Chapter I: Part 1

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THE WAMPANOAGS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY:

An Ethnohistorical Survey/CATHERINE MARTEN

OCCASIONAL
PAPERS
IN
OLD
COLONY
STUDIES

NUMBER 2/DECEMBER 1970

PUBLISHED BY PLIMOTH PLANTATION INCORPORATED $1.00

=OCCASIONAL PAPERS IN OLD COLONY STUDIES= is a multi-disciplinary
journal, appearing at irregular intervals and publishing original
contributions generally in the fields of Sociology, History,
Anthropology, and Demography which treat as a subject Plymouth
Colony prior to the 19th century.

=OCCASIONAL PAPERS= are available for purchase at varying rates
at Plimoth Plantation or by mail. Correspondence concerning the
publication and its contents should be addressed to The Editor,
Occasional Papers, Plimoth Plantation, Box 1620, Plymouth,
Massachusetts 02360. Contributions of original material as
described above will be accepted for reading and possible
publication. Manuscripts and photographs or drawings are sent at
the author’s risk and will be returned only when accompanied by a
self-addressed stamped envelope.

Plimoth Plantation is a non-profit educational organization which
receives no tax moneys and is supported principally by admissions
to historical exhibits, contributions, and memberships.

=OCCASIONAL PAPERS IN OLD COLONY STUDIES/NUMBER 2/DECEMBER 1970=
EDITOR: CATHERINE MARTEN
Cover Design: Eric G. Engstrom
Map: Charles McCann
Typesetting and Printing: R. E. Smith Printing Co., Inc., Fall
River, Mass.

PREFACE

The paper which follows was written by me in 1965. It was originally intended to serve as an in-house guide for Plantation staff to use when explaining Wampanoag culture to visitors. The absence of any other comprehensive treatment of Plymouth’s aboriginal population has made the paper an item much in demand by Plantation staff, visitors, and members of the academic community. Hopefully its publication in the OCCASIONAL PAPERS series will make this ethnographic information available to an even greater number of interested persons.

CM

FOREWORD

by Dr. Alex F. Ricciardelli, Director of the Haffenreffer Museum of Anthropology and Associate Professor of Anthropology at Brown University.

This monograph represents the only extensive ethnography we have of the Wampanoag Indians and provides us with the best understanding available of Massasoit and his people at the time they occupied the coastal areas of southern New England. The author has consulted all the known historical sources and arranged the material into a series of topical categories which will serve as a handy reference to the literature. Useful also are the author’s comments regarding those parts of Wampanoag culture about which we presently have no knowledge.

Southern New England has been one of the neglected areas in the anthropology of North America. This seems strange when one considers that the oldest museums and departments of anthropology in the United States are located here. The usual explanation seems satisfactory enough at first glance: there has been no extensive record of anthropology in southern New England because there are no subjects for study. The indigenous people were among the first to experience the ravages of contact with European colonists. Disease, war, and forced migrations throughout the 17th and 18th centuries effectively depopulated the area of most of its original inhabitants. Those few who remained were supposedly detribalized and merged with the Europeans. Even their artifacts were carted off across the ocean to be placed in cabinets of curiosities. To this day some of the best and largest ethnographic collections of New England Indian material culture are found in European museums and private estates. Further, Colonial towns were located on prehistoric and early historic Indian camps and villages, and in other ways the growing industrial complex of the Northeast covered over or erased the Indian sites. As a result, at the end of the 19th century, when anthropology as a formal discipline emerged, the native peoples and most of the material vestiges of their presence were gone.

There is undoubtedly much truth to this explanation, but one must also examine the history of anthropology in order to understand the reasons for this relative neglect. Shortly after the turn of the century, the subjects anthropologists were seeking inevitably led them westward to the Plains, the Southwest, and other places where the frontier had only recently passed. Anthropology at that time meant studying peoples who still retained, or at most had only recently lost, their tribal organization. Tribal societies were rapidly disappearing and it was crucial that anthropologists bend all their efforts to creating a record of these peoples’ cultures before they were irretrievably lost. The small groups of surviving Algonkian Indians in southern New England, who retained few visible evidences of their traditional culture, therefore attracted almost no attention. Frank G. Speck is a notable exception among the younger anthropologists who were prominent in shaping the discipline in the United States.

The practice of anthropology today is considerably different from the anthropology of 70 years ago. Tribal cultures and societies which are still relatively intact continue to be an important concern, but new dimensions for the study of man have appeared. These new developments make southern New England an important resource for anthropological study. Inter-ethnic relations are now attracting the attention of students to a society which is no longer considered an inevitable melting pot. Portuguese, French-Canadians, Italians, and other immigrants have been a prominent part of New England towns and cities for decades, but we do not yet understand the processes by which they have adapted to American culture. These ethnic segments include the Wampanoag and other Indian groups who have retained their Indian identity after over 300 years of intensive contact. They obviously represent an important phenomenon for study. Many Indian groups are now moving to large cities, including Boston, and some anthropologists are trying to understand how tribal peoples adapt to urbanism as a way of life.

Ethnohistory, the writing of ethnographies from historical documents, is another relatively new way of practicing anthropology. Although the source materials for southern New England are not as rich as those from other areas in North America, there is still a great deal which can be mined from them. Early colonists traded, fought, and proselytized the Indians and the accounts and records they left contain many possibilities for studying cultural processes. We are learning that the value of documents as source materials is as much a function of their ability to answer the kinds of questions that intrigue us as it is a matter of bulk.

