the stones of a
hand-mill, which shows that the Vikings ground their grain at sea. The
stem was filled with rust.

Oars and carved tools were also found, and planks of an exceedingly
well-built boat of oak, over which there lay a fir plank, several feet
long, with steps cut in it, evidently a landing-board (cf. Gökstad
ship).

This is the first burial-place found in Bergen Stift where the body
was unburnt, but they are common further south.

Footnote 216:

In a large mound at Vold, Borre parish, Norway, was a small vessel
about 54 feet long, but in such an imperfect state of preservation
that only the clinch-nails with pieces of the planks were left. On the
right side lay a horse’s skeleton, near which were found remains of a
fine bridle and saddle of leather and wood, the mountings of bronze
and silver; also fragments of a glass bowl similar to the one found in
a mound at Taplow (see p. 319). On the left side lay the skeletons of
another horse and of a dog. Above the ship, over the entire mound, was
spread a layer of charcoal. Among the objects found were a
wrought-iron chain, an iron axe, fragments, and an iron kettle
containing ashes, &c. This grave was made in a group of large mounds.

In Tune, Norway, about five miles from the river Glommen, were found
in 1867, in a mound, the remains of a viking ship, now in Christiana.
This mound lay on a hill not far from the Visterflö, one of the
branches of the river Glommen. It was about 24 feet in height, and 500
feet in circumference. Behind the mast lay the unburned corpse of a
man, with part of the skeleton of a horse at his side. At the stern
were the remains of ring armour.

At Lackalänga, near Lund, there are several earth-mounds. In one of
these were found—fragments of a ship, the wood being incrusted with
iron rust; an urn of clay, with burned bones and coal; fragments of
weapons, &c.; at least 100 clinch-nails of iron, and some other pieces
of the same metal, probably originally belonging to a vessel buried in
the mound; two larger buckles of iron, like those used on saddles; two
stirrups, bits for a bridle, &c.

Footnote 217:

According to Herodotus, i. 212, Tomyres, queen of the Massagetæ, whose
son had been taken prisoner by Cyrus, sends to him the following
message:—“Restore my son; depart out of the country, unpunished....
But if you do not do this, _I swear by the sun, the Lord of the
Massagetæ_, that insatiable as you are, I will glut you with blood.”

Footnote 218:

“East of Tanakvisl (Tanais, Don) in Asia was Asaland, or Asaheim, and
the head-burgh (chief town) in the land was called Asgard. In the
burgh was a chief called Odin; it was a great sacrificing-place
(blótstad). It was customary there that twelve temple-priests
(hofgodar) were the foremost, and had charge of the sacrifices and
judged between men. They were called _diar_ or _drottnar_; all the
people were bound to give them service and reverence” (Ynglinga Saga,
c. 2).

Footnote 219:

_Vetrarblót_ = winter-sacrifice; from _vetr_ = winter, and _blót_ =
sacrifice. The milky way is called _vetrarbraut_ = winter way, because
people thought that the appearance of the milky way predicted the
course of the winter.

Footnote 220:

The people counted by nights instead of days.

Footnote 221:

This was also sometimes called Thor’s sacrifice.

Footnote 222:

It seems that at this season other sacrifices than those to Frey were
sometimes offered. Cf. Hálfdán the Old. Skaldskaparmal, c. 13.

Footnote 223:

Cf. Ynglinga Saga, 8; St. Olaf, 115.

Footnote 224:

Cf. also Hörd’s Saga and Hervarar Saga, c. 14. The boar was
consecrated to Frey.

Footnote 225:

Cf. also Hakon Adalsteinsfostri’s Saga, c. 15; Olaf Tryggvason (Hkr.),
c. 28.

Footnote 226:

Cf. Hakon Adalsteinsfostri’s Saga, c. 15. Snorri’s Olaf Tryggvason, c.
28.

Footnote 227:

See chapter on Godis, p. 525.

Footnote 228:

Olaf Tryggvason in Fms. ii. 173.

Footnote 229:

See p. 496, a landowner.

Footnote 230:

St. Olaf 115, Heimskringla.

Footnote 231:

Ynglinga, 47. Snorri’s Olaf Tryggvason, 16.

Footnote 232:

Sometimes the expenses devolved on the king, at others the feasts were
provided for by the food and ale brought by those in attendance (Hakon
Adalsteinsfostri, 16, 18). How far people went for sacrifices is seen
in Landnáma v., 8.

Footnote 233:

Eyrbyggja, 4, 10.

Footnote 234:

In Herraud’s Saga, ch. 12, the toasts are given in different order.
The first toast is dedicated to Thor; then one to all the Asar; then
one to Odin; and lastly, one to Frey.

