Chapter XIX: Section 1: All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and (5)

“2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained, while the question of suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States.

“3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime, and the national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness in the utmost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not only according to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which it was contracted.

“4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit.

“5. The national debt, contracted, as it has been, for the preservation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption; and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon whenever it can be honestly done.

“6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is to so improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or suspected.

“7. The Government of the United States should be administered with the strictest economy, and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by ANDREW JOHNSON call loudly for radical reform.

“8. We professedly deplore the untimely and tragic death of ABRAHAM LINCOLN, and regret the accession of ANDREW JOHNSON to the Presidency, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him, and the cause he was pledged to support—who has usurped high legislative and judicial functions—who has refused to execute the laws—who has used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the laws—who has employed his executive powers to render insecure the property, the peace, liberty, and life of the citizen—who has abused the pardoning power—who has denounced the National Legislature as unconstitutional—persistently and corruptly resisted, by every measure in his power, every proper attempt at the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion—who has perverted the public patronage into an engine of wholesale corruption, and who has been justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and properly pronounced guilty thereof by the vote of thirty-five Senators.

“9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European Powers, that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard by the United States as a relic of the feudal times, not authorized by the law of nations, and at war with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to be protected in all their rights of citizenship as though they were native born; and no citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be liable to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this country; and if so arrested and imprisoned it is the duty of the Government to interfere in his behalf.

“10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war there were none entitled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise, and imperiled their lives in the service of the country. The bounties and pensions provided by the laws for these brave defenders of the nation are obligations never to be forgotten. The widows and orphans of the gallant dead are the wards of the people, a sacred legacy bequeathed to the nation’s protecting care.

“11. Foreign emigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, development, and resources, and increase of power to this nation, the asylum of the oppressed of all nations, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.

“12. This Convention declares itself in sympathy with all the oppressed people which are struggling for their rights.”

The following resolutions were also adopted unanimously, and are added to the declaration of principles:

“_Resolved_, That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forgiveness with which the men who have served in the rebellion, but now frankly and honestly coöperate with us in restoring the peace of the country and reconstructing the Southern State governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are received back into the communion of the loyal people. And we favor the removal of the disqualifications and restrictions placed upon the late rebels in the same measure as the spirit of loyalty will direct, and as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people.

“_Resolved_, That we recognize the great principles laid down in the immortal Declaration of Independence as the true foundation of Democratic government: and we hail with gladness every effort toward making these principles a living reality on every inch of American soil.”

THE HON. SCHUYLER COLFAX.