It is true that archaeology in New England has been generally less immediately rewarding than in many other areas of North America. The poorer conditions of preservation, the apparent absence of deeply stratified sites and the dense settlement pattern in this region have contributed to this condition. With the emergence of what is now being called historical archaeology, however, new potentials are being realized in New England. The efforts of Plimoth Plantation are showing dramatically that Colonial history can be meaningfully rewritten through the lenses of anthropology and that archaeology does not by any means end where history begins. Indeed, a new understanding is being achieved for that period in early Colonial history when an immigrant European culture was transformed into something distinctively American.

For many anthropological studies that will undoubtedly be made about southern New England, the culture of the 17th century Indians will be an important baseline. This monograph will be one of the valuable sources for scholars undertaking such studies.

THE WAMPANOAGS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

An Ethnohistorical Study

_by Catherine Marten_

_And also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett be in continuall danger of the salvage people; who are cruell, barbarous, and most trecherous, being most furious in their rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente only to kill, and take away life, but delight to tormente men in the most bloodie manner that may be; fleaing some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting of the members and joynts of others by peesmeale; and broiling on the coles, eate the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live, with other cruelties horrible to be related._

One of many fearsome prospects awaiting Europeans who would settle upon the American continent was thus described by William Bradford—Indians. In faraway Europe this simplistic view of the cruel and hostile primitives that inhabited the New World seemed adequate. But Bradford and his friends—known to history as the Pilgrims, who settled at Plymouth Massachusetts in 1620—were destined to see one group of North American Indians in a different way. Who were the Indians that greeted the Pilgrims and what can be told of their culture?

The Indians that inhabited New England are often collectively designated as Algonquians. This name actually signifies a group of tribes whose languages are related and are therefore classified together as members of the Algonquian language family. Speakers of Algonquian languages are not restricted to New England, however; rather they are spread widely over the North American continent. To the west on the Great Plains such tribes as the Blackfoot and the Arapaho, to the north the Naskapi, Abnaki, and Micmac, and to the south along the Atlantic Coast the Powhattan and the Chickahominy are a few examples of members of this large linguistic family. Besides noting that the languages spoken by these groups are related to one another, we can also speak of some broad similarities in culture shared by speakers of Algonquian languages. However, by the time of European contact both languages and cultures had diversified enough that Algonquian speakers from widely separated areas would not have understood one another’s speech and customs.

The tribe of Algonquians with which this monograph is chiefly concerned is the Wampanoags, which inhabited the immediate area around New Plimoth and from whose ranks came such familiar figures as Squanto, Massasoit, Hobomock, and Metacomet (King Philip). This tribe was also sometimes called the Pokanokets, after Pokanoket, Rhode Island, where the Sachems kept their principal headquarters.[1] Because they were closely related linguistically and culturally, however, one can with justification include information pertaining to the immediate neighbors of the Wampanoags—the Nausets, the Massachusetts, and the Narragansetts.[2] The lumping of these groups for the purpose of more completely filling out a cultural description of the Wampanoags is further legitimatized by the fact that since the devastation caused by a plague in 1616 or 1617 the members of these tribes had intermixed to some extent anyhow. The Indian village of Patuxet had formerly been located on the site where the Pilgrims were to establish New Plimoth; it had been wiped out by a plague. The sole survivor from Patuxet was Squanto, who had joined the band of a sachem called Massasoit.

Political relationships among the Indian groups of southeastern New England were variable depending upon the leadership abilities and popularity of their several sachems at various times. Massasoit and his immediate successors seem to have been quite powerful rulers and to have held the several sub-tribes of Wampanoags into a cohesive body.[3] At various times the Wampanoags ruled the Nauset of Cape Cod. They were frequently allied with the Massachusetts and were frequently at war with the Narragansetts. At the time when the Pilgrims arrived both the Wampanoags and the Massachusetts were considerably weakened in numbers by the plague of a few years earlier, which had left the Narragansetts relatively unscathed. The Wampanoags seem to have recognized in the new arrivals a potential ally, hence the Pilgrims were welcomed, albeit cautiously.[4]

The pages that follow attempt to describe as fully as possible the culture of the Wampanoags as it would have been during the lifetime of Plymouth Colony—1620 to about 1690. A few words are in order in regard to sources of information. The normal procedure for gaining ethnographic information is for a trained observer—usually an anthropologist—to live among the people he wants to study, interviewing informants and observing with the aid of notebook, tape recorder, and camera the activities and habits of the groups under study. This sort of a systematic investigation, however, is an invention of modern anthropology and is a phenomenon dating only to the last hundred years or so. Long before that time, contact with the technology, ideology, and diseases of Europeans had so altered the culture and diminished the numbers of most of the Eastern seaboard tribes, including the Wampanoags, that such a study would have been impossible. To describe the culture of the Wampanoags, therefore, it is necessary to turn to the historical record—both written and archaeological—for the only surviving information on these people.

The best sources for information on Wampanoag culture are the journals and letters of travelers and settlers of the 16th and 17th centuries. Among the Pilgrims, Edward Winslow proved to be an exceptional ethnographer, having recorded a number of insightful observations on Indian culture. John Winthrop of Massachusetts Bay sent a collection of Indian artifacts back to England, some of which are still preserved in the British Museum. Of lesser value to the present purpose are writings of the latter half of the 17th century by missionaries who were trying to teach Christianity to the Indians. Their interests were in the progress of the civilized customs of a godly existence, and their writings do not focus upon aboriginal behavior. Information about artifacts and structures, often incompletely described by earlier chroniclers, can be added to by a study of the archaeological remains of Indian activity.