Footnote 235:

Hallfredar Saga.

Footnote 236:

In the earliest times Thor was the great enemy of the Jötnar. He was
called upon by wrestlers also (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, 10), and showed his
anger by causing loss of property (Flóamanna Saga, c. 20)

Footnote 237:

Thrymskvida. The bridegroom and bride were to be marked with the holy
sign. (Vol. II., p 12.)

Footnote 238:

St. Olaf’s Saga, 44. “He was marked after Thor and hammer in the
hand.”

Footnote 239:

In the account of Fornmanna Sögur about the battle of Svold, Eirik
jarl is said to have had Thor in the prow of his ship. “He took it
away and put the cross instead, which he did on the advice of Olaf
Tryggvason,” otherwise he would not get the victory.

Footnote 240:

In Vafthrudnismál, Njörd is said to have ruled over many temples by
the old Asgard.

Footnote 241:

Cf. Egil’s Saga, c. 58.

Footnote 242:

From Vafthrúdnir’s answer to Odin about Njörd’s origin we find that he
ruled over temples and hörg. (Vafthrúdnismál, 38.)

Footnote 243:

Shining like glass. Amber is called gler; and in Sigrdrifumál, st. 17,
we find that runes were written on gler or amber.

The hörg is also mentioned in Völuspa, 7; Helgakvida Hjorvardssonar,
4; Landnáma ii. 16; Elder Gulathing’s Law, ch. 29; Orvar Odd, p. 29;
Hervarar Saga, 1.

Footnote 244:

See Landnama v., 2; Hrafnkel Freysgodis Saga, pp. 4–6.

Footnote 245:

Olaf Tryggvason Heimskringla, ch. 65, 66.

Footnote 246:

Kjalnesinga, 2; Droplaugarsona, Saga about Bessi temple, Landnáma v.
12.

Footnote 247:

Landowner (see p. 496).

Footnote 248:

Adam of Bremen about 1070 writes that not far from _Sictona_ (Sigtuna)
is the temple _Ubsola_, where were the three gods, _Thor_, _Wodan_ and
_Fricco_ (Frey). What he says about this temple makes it evident that
not only its roof but also the whole inside of the structure was
covered with gold plates. Further he says that close to it there was a
large tree, which no one knew, and which stretched its branches far
out, and was always green, as well as a spring, near which the heathen
made their sacrifices, and wherein a live man was thrown; the people
believed that his wishes would be fulfilled, in case he sank; also a
golden chain went around the temple, and hung from the roof.

Footnote 249:

Saxo writes that the Danish king Halfdan journeyed to Upsala in order
to find out the cause of his daughter’s sterility, and was answered
that he must first satisfy the spirit of his brother, whom he had
unwittingly slain; this he did, and then she, in accordance with the
promise of the oracle, bore Harald Hilditönn.

At the present old Upsala church there were discovered the foundations
of an old building, a mass of coals, molten copper and silver pieces,
with small traces of pure gold, as well as a rusty nail with a little
gold on it, and finally skulls of pigs and hawks, and cheekbones and
teeth of horses, all of which tend to show that the old heathen temple
of Upsala, so famous during pagan times, stood there. (Verelius Notæ
in epist. def. Shefferi, p. 16.)

Footnote 250:

This implies that in the sacred precincts there were several
buildings.

Footnote 251:

Gridastad means place of truce.

Footnote 252:

The writer or copyist seems to have been a Christian.

Footnote 253:

Fridthjóf means the thief of peace, the one who steals or destroys
peace.

Footnote 254:

Cf. also Landnama, iv. 5; Kormak’s Saga, 11.

Footnote 255:

Cf. Landnama, iii., c. 2, 7.

Footnote 256:

Cf. also Vatnsdæla, 12. Landnama, i., c. 10. Ondvegissula = high-seat
pillar.

Footnote 257:

Disar = genii.

Footnote 258:

Olaf, son of Ingjald Illrádi ... fled to a forest district of
Vermaland, where he cleared the land of its woods; therefore he was
called Tretelgja (tree-cutter).