Schuyler Colfax, the popular candidate of the National Union Republican party for the office of Vice-President, is a native of New York City. He was born in North Moore Street, March 23, 1823, his father having died but a short time previous. With but limited means, his widowed mother could afford to keep him at school but a short time, and, at the age of ten, he was placed in a mercantile establishment, where he remained for three years, contributing materially from his small salary to the support of both himself and mother. In 1836, he and his mother, in company with others, left their home in this city, and settled in St. Joseph County, Indiana. Shortly after his arrival in the West he was appointed Deputy County Auditor for St. Joseph County, and employed his leisure hours in the study of State law, in which he is said soon to have become an acknowledged expounder. He read law pretty thoroughly during these leisure hours, but not with a view to adopting it as a profession. He had but little idea of what great benefit the information he was then gaining would prove to him in after years. In 1845, he started a weekly journal at South Bend, the county seat of St. Joseph County, called the St. Joseph Valley Register, becoming its sole proprietor and editor. Mr. Lanman, in his Dictionary of Congress, says “he was bred a printer.” He never was apprenticed to the printing business, and knew nothing of the practical part of the “art preservative of all arts” until after he had commenced the publication of the Register. With his ready tact and quick perception, however, and great anxiety to economize, for his means were yet very limited, he soon mastered the art sufficiently to “help out of the drag,” but he never attained to any great proficiency in the business, his editorial labors, the business of the office, and other duties soon claiming his entire attention. The Register prospered, and soon became a source of profit to its proprietor. It was ably edited, and was a model of courtesy and dignity. Every paragraph, however small, seemed to have passed under the supervision of and to reflect the mind and elevated thoughts of its editor. He continued his connection with this paper until three or four years ago, writing a regular weekly letter for its columns during his first two terms in Congress. It was during the early days of the Register that Mr. Colfax was laying the foundation for the reputation he has since attained as a debater. A debating club was formed, which held regular weekly meetings during the winter season, and it was a rare occurrence, indeed, to find Mr. Colfax absent from one of these stated gatherings. Politics, the temperance reform, and other subjects were often as ably debated in this society as kindred questions are in many deliberate bodies of much greater pretensions of the present day. The Hon. John D. Defrees, now Superintendent of Government Printing, and for many years editor and proprietor of the Indianapolis Journal, to which Mr. Colfax was also attached as Senate reporter for some time after he commenced the publication of the Register, was also a participant in these debates. They were both Whigs, both ardent and sincere advocates of and believers in the temperance reform, and were, consequently, seldom pitted against each other in these debates. The attachment formed at this early day between those gentlemen still continues with unabated fervor. In 1848, Mr. Colfax was chosen as a delegate, and elected as secretary of the convention which nominated General Taylor for the Presidency. In 1850, he represented St. Joseph County in the convention which framed the present Constitution of Indiana. In this convention he opposed, with all his ability, the adoption of the clause prohibiting free colored men from settling in the State. His opposition to this measure was the cause of his defeat the following year, when nominated for Congress in opposition to Dr. Fitch. But, with all the ability, tact, and shrewdness of this old political wireworker, he only distanced his young competitor two hundred votes in a district which had been strongly democratic for years. In 1852, he was again a delegate to the Whig National Convention. He took an active part in the campaign which followed, speaking often, and writing much. In 1854, he was re-nominated, and elected to Congress, and was, consequently, more active than ever before. His experience as a debater, and familiarity with State and National politics, rendered him an overmatch for his opponents, whom he was always anxious to meet in an open and fair discussion before the people, where he was always certain of a victory. In 1856, he was again nominated for Congress, and reëlected by a handsome majority. His entrance into Congress was in the midst of the great struggle over the Lecompton Constitution. A writer says of his maiden speech in the House: “His first speech in Congress went forth to repel the tide of terror which was sweeping over struggling Kansas, and clearly showed that even then he was one of the best debaters in the lower House.” Over 500,000 copies of this speech were printed and circulated—a compliment, perhaps, never before received by any member of Congress. He was first chosen Speaker of the Thirty-eighth Congress, by a vote of 101 to 81. He has been thrice elected to the same position, each time by an increased majority. He was appointed chairman of the Committee on Post-offices and Post-roads, on the organization of the Thirty-seventh Congress, and did much to extend mail facilities throughout the West. He was one of the first advocates, and is still one of the warmest friends of the Pacific Railroad. Indeed, he takes a warm interest in any movement looking to the development of the boundless resources of the great West. It was, doubtless, the interest he feels in this section of the country which induced him to take his celebrated trip “Across the Continent.” His trip was a perilous one, but his welcome at “the other end of the line” was so spontaneous, truly genuine, and heart-felt that it more than repaid him for all the dangers and hardships he passed through. This trip prepared him for one of the most entertaining lectures ever delivered in this country. It has been listened to with rapt attention by the people of almost every city in the North. Pecuniarily, however, it has profited him but little, for, with that liberality which has ever been a marked trait in his character, the entire proceeds of a lecture have as often been donated to some charitable object as they have found their way into his own pocket. He has now served, in succession, fourteen years in the House. He was urged, but he declined to accept a seat in the United States Senate, preferring his presiding chair in the House. As a presiding officer, he is the most popular the House has had since Henry Clay. A writer in Putnam’s Magazine truly observes that Mr. Colfax “Has no eccentricities, but great tact. His talents are administrative and executive rather than deliberative. He would make good appointments, and adopt sure policies. He would make a better President or Speaker of the House than Senator. He knows men well, estimates them correctly, treats them all fairly and candidly. No man will get through his business with you in fewer minutes, and yet none is more free from the horrid _brusqueness_ of busy men. There are heart and kindness in Mr. Colfax’s politeness. Men leave his presence with the impression that he is at once an able, honest, and kind man. Political opponents like him personally, as well as his political friends. We have never heard that he has any enemies. The breath of slander has been silent toward his fair, spotless fame. The wife of his youth, after being for a long time an invalid, sank to her final rest several years ago, leaving him childless. His mother and sister preside at his receptions, which for many years have been, not the most brilliant, but the most popular of any given at the Capital. Socially, Mr. Colfax is frank, lively, jolly. The everlasting I-hood and us-ness of great men are forgotten in his presence. His manners are not quite so familiar as those of Lincoln, but nearly so. They are gentle, natural, graceful, with a bird-like or business-like quickness of thought and motion. But they are very far from the high and mighty style of Sumner, or the judicial coldness of Fessenden, Sherman, and Trumbull. Though manly, they are genial and winning. American mothers believe in Schuyler Colfax. There are more babies named for him than for any public man since Clay.” The intimacy and confidential relations of Mr. Colfax with Mr. Lincoln are well known. They labored hand in hand as brothers in the cause of the Union, holding frequent and protracted interviews on all subjects looking to the overthrow of the rebellion, for there were no divisions between the executive and legislative branches of the Government then as there are now. During the darkest hours of that bloody drama which shall ever remain a reproach upon the people of one section of the nation, they were ever cheerful and hopeful. Confident in the justness of the war waged for the preservation of the Union, and placing a Christian reliance in that Providence which guides and shapes the destiny of nations, great reverses, which caused others to fear and tremble, at times, almost to despair, seemed only to inspire them with greater zeal, and a firmer belief in the ultimate triumph of our cause.