There will be omissions from the cultural description—questions never to be answered. But it is hoped that the bringing together in ethnographic format of what information is extant will give some insight into and further the understanding of Wampanoag culture as it was at approximately the time the Pilgrims encountered it.

DEMOGRAPHY

Estimates of population for the southern New England area are variable. The most widely quoted figure is that arrived at by Mooney—25,000 for the entire New England area, prior to the 1616-17 plague.[5] Other writers place the number at around 20,000 for southern New England alone.[6] In all likelihood, the lower number is the more nearly correct. Population estimates made by visitors to the New England area in the 16th and 17th centuries were based in the main upon what could be observed in the course of a coastwide voyage. And while Indian population appeared dense, the actual situation was one of a considerably concentrated population along the immediate coast, where rich marine resources were available, and a very sparse, often seasonal, occupation of vast tracts further inland.[7]

By the time the Pilgrims arrived, the population of eastern Massachusetts had declined greatly, as a result of the epidemic which we have mentioned before. No one really knows what the disease was that took such great numbers of Indians. The Massachusetts were virtually destroyed—first by the plague and then by wars with the Abnaki during the early decades of the seventeenth century. Population declined from perhaps three thousand to a mere five hundred between the years 1615 and 1630.[8] The Wampanoags had suffered less, but the effects of the plague were still felt heavily by them. Prior to the plague their numbers are estimated to have been two to three thousand, but death depopulated large tracts of land.[9] Altham writes that the nearest Indian town to Plymouth was fourteen miles away.[10] Gookin called them, “a potent nation in former times....”[11] In 1620 they numbered perhaps something over one thousand.[12] The Narragansetts, however, were untouched by the plague; they are said to have numbered some four thousand.[13]

The general result of the settlement of Europeans in New England was to further the trend of Indian depopulation. Whereas the Europeans might hope to have developed or inherited a degree of immunity to the diseases which they carried, such infections proved fatal to the Indians almost without exception. In 1632-33 the Narragansetts suffered a smallpox epidemic which killed some seven hundred, and at the same time it destroyed what remained of the Massachusetts tribe.[14] The well-meaning attempts of missionaries to Christianize the Indians by civilizing them and putting them into European clothes and houses also brought changes to the detriment of their general health. The “civilized” custom of washing, for example, removed the coating of animal fat that the Indian customarily wore to protect himself from cold and insects and exposed his body to previously unknown physiological shocks. Wars of the colonial period also took their toll of the Indian population.

As far as can be told from available information, the density of population in New England just prior to European colonization was .22 Indians per square mile.[15]

HISTORY AND CULTURE CHANGE

The few remnants of Wampanoag oral tradition are vague on the point of tribal history and origins. Most often mentioned is the idea that they came from somewhere to the south and west of their present home. Indeed, this may, according to the thinking of anthropologists, be the direction from which they received the corn that they were cultivating in at least the 16th century. However, the question of a true tribal history must, as is so often the case with pre-literate peoples, remain unanswered.

Early explorers and settlers had their own ideas as to the origins of the Indians they found in the New World. A popular belief was that these were descendants of one of the Biblical “lost tribes of Israel”. Some scholars went to great lengths to show that this was so by comparing the languages and religious concepts of the two groups. Along with this idea went a belief that the skin of the Indians was actually light, but that it was dyed brown during infancy.[16] Whatever may have been the course of their pre-contact history, the arrival of the white man was certainly a significant event for the culture of the Indians of southeastern New England.

Changes were being introduced into Indian culture long before the arrival of the first permanent European settlers. Fishing and whaling industries brought large numbers of ships (nearly four hundred in 1578) to the vicinity of Newfoundland and Cape Breton; incidental trade in furs between the Indians and these vessels covered a six-hundred mile range that undoubtedly included New England.[17] Indian graves which date from this period contain European trade items—the first evidence of the changes being introduced into native culture.[18] The Indians seem especially to have appreciated the value of the metal tools which the Europeans brought.[19] Their own use of metal had been limited to the making of ornaments out of native copper. For heavy work, such as felling trees and dressing game, stone tools were used.

The increasing substitution of metal tools for stone ones brought about changes in Indian technology that continued through the seventeenth century. The situation for New England Indians in general is summarized by Willoughby:

After and during the first two or three decades of the seventeenth
century the Indians received from European traders, especially
from the French and Dutch, cloth, kettles, hatchets, and many
other objects, and the graves of that period have yielded numerous
articles of this nature. The native industries of the people
rapidly declined. It was principally among the women that the finer
arts survived for a time, such as the better class of bag and
basket making, porcupine and moose-hair embroidery, etc., although
the men continued for a period the production of their excellent
wooden bowls and drinking cups.[20]

Technological change was not, however, only a matter of the loss of skill at aboriginal crafts. The Indians were quick to learn useful new techniques from the English settlers. They learned the art of pewter casting, and thus produced pipes and buttons.[21] A further use for their new-found knowledge of metallurgy was noted by Governor Bradford:

They have also their moulds to make shotte, of all sorts, as
muskett bulletts, pistoll bullets, swan and gose shote, and of
smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them have their scruplates to
make scrupins themselves, when they wante them, with sundery
other implements, wher with they are ordinarily better fited and
furnished then the English them selves.[22]

The history of contact between primitive peoples and Europeans has tended to be similar throughout the world, in that the first to contact and deal with the natives were usually entrepreneurs looking for new profits, followed by missionaries looking to save souls. The Wampanoags likewise experienced this phenomenon. While it was the intention of those who went there to settle to bring Christianity to the Indians, preparations for such a monumental task were not very well laid. English colonists had their hands full for a number of years just getting a living. They had made no provisions for the maintenance of missionaries to the Indians, and English congregations were not eager to spare their own ministers for the task. Thus, it was not until the middle of the seventeenth century at least before systematic attempts to change the Indians’ belief system were begun.

Notable among those who took up the mission to the Indians of southeastern Massachusetts and Rhode Island were Roger Williams, John Elliot, and the Mayhews, father and son. Quite a number of converts were made.[23] Converted Indians were encouraged to dwell together in what came to be dubbed “praying towns”. Such Indians were required to adopt European culture wholeheartedly in terms of dress, housing, habits, etc., and they were required to learn to read as part of their conversion so that they could study the scriptures. The majority of Indians seem to have refused conversion; however, the change on the part of some of them can hardly but have had influence upon the rest.

Another introduction from European culture was alcohol, previously unknown to the Wampanoags and their neighbors. This became a popular item of trade, and some Indians undertook the cultivation of apples for the purpose of making cider.[24]

FOOD QUEST

=Annual Cycle=: The environment of coastal southern New England was rich in a variety of wild food resources. Because these resources were available seasonally in several differing localities, the Wampanoags, who lived by a combination of hunting, fishing, collecting, and horticulture, moved several times during the year.

Beginning in about April, large numbers of Indians, probably the populations of several localized winter camping groups, would gather at the falls of certain rivers for the upstream runs of fish such as herring.[25] Migratory birds were also taken at this time.[26] The period of taking fresh water and androgynous fish along streams and in lakes continued until planting season, when the Wampanoags moved to the coast.

Summer was a time of gardening; it was also the time when the vast array of marine resources was exploited. In addition, summer brought an abundance of shore birds. Planting involved two crops, with people sometimes moving from a house by an early field to one by a later field in the middle of the summer.

Deer were hunted in the fall; men moved away to the forest to catch the migrating animals. Sometimes women and children would be included in the hunting expedition, if the distance to be traveled was not too far from their summer home. But some people stayed in their summer residences through the hunting season, probably to harvest the last crop. Hunting sometimes lasted until the snow was too deep to move in.

After hunting season the fall and summer encampments were abandoned, and people moved inland, joining with other summer village groups to take up winter quarters in what Williams describes as “thick warme vallies”. There was greater protection from the weather away from the shore, and the warm weather food resources were gone—even the fish moved offshore into deeper waters. From December or January until April, Indians occupied these winter camps and lived on food they had stored during summer and fall and on what could be caught through the ice or trapped during the winter. With the return of spring, they would once again congregate at their fishing places.[27]

=Collecting=: A number of wild plants were utilized by the Wampanoags for food. These included wild peas, strawberries, gooseberries, raspberries, currants, chestnuts, acorns, walnuts, ground nuts, and the Jerusalem artichoke.[28] Doubtless other nuts, roots, and berries not specifically named by the early observers were also collected.[29] The ground nut (_Apios tuberosa_) was one of the most important of the wild roots that the Indians used for food.[30] It also helped the Pilgrims keep away starvation during the winter of 1623.

A part of the inventory of collected foods consisted of shellfish. Clams were dug by the women at low tide. Also noted specifically were: horseshoe crab, lobster, oyster, crab, soft-shelled clam, and mussel.[31] The following passage tells of the troublesome quest for lobsters:

This is an every dayes walke, be the weather cold or hot, the
waters rough or calme, they must dive sometimes over head and
eares for a Lobster, which often shakes them by their hands with
a churlish nippe, and bids them adiew. The tide being spent, they
trudge home two or three miles, with a hundred weight of Lobsters
at their backs, and if none, a hundred scoulds meete them at home,
and a hungry belly for two dayes after.[32]

=Fowling=: The various types of fowl that were taken included turkeys, ducks, geese, pigeons, cormorants, and cranes.[32] This is only a partial list (again the kinds cited specifically by contemporary sources) of the kinds of birds that were actually hunted; there was an abundance of both shore and land birds to be taken at various seasons.[33] Turkeys seem to have been particularly numerous.[34] Pigeons were abundant in Worchester County, so much so that Williams describes it as having been called “Pigeon Countrie”. They were attracted by ripe strawberries and the old garden plots of the Indians, and they were eaten in great numbers because they were well-liked and easy to kill.[35]

The techniques of taking fowl were various. Shooting with bow and arrow was one method, and Indians were very anxious to get guns and shot from the English for the same purpose.[36] Williams says that hunting involved enduring the weather, “... wading, lying, and creeping on the ground, &C.”[37] The method of getting cormorants was to sneak up on them at night as they slept on the rocks along the shore.[38] Netting birds at their feeding places was another way of capture.[39]

=Hunting and Trapping=: Among the animals hunted or trapped were deer, moose, beaver, bear, wolf, wild cat, racoon, otter, muskrat, and fox.[40] While all of these were eaten, the importance of the smaller animals lay mainly in their pelts. Deer seem to have been the most important of the animals that were hunted.[41] Moose and bear were also of major importance in New England, according to the evaluation of William Wood.[42] Probably the deer was more important to southern New England groups like the Wampanoags, with the frequency and relative importance of moose rising as one traveled northward.