Footnote 259:

“The scene of most interest, and at the same time of most horrors,
taken from the mythical or poetical history of Greece is one which
represents the sacrifice of Trojan captives to the _manes_ of
Patroclus. Achilles himself is the priest or butcher, for he occupies
the centre of the scene, clad in brazen cuirass and greaves, his long
yellow locks uncovered by a helmet, and seizing by the hair the
wretched Trojan captive who is seated naked at his feet imploring
mercy, he thrusts his sword into his neck, just as the ‘swift-footed
son of Peleus’ is represented to have treated Lycaon, the first victim
he sacrificed to his friend Patroclus. Above the Trojan stands Charon,
in red jacket and blue chiton, wearing a cap or helmet, and bearing
his mallet on his shoulder ready to strike. The right half of the
scene is occupied by the two Ajaces, each bringing forward a victim,
naked and wounded, whose hands are bound behind their backs. Ajax
Telamonius, the more prominent of the two, is fully armed; and Ajax
Oïleus is similarly armed, but without a helmet. The funeral pyre on
which the corpse of Patroclus was already laid before the sacrifices
of captives, horses, and dogs were made to his manes is not shown.
This episode forms the subject of the first wall paintings found in
Etruria which were illustrative of Hellenic myths, but since their
discovery that of the Grotta del Orco at Corneto has afforded us
additional proof that the Etruscans did not always confine the
pictorial adornments of their sepulchres to the illustration of the
peculiar customs, funeral observances, or religious creed of their
native land” (Dennis’s ‘Etruria’).

Footnote 260:

From this passage we see that it was the custom of Hakon Jarl to make
sacrifices, but unfortunately the manner in which he made them is not
told.

Footnote 261:

See p. 478.

Footnote 262:

Tíundaland = land of the tenth.

Footnote 263:

Hervarar Saga, 9, 10, 11, 12.

Footnote 264:

Kristnisaga, Fornmanna Sögur ii., 228.

Footnote 265:

I.e. Tun or open space.

Footnote 266:

Meaning, broke the backs of.

Footnote 267:

Not far from nearly every one of the (twenty) dom-rings of Nerike
there is a spring tending to confirm the Icelandic tradition of their
use.

Footnote 268:

King Olaf was on an expedition into France.

Footnote 269:

Odd evidently, like some other of his countrymen, as seen in this
narrative, was not orthodox in the religion of his fathers, for he
robbed the graves.

Footnote 270:

Cf. also Ragnar Lodbrók, 18; Norna Gest, 6; Olaf Tryggvason, 179;
Sigurdar Kvida Fafnisbana ii., 26; Orkneyinga Saga, ch. 8.

Footnote 271:

Ynglinga Saga, 10.

Footnote 272:

Gisla Sursson mentions the same.

Footnote 273:

Olaf Tryggvason, Hkr., c. 76; Halfredar Saga, 6; Vatnsdæla, c. 10, 16.

Footnote 274:

See p. 411, sacrifice to the Disir.

Footnote 275:

I.e., draw the string so hard that the point of the arrow is inside
the curve.

Footnote 276:

Cf. also Sigrdrifumál, 17; Helgi Hundingsbani; Norna Gest;
Flateyjarbók; Fornaldar Sögur, i. Later Edda; Orkneyinga; Egil’s Saga;
Hávamál; Atlakvida.

Footnote 277:

Helgakvida Hundingsbana.

Footnote 278:

These three maidens came from Jötunheim, the home of the Jötnar; here
they are no doubt meant to designate the three Nornir, who came and
disturbed the peace of the golden age by establishing past, present,
and future, _i.e._, change, fluctuation, development, and growth.

Footnote 279:

Idavöll, _ida_, movement; _voll_, plain. This stanza tells of the
golden age when the Asars were happy and lacked nothing.

Footnote 280:

Grimnismál, gives a somewhat similar account.

Footnote 281:

Burn a spot on the skin as a cure.

Footnote 282:

Thjód nation, nation of the Goths.

Footnote 283:

Odin.

Footnote 284:

Warriors.

Footnote 285:

See pp. 31, 32.

Footnote 286:

Wealth.

Footnote 287:

Sun plains.

Footnote 288:

Fire-mountain. Here the text is corrupted, but I follow Bugge in the
suggestion that this is a place-name, the battle taking place on the
plain beneath the Logafjöll, from which the Valkyrias come down to
take the slain.

Footnote 289:

The Valkyrias.

Footnote 290:

Valkyrias are here called disir, guardian spirits, and seem to come
from the South, the ancient home of the Asar.

Footnote 291:

Chiefs. Helgi invited them to come home with him and his chiefs that
night, and they would not.

Footnote 292:

We find that kings sometimes had meetings among themselves.

Footnote 293:

Probably she was betrothed by her father, not being present herself.

Footnote 294:

From this we see that this beautiful story is derived from the lost
Völsunga-kvida (a great loss), and from which Völsunga itself is
probably mostly taken.

Footnote 295:

Glad because of victory.

Footnote 296:

The marriage which her father had set his mind upon.

Footnote 297:

Sigrun speaks to the dying Hödbrod on the battle-field.