Mr. Colfax is rather under the medium height, with a form firmly and compactly molded. His hair is brown, now slightly sprinkled with gray; eyes blue; forehead high and arching, indicating great perceptive faculties, and deep veneration. His face is open and frank, and as yet unmarked by age. He possesses great vitality, and can endure an extraordinary amount of labor with but little fatigue. This, coupled with his temperate habits, has caused him to wear his age so well that but few persons would place him even at forty. He is yet in the prime and vigor of manhood, with all his cares and responsibilities, as buoyant as most people at thirty.

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.

The Democratic party, in National Convention assembled, reposing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice of the people, standing upon the Constitution as the foundation and limitation of the powers of the Government and the guarantee of the liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of slavery and secession as having been settled for all time to come by the war or the voluntary action of the Southern States in Constitutional Conventions assembled, and never to be revived or re-agitated, do, with the return of peace, demand:

1. The immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the Union under the Constitution of the civil Government and the American people.

2. Amnesty for all past political offenses; the regulation of the elective franchise in the States by their citizens.

3. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable, all money drawn from the people by taxation, except so much as is requisite for the necessities of the Government economically administered being honestly applied to such payment, and where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon their face or the law under which they were issued does not provide that they shall be paid in coin they ought, in right and in justice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States.

4. Equal taxation of every species of property according to the value; reducing Government bonds and other public securities.

5. One currency for the Government and the people, the laborer and the office-holder, pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the bondholder.

6. Economy in the administration of the Government; the reduction of the standing army and navy; the abolition of the Freedmen’s Bureau, and all political instrumentalities designed to secure negro supremacy; simplification of the system and discontinuance of inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting internal revenue, that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened, and the credit of the Government and the currency made good; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the State militia into a national force in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports and such equal taxation under the internal revenue laws as will afford incidental protection to domestic manufactures as well, without impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best promote and encourage the great industrial interests of the country.

7. Reform of abuses in the Administration; the expulsion of corrupt men from office; the abrogation of useless offices; the restoration of the rightful authority to and the independence of the Executive and Judicial Departments of the Government; the subordination of the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpation of Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease.