Techniques for taking deer fall into three categories: stalking and shooting, the use of snares, and the use of drives.[43] The stalking method calls to mind the familiar image of an Indian stealthily pursuing a deer through the forest with great skill and patience, using bow and arrow as his weapons. No less important, however, was the use of snares. A snare for deer was made by bending a springy sapling down, fastening it in place, and affixing some sort of noose that would catch the deer by the leg when he, by stepping into it, released the fastening that held the tree down. Acorns were used to bait the snare. Wood tells us that the traps were “... so strong as it will tos a horse if hee be caught in it....”[44] When the Pilgrims went exploring on Cape Cod they encountered such a device:

As we wandered we came to a tree, where a young sprit was bowed
down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen
Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. So as we were looking
at it, William Bradford being in the rear, when he came looked
also upon it, and as he went about it, it gave a sudden jerk up,
and he was immediately caught by the leg. It was a very pretty
device, made with a rope of their own making, and having a noose
as artificially made as any roper in England can make, and as like
ours as can be....[45]

These devices were also sometimes used for trapping moose, bears, wolves, wild cats and foxes.[46]

Most hunting was carried out during the fall, after a spring and summer of watching the habits and locations of the deer.[47] Ten to twenty or more men from a village would move into temporary quarters in the woods to hunt at this time, each man retiring to his own well-defined hunting territory of “... two, three or foure miles, where hee sets thirty, forty, or fiftie Traps....”[48] It was necessary to tend such a trapline closely, since the human hunter competed with other carnivores for his kill. A circuit of the traps was made every two days. Even so, the hunter might find that a wolf had been there before him, seeing which, he would set to building a trap for the wolf as well.[49]

Unlike the two proceeding techniques, taking deer by means of drives required the cooperative efforts of a number of people. This number might range from twenty to three hundred, according to one observer.[50] Fences of brush were built, sometimes a mile or two in length, through the woods, in the shape of a funnel. Deer were chased into the wider end, and Indians waited at the narrow end to shoot them as they passed. Since it was possible for the deer to leap over the fence, the hunters were careful not to startle them. Working at night, they set snares for the deer that had escaped their arrows.[51] If the evidence from other Indian groups can be applied in this case, it can be said that the hunting party included women and older children as well as the hunters themselves, and that these former were stationed along the length of the brush fence, outside it, to keep the deer from jumping over.

There is evidence that another technique of hunting common in North America, especially among the Algonquians farther north, was also used by the Wampanoags: driving the deer into water where they are more vulnerable to the hunters. There is no direct description of this process taking place, but there is the information that laws made special provision for paying the sachem within whose territory a deer was shot in the water.[52] And Williams tells us that there is a special word to designate the skin of such a deer.[53]

Another hunting device, used for beavers, otters, and wolves, was the deadfall.[54] One variety was made by piling up a large number of rocks, designed to fall on the animal which entered the trap.[55] This style of trap was used because these were animals capable of gnawing their way out of a trap that left them alive.[56]

Apparently allied to hunting, at least in part, was the practice of setting fire to the woods at intervals, in order to burn out the undergrowth.[57] Where this was not done the woods were difficult to travel through, and thick scrub would have hampered deer drives considerably.[58]

=Marine Hunting=: Marine hunting was not a major activity of the Wampanoags as it was of the Indian groups further to the north; however, it was practiced to some extent. Seals were taken as they napped on rocks in the warm sun.[58] Various species of whale were also common along the more exposed coasts, but it is not known if the Wampanoags actually hunted them in boats. They did make use of both the flesh and the oil of those that were cast up on the beaches.[59]

=Fishing=: Fish were a major dietary item in the spring and continued to be of importance during the remainder of the year. Both fresh and salt water fish were taken. These included: bass, bream, cod, mackerel, flatfish,[60] skate, haddock, striped bass, sturgeon, Atlantic salmon, shad, herring, frostfish,[61] eels, lampreys, trout, roach, dace, pike, perch, catfish and pickerel.[62] Of these the salmon, trout, shad, herring, bass, and sturgeon run up the fresh water streams from the sea.[63] Trout, roach, dace, pike, perch, catfish, and pickerel are fresh water species only.[64]

Techniques for catching fish varied with the circumstances.[65] The hook and line apparently came in for a good deal of use.[66] However, the only specific fish for which its use is mentioned are bass and cod.[67] To take these fish, the hooks were baited with lobsters.[68] Probably the hook and line was used for ice fishing during the winter, and if so it was also used for pike, perch, bream, and pickerel.[69]

Nets were used to take sturgeon.[70] Nets were placed across rivers at the falls to take bass. The trapped fish were then shot with arrows or speared.[71] Bass were also caught in weirs.[72] The tending of nets went on at night as well as during the day, the fishermen resting on the shore near small fires until it was time to check their nets.[73] Sturgeon were also taken at night—using a different technique. A torch was waved about over the side of the canoe to lure the fish. When the fish came near, an Indian in the canoe would drive a harpoon into his belly. Thus secured, the struggling fish was dragged back to shore.[74] The method of taking eels was to wade into the water, tread them out of the mud with the feet, then grab them.[75]