Footnote 298:

Wolves.

Footnote 299:

Meaning: “Everything is not in thy power, as the Nornir have great
power also over the fates of men.” The death of Helgi was against
Sigrun’s will.

Footnote 300:

King.

Footnote 301:

A custom found in the Old Testament (Joshua), of putting the foot on
the subdued king’s neck.

Footnote 302:

Dag broke his oath, as we have seen before; and Sigrun cursed him for
having done so.

Footnote 303:

Leiptr = flash of lightning. Probably this was a swift river, or
waterfall.

Footnote 304:

Here we see the custom of wergild, so often described in the Sagas.

Footnote 305:

The temple of Vandil.

Footnote 306:

Valleys of fight.

Footnote 307:

Cf. also Helga Kvida Hjörvardsonar.

Footnote 308:

The song of Kara is lost. Svafa in the first song, Sigrun in the
second, is Svafa reborn; and Kara in the third and lost song is Sigrun
reborn.

Footnote 309:

In Orvar Odd we see that the Volvas performed the foretelling ceremony
with fifteen boys and fifteen girls. It seems that night was the
chosen time. The boys and girls doubtless stood in a ring round the
platform, and sang incantations. They had a stick, with which they
struck the cheek of a man, and brought oblivion on him, and then, by
striking him on the other cheek, gave him back his memory.

Footnote 310:

Eirik the red, 5.

Footnote 311:

Boiling “seid,” or the witches’ broth, was the chief art in
witchcraft.

Footnote 312:

Only found in Thorfin Karlsefni.

Footnote 313:

Vatnsdæla, 3, 10; Thorfin Karlsefni, 3; Orvar Odd, ch. 2, 3.

Footnote 314:

Helgi and Hróar had taken the names of Ham and Hrani.

Footnote 315:

This song is lost.

Footnote 316:

Cf. also Norna Gest’s Thatt. c. 3.

Footnote 317:

Laxdæla, 33; Njala, 127.

Footnote 318:

Orkneyinga, 100, 102; Ljosvetninga, 21; Vatnsdæla, 12; Orvar Odd, 2.

Footnote 319:

The name of Ægir is found in Helgi Hundingsbani i., st. 30: in
Lokasenna; in Hymiskvida; that of Ran, in Helgi Hjorvardsson, 18;
Helgi Hundingsbani, i. 3; Egil’s Saga, &c.

Footnote 320:

In poetry gold is often called Ægir’s fire, or Ran’s light, showing
that belief in the old myth still existed.

Footnote 321:

Inheritance feast; see Vol. ii., p. 47.

Footnote 322:

He calls his son Bödvar a string of his family, made or twisted by
himself.

Footnote 323:

The son’s death.

Footnote 324:

Ægir, who brewed ale for the Asar.

Footnote 325:

This passage means—“If I could get my son avenged, Ægir would fare
badly.”

Footnote 326:

The upheaver of the waves was the wind = Kari; his brother was Ægir.

Footnote 327:

Plank-bane = ship-destroyer; _i.e._, Ægir.

Footnote 328:

Egil being old, Bödvar is called the family shield or protector.

Footnote 329:

Dwellings of joy (Valhalla).

Footnote 330:

Alfheim was given to Frey as a tooth-fee.

Footnote 331:

Here we see that Svartálfar are Dvergar.

Footnote 332:

From this it is supposed that Loki had come in the shape of a fly to
make them lose the wager.

Footnote 333:

Other texts—Raum and his kinsmen were tall and ugly.

Footnote 334:

Cf. Gisli Sursson, 22, 24, 30, 33; Half’s Saga, 15; Grimnismal, 53;
Atlamal, 23. Fylgjas appeared to people in dreams: Ljósvetninga, 21;
Atlamal, 19; Njal, 12.

Footnote 335:

See Vol. ii., p. 423.

Footnote 336:

A kind of duel. See p. 563.

Footnote 337:

The worship of the Lares and Penates, the household deities who
watched over the personal and pecuniary interests of individuals and
families, was the most prominent feature of the Etruscan mythology,
whence it was borrowed by the Romans. Thence it was also, in all
probability, that the Romans obtained their doctrine of an attendant
genius watching over every individual from his birth. (See Dennis’s
‘Etruria,’ vol. i., p. 59.)

Footnote 338:

(1) Viga Glum, 9; (2) Laxdæla, 26; Snorri, St. Olaf, 68.

Footnote 339:

The eagles dreamt of by Angantyr were thought to be the fylgjas of
champions (Hervarar Saga, c. 5).