8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native born citizens at home and abroad; the assertion of American nationality, which will command the respect of foreign powers, furnish an example and encouragement to people struggling for national integrity, constitutional liberty, and individual rights; and the maintenance of the rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doctrine of immutable allegiance and the claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crimes committed beyond their jurisdiction. In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the radical party for its disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its career, after the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the Government and the preservation of the Union under the Constitution. It has repeatedly violated that most sacred pledge under which was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union it has, so far as it is in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States in time of peace to military despotism and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the writ of habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown the freedom of speech and of the press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, military trials, secret star chambers and inquisitions for constitutional tribunals; it has disregarded, in time of peace, the right of the people to be free from search and seizure; it has entered the post-office and telegraph office, and even the private rooms of individuals and seized there their private papers and letters, without any specification or notice of affidavit, as required by the organic law. It has converted the American Capitol into a bastile; it has established a system of spies and official espionage to which the constitutional monarchies of Europe never dare to resort. It has abolished the right of appeal on important constitutional questions to the supreme judicial tribunals, and threatens to curtail or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevocably vested by the Constitution; while the learned Chief Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies merely because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and partisan charges against the President. Its corruption and extravagance have exceeded any thing known in history, and by its frauds and monopolies it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created during the war. It has stripped the President of his Constitutional power of appointment even of his own Cabinet. Under its repeated assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking to their base; and should it succeed in November next, and inaugurate its President, we will meet as a subjected and conquered people amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the Constitution; and we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the United States threw off all subjection to the British crown, the privilege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several States, and have been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the political power of each State respectively, and any attempt by Congress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any State of this right, or interfere with this exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power which can find no warrant in the Constitution, and if sanctioned by the people will subvert our form of Government, and can only end in a single, centralized and consolidated Government, in which the separate existence of the States will be entirely absorbed, and an unqualified despotism then be established in place of a Federal Union of coequal States, and that we regard the reconstruction acts so-called of Congress such usurpations and unconstitutional, revolutionary and void: that our soldiers and sailors who carried the flag of our country to victory against a most gallant and determined foe must ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution; that the public lands should be distributed widely among the people and should be disposed of either under the preëmption of the homestead lands and sold in reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants, at the price established by the Government. When the grants of the public lands may be allowed necessary for the encouragement of important public improvements, the proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, should be so applied; that the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggressions of Congress on the constitutional rights of the States and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people, and on behalf of the Democratic party, we tender him our thanks for his patriotic efforts in that regard.

Upon this platform the Democratic party appeal to every patriot, including all the conservative element, and all who desire to support the Constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past differences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle for the liberties of the people; and that to all such, to whatever party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand of fellowship, and hail all such coöperating with us as friends and brothers.

HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR,

The nominee of the Democratic National Convention for the office of President of the United States, is a native of the State of New York, having been born in Onondaga County, some time during the year 1811. He is consequently fifty-seven years of age at the present writing. His father being a gentleman of wealth, Mr. Seymour received an excellent education, and after his graduation engaged in the study of the law. Upon being admitted to the bar, he commenced the practice of his profession in the town of Utica, Oneida County, and soon became a popular lawyer. He did not long pursue this occupation, however. The death of his father made him successor to a large and valuable estate, attention to the interests of which compelled him to abandon all professional and public labors. He never after resumed practice.

Mr. Seymour’s political predilections were, it may be said, inherited from his ancestors, all or nearly all of whom were and had been Democrats from the first formation of the party. To this political organization the subject of this sketch gave in his adhesion, and has ever since adhered to and been a prominent member of it. He first appeared before the public as a candidate for the suffrages of his fellow-citizens as the Democratic nominee for the office of mayor of the city of Utica. Although that city had been one of the firmest Whig strongholds, he was elected by a fair majority, as much owing, though, to the feeling of dissatisfaction with the opposing candidate, as to his personal popularity. The election took place in 1842, before he had quite attained his thirty-first year. During the same year, he was elected to the lower house of the State Legislature, and served until 1845, when he declined a reëlection. His ability as a legislator brought him considerable reputation, and had the effect of extending his popularity, which had hitherto been confined to a rather limited extent of territory.

From 1845 to 1850, Mr. Seymour does not appear to have held any political office, although he took an active part in politics, stumping the State for other candidates, and doing all that he could to further the interests and insure the success of the Democracy. During the latter year, however, he had attained to sufficient prominence to warrant his nomination for the office of Governor. His opponent was Washington Hunt, and after a very exciting contest, Mr. Hunt was elected by a majority of 262, in a total of 428,966 votes cast. The balance of the Democratic ticket was elected, and this fact had the effect of temporarily obscuring Mr. Seymour’s prospects. Still, he soon recovered from this reverse of fortune, and in 1852, was re-nominated for the same office. As before, his competitor was Mr. Hunt, whom he defeated, after an exciting canvass, by a majority of 24,385, in a total vote of 503,857. This victory added considerably to his popularity, as it was believed to presage a long lease of power to the Democratic party. His administration was distinguished by his veto of the Maine Liquor Law bill, which had passed both houses of the Legislature, and which action on the part of the Governor was regarded at the time as a bold stroke of policy. But it was not fated that the Democratic party should longer remain in power. In 1854, four candidates for gubernatorial honors appeared in the field—Horatio Seymour, regular Democrat; G. C. Bronson, hard shell Democrat; Myron H. Clark, Republican, and D. Ullman, Know-Nothing. The split in the Democratic party resulted in its defeat by a remarkably small majority. Nearly half a million votes were cast, of which Mr. Clark and Mr. Seymour received the highest, the former being elected by 309 majority.