DOMESTICATED ANIMALS

The Wampanoags’ only domesticated animal at the time the Europeans arrived was the dog.[76] Later, those Indians who adopted European culture as part of their conversion to Christianity seem to have begun keeping the types of livestock—cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, chickens, etc.—brought by the settlers.[77]

AGRICULTURE

Horticulture was a major occupation of the Wampanoags from the spring until fall. Chief among their crops was the native American corn, _Zea mays_. Historical sources mention a number of colors—red, blue, yellow, and white.[78] Of the squashes and their relatives (all grouped into the family Cucurbitacae) there are mentioned pumpkins and cucumbers.[79] Also cultivated was the native American variety of tobacco, _Nicotiana rustica_.[80]

Gardening was work done by women, except for tobacco growing, which was the business of men.[81] The implements of cultivation were such things as clam shell hoes, and fish were used for fertilizer. During the time that the corn was growing the women would weed it and protect it from birds. Watch houses might be built in the fields where the gardener or her older children would sit all day to frighten away birds.[82] Sometimes hawks were captured, tamed, and kept nearby the house in order to chase the other birds away from the corn fields.[83]

Corn might be harvested green or allowed to ripen in the fields, depending upon the use for which it was intended. Green corn seems to have been a favorite food, and to get as much as possible two plantings might be made during a summer.[84] At harvest time the women gathered in the corn and prepared it for consumption or storage.[85]

When preparing a new field the first step was to remove the forest cover. Trees were cut down, leaving only the stumps; the branches were burned on the spot. Ashes left from the burning enriched the soil. Gardens were then planted between the stumps.[86] A field thus prepared would gradually diminish in fertility over a period of years of continuous use, despite the addition of organic fertilizers (fish) with each planting. When this happened, the field was left fallow for a period of time, during which a cover of weeds and brush would develop. This cover was then burned off, the ashes worked into the soil, and the field planted again.[87]

FOOD PROCESSING

=Preservation and Storage=: Both animal and vegetable foods were preserved by drying.[88] With this technique, there was constant danger of spoilage through dampness. Prior to the arrival of the European settlers, salt was not available to the Wampanoags for food preservation.[89] The method of drying fish and shellfish was to cut it into thin strips and hang it on a scaffold over a fire prepared for that purpose. Both the sun and the fire worked to dry the fish quickly; the fire served the additional purpose of keeping away flies, which would have spoiled the food.[90] At night or when the weather was humid, the drying fish was moved to the warm, smoky interior of the wigwam to hang above the fireplace.[91] Corn, chestnuts, currants, beans, and acorns were also preserved by drying. There is no description of the process, save that they were spread out on mats.[92]

Vegetable foods were stored in specially constructed pits in the ground. After they had been dug, the pits were lined with woven mats. The dried fruits or vegetables that were to be stored were put into large baskets (The Pilgrims told of digging up one such basket that had a capacity of three or four bushels[93]); the baskets were put into the pits, covered with more mats and perhaps wooden planks, and the whole thing was covered with earth so that a small mound marking the place was formed.[94] When such could be obtained, a metal pot rather than a basket might serve as a storage container.[95] The dried fish was also stored for winter use, but there is no mention of its being put into the storage pits. It might have been kept in some sort of woven or bark container in the house.[96]

=Food Preparation=: Meat and fish were prepared by boiling or roasting.[97] Meat was roasted by putting it on the end of a forked stick placed in the ground near the fire.[98] Fresh or dried meat, fish, and shellfish were cut into small pieces and boiled into a stew—whose constituent parts probably varied according to what was available on any given day. A pot of this stew was probably kept over the fire almost all the time, and as some was eaten new ingredients were added. As the following passage by Wood suggests, it was “... made thicke with Fishes, Fowles, and Beasts boyled all together; some remaining raw, the rest converted by over-much seething to a loathed mash....”[99] Vegetables were also added to the stew pot. Jerusalem artichokes, ground nuts and other roots, pumpkins, squashes, corn, and beans are mentioned specifically.[100] Walnuts, acorns, and chestnuts were ground into a powder and added to the broth to thicken it.[101] Clam juice, which functioned as a substitute for salt, was added as seasoning.[102] Williams tells of another sort of dish, prepared from the heads of bass, “... the braines and fat of it being very much and sweet as marrow”.[103] Notes by John Winthrop give the designation _Sukatash_ to a dish which is venison, fish and Indian corn boiled together.[104]

Vegetable foods were also prepared in a number of other ways and combinations. Whole corn was boiled—with or without beans.[105] Corn ground into meal was an important item in the diet of the Wampanoags. Corn kernels were dried and parched in the coals of the fire. Ashes were then sifted out of the parched corn, and it was ground fine with hand milling equipment. A woman then sifted the meal through a basketry sieve to catch out unground lumps, and the result was a meal called _Nocake_. Nocake was the food of anyone when on a journey away from home. A few spoonfuls made a meal; it was taken with water to facilitate swallowing.[106]

For use at home, the parched meal might be mixed with water and boiled into a porridge.[107] In a more elaborate recipe it was mixed with crushed strawberries, made into dough, wrapped in leaves and baked in the ashes to make a kind of bread.[108] It was also made into small cakes that were boiled. Williams mentions a dish made by mixing corn meal with powdered dried currants, “... which is as sweet to them as plum or spice cake to the English”.[109] He also says that clam juice was used as a seasoning for bread.[110]