Thorstein Vikingsson saw in the many bears which attacked him a
foreboding of a king or a king’s son (Gautrek and Hrolf’s Saga;
Thorstein Vikingsson, c. 12).

Thus also Geitir guessed the birth of Thorstein Uxafot from the white
bear cub, which he had observed walking ahead of the latter.

Footnote 340:

Njala, 12; Finnbogi Rammi’s Saga; Fornmanna Sögur, iii. They are seen
in a walking state. Viga Glum’s Saga; Halfred’s Saga, 22, 24;
Vatnsdæla, p. 36; Atlamal, 19; Egil’s Saga, 50, 60; Sögubrot, 2.

Footnote 341:

The nine women in black had been the Disir of the family, which was
going to forsake the old belief; the Disir wanted to take with them
the best member of the family before they left. Therefore they slew
Thidrandi, whom the nine white Disir try in vain to defend. The nine
white Disir were to be the guardian spirit of the family after it had
adopted the new belief. From this we can see that the new religion
could not entirely overthrow the old superstition and belief.

Footnote 342:

Persuaded by Ivar Vidfadmi, Hrœrek slew his brother Helgi, thinking he
was too good friends with his wife. Afterwards Ivar slew Hrœrek in a
fight. In the dream Hrœrek is the stag, Helgi is the wild beast, Ivar
is the dragon, and the she-bear with the cub is Aud with her son.

Footnote 343:

See Exposure of Children, Vol. II., p. 39.

Footnote 344:

Cf. also Orvar Odd’s Saga, c. 4.

Footnote 345:

This dream seems to have had the power to make the first man who heard
it death-fated.

Footnote 346:

Cf. Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, p. 37.

Footnote 347:

Gladsheim = Home of the glad.

Footnote 348:

Men slain by weapons.

Footnote 349:

Coats of mail or chain armour.

Footnote 350:

The word in the text means “hangs,” and it is impossible to tell if
the wolf is living or dead; it may mean that the wolf is ready to
pounce.

Footnote 351:

Odin’s warriors. In Ragnarök these Einherjar fight with Odin against
the Fenri wolf.

Footnote 352:

Voluspa, 24; Hervarar Saga, 5; Eyrbyggja, 44; Fornmanna Sögur, v. 250.
Harald Hilditönn was given to Odin at his birth (cf. Saxo). He was
victorious all his life till his last battle.

Footnote 353:

Cf. also Gautrek’s Saga, c. 7.

Footnote 354:

One of the goddesses is also called Snotra.

Footnote 355:

From this we learn that a serf must be in company with some one
freeborn in order to go to Odin.

Footnote 356:

Fagrskinna.

Footnote 357:

Two Valkyrjas.

Footnote 358:

Gautatýr = the god of the Gautar = Odin.

Footnote 359:

Yngvi’s kin = the Ynglings descended from Odin.

Footnote 360:

The brother of Björn, who was one of Harald Fairhair’s sons, is Hakon.

Footnote 361:

Battle-oars = sword-blades; a fine simile.

Footnote 362:

Hakon.

Footnote 363:

We see from the last line of stanza 4 that Hakon wore a gold helmet.
It is also said in the prose that he was conspicuous by it in the
battle.

Footnote 364:

Battle is often called play or game; cf. the synonyms for battle.

Footnote 365:

Gram.

Footnote 366:

Váfad = Odin; Odin’s cloth = armour.

Footnote 367:

The hard feet of the hilt = sword-blades.

Footnote 368:

Weapons.

Footnote 369:

Wound-drop = blood.

Footnote 370:

Cape of swords = armour.

Footnote 371:

Tempest of Odin = battle, which can also be called the storm of any
Valkyrja, and has many other names.

Footnote 372:

Hropt or Hroptatýr = the shouting god = Odin.

Footnote 373:

Hakon.

Footnote 374:

Eight brothers, that is half-brothers, Harald Fairhair being the
father of them all.

Footnote 375:

By this is meant end of the world.

Footnote 376:

Einherjar is plural, and is a compound. Ein = only, single; and
herjar, from the verb herja = make warfare. Thus it means the only
fighters, the only champions, being the warriors chosen by Odin to
dwell in Valhalla with him, while Freyja lodged one-half of the slain.

Footnote 377:

Chief meal, corresponding in time to breakfast.

Footnote 378:

Cf. also Vafthrudnismal, 41.

Footnote 379:

Cf. also Grimnismál, 19:—

“Geri and Freki
Does the battle-tamer feed,
The famous Herjafödr (father of hosts of Odin);
But by wine only
The weapon-famous
Odin always lives.”

Footnote 380:

Some under-king, or host-kings, probably from Norway.