After this defeat, Mr. Seymour returned to private life, nor was his name mentioned again in connection with public offices until 1856, when he was spoken of as one of the possible candidates of the Democracy for the Presidency. The movement, however, came to nothing. He still took an active part in politics, so far as a vigorous support of all Democratic candidates was concerned. When the rebellion broke out, Mr. Seymour took an active part in furthering its suppression, and served as chairman of the War Committee in his county, aiding in forwarding troops to the seat of war. In 1862, he was once more nominated by the Democrats for the office of Governor, and was elected by a majority of over ten thousand. During his administration he had quite an angry controversy with the general government on the subject of the draft, he claiming that the quota of troops from the southern portion of the State, which gives immense Democratic majorities, was larger in proportion to the voting population, than that of the northern or republican sections. The matter was finally settled by a revision of the draft list. In 1863, the draft riots broke out in New York city, and Mr. Seymour immediately left Albany for that place. Arriving there, he addressed the rioters, urging them to disperse and go home quietly, and promising to do all that he could to stay the execution of the law. At the same time he organized a force of citizens, which he armed and kept on duty, until the arrival of troops from Pennsylvania restored order. In 1864, he was for the fifth time nominated for the office of Governor, and was defeated by Mr. Fenton by a majority of over eight thousand.

Since the close of the war Mr. Seymour has taken an active part in politics, although he has never been a candidate. In personal appearance he is quite dignified, and is said to be a very sociable and hospitable gentleman. As a public speaker he is fluent, eloquent, and argumentative, and wherever he takes the stump he is always received by large crowds. Until a late day of the Convention he positively asserted that he would not accept the nomination of the Democracy for the Presidency, but it is natural to suppose that he will now reconsider this resolution after the unanimous vote by which he was nominated.

GENERAL FRANCIS PRESTON BLAIR, JR.

This gentleman, the Democratic nominee for the Vice-Presidency, is a native of Lexington, Ky., where he was born, in 1821. He received an excellent education at Princeton College, N. J., and, after graduation, returned to his home at St. Louis, Mo., where he soon became actively engaged in politics. He was the political associate of Thomas Benton, and was the first man in Missouri to denounce the institution of slavery in his State. Being elected to the State Legislature, he soon became distinguished for his opposition to all measures tending to benefit slavery, and did much toward revolutionizing public sentiment in St. Louis, where he resided. In 1856, he was elected to Congress as a Republican, and was reëlected by increased majorities in 1858 and 1860. Throughout these years he never ceased his efforts against slavery, and the Kansas Territory difficulty found him an earnest advocate of free-soil doctrines. At the commencement of the Rebellion of 1861, he was among the first to organize troops for the defense of St. Louis and Missouri; and, in conjunction with Captain, afterward General Lyon, raised the forces known as the Missouri Home Guards, one of the most important Union organizations at that eventful period of civil disturbances in that State. He was made commander of the First Regiment, and assisted in the capture of Camp Jackson, St. Louis, on May 10, 1861, which capture was among the first of the severe blows struck at the Rebellion after the fall of Fort Sumter, inasmuch as it was certainly the first important one. Colonel Blair also took part in the battle of Boonville, under General Lyon, on June 17, 1861, during which contest he commanded his regiment. It was at this point that the rebels, under General Price and Governor Jackson, met with their first decided defeat in Missouri. His regiment took a very active part in the battle of Wilson’s Creek, where General Lyon was slain, on August 10, 1861, but, in consequence of his having to occupy his seat in the special session of Congress, Colonel Blair was not present during that action.