Of the nuts used by the Wampanoags, acorns required additional work, since the bitter tannic acid had to be removed from them by some sort of leaching process before they could be eaten. This was done by boiling.[111] Oil was extracted from walnuts and used for a variety of purposes.[112]

FOOD CONSUMPTION

The diet of the Wampanoags, because of their seasonal cycle of resource use, varied considerably. While many kinds of food were preserved for use beyond their season by drying, the supply was probably not so great that the diet was identical throughout the year, if only in terms of the relative quantities of the kinds of food eaten. The diet of the Wampanoags included several varieties of land animals,[113] of which deer were probably the most important. Fresh and salt water fish, shellfish, fowl, and marine mammals, such as were available, were also eaten. Corn, beans, and cucurbits, which they raised, plus various wild nuts, roots, and fruits made up the vegetable part of the diet. While there is evidence that the Indians in Maine used maple sugar, there seems to have been none used in southeastern New England aboriginally.[114] Altogether, according to Bennett, who has made a study of the diet of the Indians of southeastern New England, the Indian diet included more vegetable products than the diet of Europeans living in the same area today.[115]

Squashes came to replace corn as the dietary mainstay in the late summer.[116] Clams seem to have been dug in all seasons of the year; they are spoken of as a food to which the Wampanoags turned when other sources of food dwindled.[117] Acorns were also a food turned to when the preferred diet was scarce, although sometimes they were eaten when there was plenty of corn, as a novelty item.[118] Writing of a visit to the Plymouth area in June, Martin Pring noted that the food the Indians were eating at that time of the year was mostly fish.[119]

There is not a great deal known about Wampanoag eating habits, but some general impressions can be put together. Morton tells us that “... they feede continually”.[120] Wood, on the other hand, notes that it was “... their fashion to eate all at some times, and sometimes nothing at all in two or three dayes....”[121] The apparent contradiction is probably the result of the two observers looking at different sets of cultural circumstances. When there was food available in abundance, everyone probably ate, according to his wishes, out of the stew pot at any time. There were also formal meals held on at least the following occasions: when a guest arrived (_i.e._ visiting Englishman) and when groups would gather for games and dances. Wood gives a description of what such a “sit-down” meal was like:

... dishing it up in a rude manner, placing it on the verdant
carpet of the earth which Nature spreads them, without either
trenchers, napkins, or knives, upon which their hunger-sawced
stomacks impatient of delayes fals aboard without scrupling
at unwashed hands, without bread, salt or beere: Lolling on
the Turkish fashion, not ceasing till their full bellies leave
nothing but emptie platters ... eating three or foure cornes with
a mouthfull of fish or flesh, sometimes eating meate first, and
cornes after, filling chinkes with their broth ... At home they
will eate till their bellies stand forth ready to split with
fullness....[122]

At this type of meal the men ate, and the women waited upon them, being paid by the favor of a bite from time to time.[123] Eating was done from individual wooden bowls, with fingers or spoon, depending upon the consistency of the food.[124]

When one was away from home on a journey and not near enough to any settlement to go there for hospitality, he ate from his pouch of parched corn meal. This might be eaten quickly if he were in a hurry to be off again, by gulping down three spoonfuls of corn meal with some water. A more leisurely meal was one for which the traveler took the trouble to build a fire and cook the meal to eat it hot.[125]

Food seems to have been shared liberally with anyone who was around when people were eating, no matter what it was or how much there was at the time.[126]

Diet was one area in which the arrival of the Europeans seems not to have had much influence. Composition of the diet remained the same as it was aboriginally until the time of King Philip’s War.[127]

DRINK, DRUGS AND INDULGENCE

Prior to the arrival of the Europeans there was no knowledge of alcohol among the Indians of the New England area. Once introduced, however, it became a popular item of trade, and Indians learned how to produce it for themselves.[128]

The Wampanoags and their neighbors, however, did smoke the native American variety of tobacco, _Nicotiana rustica_.[129] This strong variety of tobacco would not be appealing to modern American tastes. The only place where it is used commercially today is in the USSR. In one instance at least—where the writer characterized the tobacco as weak—it is likely that some was mixed with other plant material preparatory to smoking.[130] Tobacco leaves were picked green, dried, crushed, and smoked in pipes.[131]

Tobacco was used frequently.[132] Smoking was a pleasant diversion. When friends met on the trail they would stop, smoke together, and talk.[133] Tobacco apparently also was used by women.[134] Besides being a refreshing indulgence, taking tobacco was thought to be a helpful remedy “... against the rheume, which causeth the toothake....”[135]

LEATHER, TEXTILES, FABRICS

=Work in Skins=: Most of the clothing worn by the Wampanoags was made from the skins of animals. Deerskin was an excellent material for clothing, since it was tough but thin enough to be made pliable, was large enough to be used with a minimum of piecing, and was readily available in the environment. Moose hide was used for similar purposes, but being heavier it was perhaps more popular for making shoes.[136]

Deerskin was scraped to remove the flesh, and the tanning process involved working oil into the hide to make it soft and also resistant to water.[137] Thus prepared, the skin used in a pair of leggings could stand to be gotten wet, rung out, hung up and dried by the fire without being harmed by the experience.[138] When a deer was killed during the winter, the thick coat of hair was usually left on the hide.[139] Moose skins were de-haired as a matter of course, according to Morton.[140] Deer and moose skins with the hair removed were decorated by painting or by embroidery.[141] To be a proper skin for wearing, a deerskin had to have the tail left on.[142]