Footnote 381:

The belief in men having the power to change their shape is common in
Africa to this day. See Ashangoland.

Footnote 382:

See hereditary dignity, p. 491.

Footnote 383:

See a house or room. Vol II., p. 259.

Footnote 384:

Meaning that the skin was torn.

Footnote 385:

Meaning that the skin could be touched with it.

Footnote 386:

There were two kinds of poison used. Cf. also Volsunga, c. 5.

Footnote 387:

The woman’s name means she-bear.

Footnote 388:

In ch. 27 we are told that Bera ate one bit and a little of another
bit of the bear’s flesh, and bore three sons.

Footnote 389:

See p. 558.

Footnote 390:

From some stone tracings and many jewels we see the proof of this.
Numerous instances are given in the Earlier Edda of birds speaking to
persons.

Footnote 391:

Cf. also Volsunga, 19.

Footnote 392:

Same expression as of a ship.

Footnote 393:

Cf. also about Hrolf’s Champions, c. 31. (Ynglinga, c. 38.)

Footnote 394:

By magical drink, poisonous drink is often meant (Heimskr Harald
Fairhair, 41). See Gudrúnarkvida ii., stanzas 21, 22, 23, 24.

Footnote 395:

Egil’s Saga, 44.

Footnote 396:

Egil’s Saga, 75. See p. 165.

Footnote 397:

Cf. Ynglinga, c. 7.

Footnote 398:

Cfr. Laxdæla, 57, 58, Njala, 30.

Footnote 399:

Cf. Landnama, pt. iii.

Footnote 400:

Cf. also Eyrbyggja, c. 20; and Fœreyinga, c. 40.

Footnote 401:

Ragnarök.

Footnote 402:

Chiefs.

Footnote 403:

From Odin.

Footnote 404:

Helgi.

Footnote 405:

Helgi.

Footnote 406:

Hawks as birds of prey.

Footnote 407:

Helgi.

Footnote 408:

We see it is so late that the eagles sit on the boughs for the night,
&c. So they despair of Helgi’s coming.

Footnote 409:

One of the finest similes for sleep.

Footnote 410:

Here _dis_ may be sister or guardian-spirit. Skjöldungs = kings.

Footnote 411:

The bondmaid calls Helgi and his men ghosts and fiends.

Footnote 412:

See description in Eyrbyggia. Each ghost was called by its name, and
had to leave by the opposite door.

Footnote 413:

Cf. also Laxdæla, 24; Gretti, 34–37.

Footnote 414:

Snorri Harald Fairhair’s Saga, ch. 36.

Footnote 415:

Viga Styr, 102.

Footnote 416:

Njala, 72, 79.

Footnote 417:

Gandreid = wolf ride, wizard or witches’ ride.

Footnote 418:

Eyrbyggja, 52, where the moon moves all round along the wall.

Footnote 419:

Egil, 24.

Footnote 420:

A warrior.

Footnote 421:

Sister of the moon = sun.

Footnote 422:

The famous war custom.

Footnote 423:

I.e., raven.

Footnote 424:

Wound-thorn, sword; sweat of the sword, blood.

Footnote 425:

The raven was looked upon as very wise and prophetic.

Footnote 426:

I.e., a Valkyrja.

Footnote 427:

The birds of Odin were the birds of prey, or perhaps his ravens Hugin
and Munin coming to tell him the news.

Footnote 428:

The hail-sprinkled gull, sprinkled with blood; hail—poetical
expression used for arrows. The wave of the heap of slain—the blood of
the slain making waves by its quantity. A gull is often used as
meaning a bird of prey.

Footnote 429:

The mead of kings (blood of warriors slain by the host of kings).

Footnote 430:

Shield is called here the plain of the ring. The tree of the shield is
the warrior.

Footnote 431:

I make ready for the sound of Ilm—take my weapon for battle, as the
sound of Ilm is = noise made by weapons.

Footnote 432:

A Valkyrja.

Footnote 433:

Hedin’s cloth = armour. The dyed wand is the sword dripping with
blood.

Footnote 434:

In Helgakvida Hundingsbana, sleep is called _draum-thing_
(dream-meeting).

Footnote 435:

Halfdan dreamt of the greatness of his family, Halfdan the Black, c.
7. Sometimes there were different explanations of the same dream
(Vatnsdæla, 42).

Footnote 436:

Laxdæla, 33; Atlamál, 14–25.

Footnote 437:

See Vol. II., p. 142.

Footnote 438:

See Vol. II., Frontispiece.

Footnote 439:

There was no little hard pushing—meaning that there was a fight
between the men and the bears jostling against each other.

Footnote 440:

One of Atli’s shapes, which he could change himself into.