During the sessions of Congress in 1861-2, Colonel Blair was Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, and, as such, did good service to the country. Upon the close of the session he returned to Missouri, and commenced the organization of a regiment of artillery, and afterward, at the request of the Secretary of War, he raised a brigade of infantry, of which he was placed in command, and commissioned a brigadier-general in August, 1862. The brigade became attached to the Fourth Division of the Thirteenth Army Corps, but, subsequently, upon a reconstruction of General Grant’s forces, was assigned to the Fifteenth Corps, then commanded by General W. T. Sherman. While under the command of that brilliant officer, General Blair had charge of the First Brigade, of General Steele’s division, at the attack upon the defenses in the rear of Vicksburg, on the 29th of December, 1862. During the assaults upon the works, General Blair greatly distinguished himself for his bravery, being the last to leave the heights, although the main army had been severely repulsed. General Blair commanded his brigade in General Sherman’s wing of McClernand’s army during the assault upon and capture of Fort Hindman, on the Arkansas River, on the 10th and 11th of January, 1863. For the gallantry he displayed at these last mentioned contests he was promoted to be a major-general of volunteers, with a commission dating from November 29, 1862. During the month of April, 1863, Major-General Blair was placed in command of a division of Sherman’s corps, formerly commanded by General David Stuart, who, in consequence of his appointment not having been confirmed by the Senate, had resigned the service. At the head of this division, he took part in all the operations in the vicinity of Vicksburg and in the siege, and further established his character for bravery.

During the remainder of the war General Blair took an active and conspicuous part in nearly all the great battles of the West. His division gained distinction in the attack on and capture of Jackson, Miss., and, on the 2d of October, 1863, General Sherman appointed him to the command of the corps formerly commanded by himself. In his new capacity he again exhibited many high traits of generalship, and, from the advance of the army from the Mississippi to the terrible battles of Missionary Ridge, his corps participated with distinguished valor, and won for its commander considerable reputation. In the early part of 1864, being desirous of taking his seat in Congress, to which he had been elected in 1862, General Blair presented his resignation to Mr. Lincoln, at the request of that gentleman, who urged him to be present and aid in the organization of the House. During the month of March following, he reëntered the service, and was placed in command of the Seventeenth Army Corps. Until the war ended he remained in the field, serving under General Sherman in the celebrated campaign to Atlanta and the sea, and winning fresh laurels as a military leader. On the 11th of July, 1865, he bade farewell to his corps at Louisville and retired to private life.

As soon as the war was over and General Blair perceived that the people of the South were honestly disposed to abide the result of the conflict in good faith, he urged a liberal and generous treatment of the ex-rebels. At first he continued his connection with the republican party, and endeavored to change its course in his State to a policy of conservatism. The Legislature of Missouri had passed a law disfranchising all who participated in or gave aid and comfort to the Rebellion, and another law requiring all the citizens of the State to take a test oath. Both of these measures were opposed by General Blair as proscriptive and unconstitutional. He urged that, the war being over, there was no need of any further rigor toward the men who had engaged in rebellion, and regarded it as dangerous to the peace and prosperity of the State to deprive them of the right to vote. With regard to the test oath, he absolutely refused to subscribe to it, and, upon presenting himself at the polls in St. Louis, his vote was refused for that reason. For this act he brought a suit before the courts for the purpose of testing the constitutionality of the law. The case is now before the Supreme Court of the United States, and is not yet decided. Gradually General Blair severed his connection with the Republican party, after having been a member of that organization from its incipiency. When the present reconstruction laws of Congress were passed, he denounced them as despotic, revolutionary, and unconstitutional, and declared that the people of the South would not be in the wrong if they resisted their execution. He opposed, with great earnestness, the policy of universal negro suffrage as a disgrace and an outrage upon the people, and, in a recent letter, declared that the first duty of a Democratic President, if elected, would be to overthrow the present radical governments in the South, and restore the States to the rule of the whites. This declaration of his has been severely commented upon by the radical organs, while, from its boldness, the Democratic papers have scarcely ventured to offer an opinion.

General Blair’s military reputation has gained him considerable popularity in the West, and particularly among the late Union soldiers in that section of the country. His recent adhesion to the Democratic party and his bitter opposition to negro suffrage created for a time considerable surprise when his views were made known, they being regarded as singular when compared with his former denunciations of slavery and the Democracy. Indeed, nothing could more fully exemplify what revolutions sometimes occur in politics and men’s opinions than his unanimous and enthusiastic nomination.