The skins of other game were also used as clothing. Bear, otter, raccoon, beaver, fox and cat skins are mentioned as having been used, although the particulars of their preparation are not recorded.[143] Sometimes the skins of animals not available in the immediate vicinity were traded for from neighboring tribes.[144] The skins of all these animals, including deer, were used also for bedding.[145] Leather was used in the manufacture of bags for carrying fire lighting equipment, tobacco, and parched corn meal. The latter type is described as being long and narrow and carried either slung on the back or tied around the waist.[146]

Contemporary observers do not mention any further uses of leather by the Wampanoags. Among several groups of Indians, such as those who lived by hunting on the Great Plains, leather served not only for clothing, but as the only material available for housing and cordage. Living as they did in the woodlands, the Wampanoags had available a variety of suitable plant material which they used for various kinds of basketry and cordage that served the multitude of purposes served by leather in other regions. Thus among the Wampanoags leather might have been used as the lashings to hold the framing of houses together, or plant fiber might have served this purpose, or both. Such alternatives were available, but it is not known exactly what use the Wampanoags made of them.

=Cordage, Netting, Basketry=: The Wampanoags used the stems and fibers of several plants for containers, house coverings, nets, clothing, etc.[147] Among the plants used were: bulrushes, bent grass (perhaps also other types of grasses), maize husks, “silk grass”, wild hemp (also called Indian hemp and dogbane—_Apocynum cannabenum_), flag leaves, basswood fiber, and the bast of other trees with fine inner bark, such as the linden and slippery elm.[148]

Most cordage was made from wild hemp. Basically, the manufacture of cordage consisted of removing the long fibers from the stems of the plant and joining these by twisting and braiding until the desired thickness and length of cord was obtained. The Indians appeared quite skillful in this craft: “... their cordage is so even, soft, and smooth, that it looks more like silke than hempe....”[149] Wild hemp cordage was used in several ways. It was used to make fishing lines.[150] It was also used for tying hooks onto these lines.[151] Hemp cordage was looped into fishnets.[152] One of these, used for sturgeon, is described as being 30 to 40 feet in length.[153] Large storage bags were made out of this material, in a weaving technique known as twining. These were flat and rectangular in shape; their capacity was five or six bushels. They were used for storing food both in the underground pits and inside the houses.[154] Similar bags were also made out of bast fiber.[155]

Hemp is mentioned as having been used in making baskets, where it probably served as weft strands.[156] Hemp cordage was also used to sew together a certain kind of house covering mat.[157] And it was used, along with grasses for woven capes.[158] Mantles were also woven out of turkey feathers, or the feathers of other birds, and cordage.[159] The feathers were probably twisted in among the hemp strands.[160] Such weaving was done without looms.

Matting was produced by two basic techniques, by sewing or by weaving the component elements together. In sewn mats, flag leaves were sewed together with wild hemp thread, using a bone needle.[161] Woven mats were plaited from bulrushes.[162] These latter were used to line the interior of the house, to sit upon, and for spreading out food to dry.[163] Matting was an item that came in for extensive use in the daily lives of the Wampanoags. Besides being a building material, it was used to line storage pits; it also lined or covered their graves.

Basketry was another important item made by the Wampanoags, although their use of basketry was not as extensive as in certain other North American Indian groups. Basketry everywhere serves what is basically a container function, and among the Wampanoags there were available pottery, birch bark boxes, pouches of leather, wooden dishes, and later the metal pots and kettles brought by Europeans—all of which could carry out the job of holding something.

Baskets were made in a number of sizes and shapes, of several different materials, and of varying fineness depending upon the purpose to be served.[164] There were two techniques for weaving baskets, twining and plaiting, though there were probably enough variations upon these basic techniques that not all baskets looked alike to the casual observer. Twined basketry was the more common type at the time that the Europeans arrived in New England. The baskets of “Hempe and Rushes” that Wood describes were probably made by this technique.[165] The manufacture of twined basketry involves wrapping a horizontal weft element, the hemp in this case, around what is usually a more rigid warp, the bulrushes. The basketry made by the plaited technique is what is meant by the term “splint basketry”. In this case, both warp and weft are equally rigid “splints” and are combined by placing each alternately over the other so that, in the most basic pattern, a checkerboard effect results. Basketry made by this technique became more popular during the historic period, and eventually this was the only type made by the Indians in the New England area. At the time New England was being colonized, the main use of splint basketry was in the processing of corn. Square sieves for sifting corn meal were made by the plaiting technique, with varying grades of mesh to sort out ground and hulled corn for various uses.[166] Collecting baskets for harvesting corn were also made by this technique. The basket was worn strapped to the back, secured by a strap across the chest. A larger version of the basket stood at the edge of the field, for transporting the harvested ears of corn back to the house.[167]

Willoughby gives this description of obtaining and processing the materials for splint baskets:

... small ash, white oak, or other suitable trees, were cut in the
spring. The logs were sometimes soaked in water, although this
was not always necessary. They were then peeled and beaten with
wooden mauls until the annual growth layers were separated one from
another. These were split into various widths and assorted, strips
of uniform size being bound together in bunches or coils.[168]