Footnote 441:

Her husband.

Footnote 442:

Summon to join the dead.

Footnote 443:

Guardian spirits; _Disir_, the shapes of dead women. Cf. Gisli
Súrsson.

Footnote 444:

Dreamstolen, meaning, that the ability of dreaming had been taken away
from him.

Footnote 445:

Cf. also Sigrdrifumal.

Footnote 446:

Sacrifice to.

Footnote 447:

This passage seems to imply that those who believed in their own
strength only made the sign of Thor.

Footnote 448:

Athletic and mental exercises. See vol. ii., p. 369.

Footnote 449:

Cf. also Gulathing’s Law, c. 29.

Footnote 450:

This refers to stealing the mead.

Footnote 451:

Frey and Freyja.

Footnote 452:

Olaf Tryggvason.

Footnote 453:

_Buandi_, plural _buendr_; _bondi_, plural _bendr_; _bóandi_, plural
_bóendr_. These are different forms of the same name; the transition
from _buandi_ to _bóandi_ and then to _bondi_ is easily traced. The
form to-day is _bonde_. The original meaning is a dweller; the verb to
dwell is _búa—bjó—búid_.

Footnote 454:

Indemnity, see p. 544.

Footnote 455:

The Frostathing’s Law says nothing about the deduction of one-fifth
from the appraised value.

A new law enacted that the _odalsman_, in order to keep his right
open, should make the usual announcement every tenth year; and the
king was subject to the same regulations as other people.

Footnote 456:

Cf. also earlier Gulathing’s Law, 267; earlier Frostathing’s Law, vi.
4.

Footnote 457:

Baugryg means a woman who, being a single daughter, could pay and
receive wergild.

Footnote 458:

A chalet.

Footnote 459:

All that was thrown up by the sea, whales, wreck, &c., belonged to the
king (Gulath., 145).

Footnote 460:

Some great fishing-place in Hálogaland.

Footnote 461:

Cfr. also Heimskringla, 51, 52.

Footnote 462:

See p. 491.

Footnote 463:

So named probably because accustomed to walk much.

Footnote 464:

Bond-woman.

Footnote 465:

In later times we see that the fire-place was in the middle of the
floor.

Footnote 466:

Kind of head-dress.

Footnote 467:

Grandfather and grandmother.

Footnote 468:

Probably for fastening the door.

Footnote 469:

This peculiar head-dress is still found in Iceland and Normandy.

Footnote 470:

A kirtle trailing, long trailing dress.

Footnote 471:

In Volsunga Saga the same expression occurs.

Footnote 472:

The shield of linden tree.

Footnote 473:

Rings were of gold, and were used as money.

Footnote 474:

Perhaps this means the sea.

Footnote 475:

We are not told about the Hersir.

Footnote 476:

Kund—a son, a kinsman.

Footnote 477:

Kon-ung = Konung = Kung = King.

Footnote 478:

Everlasting runes, probably more powerful runes than ordinary—runes
that may have been only known to few.

Footnote 479:

To calm the sea by spell.

Footnote 480:

Some people were supposed to understand the language of birds.

Footnote 481:

From this we see that the business of a young king was war.

Footnote 482:

See p. 525.

Footnote 483:

Greyiom: this is the dative form which is grey in nominative; the form
grey hund also occurs (Fornmanna Sögur xi. 10.)

Footnote 484:

The male line of Hákon Jarl the Great became extinct in his grandson,
Hákon Eiríksson, in 1029.

Footnote 485:

_Háleygjatal_, in which Eyvind traces the family of Hákon. Cf. also
the jarls of Mœri (Rögnvald, Mœra-jarl, who was the forefather of the
jarls of Orkneys and Rouen in Normandy).

Footnote 486:

Herra = a lord, or master, was only used as a title after the year
1277, when knights and barons were first introduced into Norway. The
word is derived from Her (host), thus meaning the lord, or perhaps at
first the leader of a host.

Footnote 487:

Pl. Konir.

Footnote 488:

Rig seems to be a son of Rig Jarl, the hero of Rigsmál, whose name was
otherwise Kon.

Footnote 489:

This custom of becoming an _under-man_ is illustrated in several
Sagas.

Footnote 490:

The word _Viking_ has, of course, nothing to do with king.

Footnote 491:

Nafnbót = addition to the name, improvement of the name.

Footnote 492:

In the Danish laws the stipulation to be given by the king at his
elevation was called Haand-fæstning (hand-fastening).

Footnote 493:

Cf. also Magnús the Good, c. 22 (Heimskringla).

Footnote 494:

Thrall was a male slave; ambátt, a female slave.

Footnote 495:

Here chief is = king. This meeting of kings seems like the meetings in
our times of monarchs for alliance or treaties.

Footnote 496:

Cf. also Heimskringla, c. 58.

Footnote 497:

Claim, rights, law, atonement for injury, see p. 544.

Footnote 498:

Cf. Gisli Súrsson.

Footnote 499:

Gulath., 66, 106, 296.

Footnote 500:

The redemption-sum of a leysingi.

Footnote 501:

Hereditary freeman.

Footnote 502:

This means, to take the slavery off.

Footnote 503:

Cf. also p. 7.

Footnote 504:

Cf. also Njala, c. 36.

Footnote 505:

A man convicted of the lesser outlawry by paying a fine of one mark
within a fixed period was safe within a certain space. If he neglected
such payment he became a full outlaw.

Footnote 506:

Father’s and mother’s side.

Footnote 507:

Cf. also Laxdæla Saga, 12, 13.

Footnote 508:

Gulathing’s Law, 57.

Footnote 509:

Ostgöta Law, 6, § 2; Vestgöta Law, i. 22; Gotland Law, i. 28, § 6.

Footnote 510:

In the side.

Footnote 511:

See chapter on Exposure of Children. Vol. ii. p. 42.

Footnote 512:

Earlier Gulathing’s Law, 131.

Footnote 513:

After the introduction of Christianity, near a church.

Footnote 514:

Cfr. also Frostathing’s Law, i. 2.

Footnote 515:

Laws by King Magnus, A.D. 1263–1280.

Footnote 516:

Grágás, 56.

Footnote 517:

Islendingabók, c. 5.

Footnote 518:

Eyrbyggja, c. 10; Landnáma, ii. c. 12.

Footnote 519:

A Thing held on the plain.

Footnote 520:

The Saga was about Thorgeir Hávarsson, _Thormod’s foster-brother_, and
his last fight, in which Thorgrim had fought against him. Thormod
cleft Thorgrim’s head with his axe as he sat on the chair, and
escaped.

Footnote 521:

Pitched a tent over the walls which remained standing.

Footnote 522:

The term “hundreds” means some value, perhaps of vadmal or of silver.

Footnote 523:

Twenty feet of vadmal were paid yearly by each bondi who did not go to
the Thing to those who went to the Althing (Grágás, 77, 107).

Footnote 524:

Grágás, 23, 49, 51, 62, 67.

Footnote 525:

Every bondi had to belong to some Thing.

Footnote 526:

The country was parcelled out into Thing-districts, each being
presided over by three godis, hence the word _Thridjung-district_.

Footnote 527:

Einmanud, last month of winter.

Footnote 528:

It is probable that this sign was the svastica, used in Iceland
instead of the arrow used in Norway. (See p. 520.)

Footnote 529:

Thingmen of his district.

Footnote 530:

The high court of justice composed of 48 Godars, also held in the
sacred precincts inside of the _vebönd_. See p. 534–538.

Footnote 531:

Each district has its name, e.g., Kjalnesinga district.

Footnote 532:

Landnáma, 1, c. 9; Islendinga Sögur, i. 336.

Footnote 533:

Grágás, 23, 43.

Footnote 534:

Grágás, 59.

Footnote 535:

Grágás, 23.

Footnote 536:

The old laws of Sweden were published during the years 1827–77 (the
life-work of Schlyter), in Lund, in thirteen volumes; the thirteenth
volume is a dictionary to the twelve volumes preceding it.

Footnote 537:

The Danish ell is a trifle more than two English feet.

Footnote 538:

_Gulathing_, so called from Gula or Guley (an island), where the Thing
took place. _Frostathing_, from some local name. Our knowledge of the
earlier laws of the Northmen is derived from the earlier _Gulathing’s
Law_, almost completely preserved in writing from the latter half of
the 12th century. The earlier _Frostathing’s Law_ is almost completely
preserved in a writing from the earlier part of the 13th century. Of
the earlier _Eidsifjathing’s Law_, the earlier _Borgarthing’s Law_,
and the earlier _Bjarkeyjar Law_, or town-law, there are only
fragments left. Most of the Icelandic laws are comprised in the
_Grágás_, which is completely preserved in writing not later than the
year 1200.

The historical Sagas often show the effect of the laws in real life
and how the latter were interpreted by the people.

Footnote 539:

_Nefnd_ also = a body of men or arbitrators to give judgment in a
case. In the old Swedish law it was composed of twelve members (see
Schlyter). It is not found in the Icelandic laws, but the Görd is its
equivalent.

Footnote 540:

Grágás, 211–217.

Footnote 541: