Chapter VIII: Familiars and Transformations (2)

3. The profession of the witch-religion being hereditary, it is not uncommon to find that the familiar descended from mother to daughter. This, like the familiar given by one witch to another, was the domestic familiar. It was sometimes presented during the mother's lifetime or was left as a legacy at her death. Elizabeth Francis in 1556 stated that 'she learned this arte of witchcraft at the age of xii yeres of hyr grandmother whose nam mother Eue of Hatfyelde Peuerell, disseased. Item when shee taughte it her, she counseiled her to renounce GOD and his worde and to geue of her bloudde to Sathan (as she termed it) whyche she delyuered her in the lykenesse of a whyte spotted Catte.'[871] In 1582 Ales Hunt of St. Osyth confessed to having two spirits, and 'saith, that her sister (named Margerie Sammon) hath also two spirites like Toades, the one called Tom, and the other Robbyn: And saith further, her sayde Syster and shee had the sayd spyrites of their Mother, Mother Barnes.'[872] In 1597 the Derbyshire witch, Alse Gooderidge, stated that 'the Diuell appeared to me in lykenesse of a little partie-colored dog red and white, and I called him Minny. She saide she had her familiar of her mother.'[873] The Essex witches, tried in 1645, also inherited familiars from their mothers. Anne Cooper confessed 'that she the said Anne offered to give unto her daughter Sarah Cooper an impe in the likenes of a gray kite (i.e. kit, or cat), to suck on the said Sarah.--Susan Cock saith, that about three or four yeeres since, one Margery Stoakes, this examinants mother, lying upon her death-bed, and this examinant comming to visit her, shee the said Margery desired this examinant privately to give entertainment to two of her imps, and withall told this examinant, they would do this examinant good; And this examinant saith, that the same night her said mother dyed, the said two imps came to her accordingly, and sucked on her body.--Anne Cate saith, That she hath four familiars, which shee had from her mother, about two and twenty yeeres since.'[874] In 1667 at Liverpool, 'Margaret Loy, being arraigned for a witch, confessed she was one; and when she was asked how long she had so been, replied, Since the death of her mother, who died thirty years ago; and at her decease she had nothing to leave her, and this widow Bridge, that were sisters, but her two spirits; and named them, the eldest spirit to this widow, and the other spirit to her the said Margaret Loy.'[875] This inheritance of a familiar may be compared with the Lapp custom: 'The Laplanders bequeath their Demons as part of their inheritance, which is the reason that one family excels another in this magical art.'[876]

4. The method of obtaining a familiar by means of magical words or actions is clearly described in two modern examples:

'Sometime in the beginning of the last century, two old dames attended
the morning service at Llanddewi Brefi Church, and partook of the Holy
Communion; but instead of eating the sacred bread like other
communicants, they kept it in their mouths and went out. Then they
walked round the Church outside nine times, and at the ninth time the
Evil One came out from the Church wall in the form of a frog, to whom
they gave the bread from their mouths, and by doing this wicked thing
they were supposed to be selling themselves to Satan and become
witches.--There was an old man in North Pembrokeshire, who used to say
that he obtained the power of bewitching in the following manner: The
bread of his first Communion he pocketed. He made pretence at eating
it first of all, and then put it in his pocket. When he went out from
the service there was a dog meeting him by the gate, to which he gave
the bread, thus selling his soul to the Devil. Ever after, he
possessed the power to bewitch.'[877]

On the analogy of these two examples, I suggest that in the accounts of familiars offering themselves to the witch, there was, previous to such appearance, some formula of words or some magical action which are not recorded. The animal, which first appeared after such words or actions, would be considered as the Devil, as in the two cases quoted above. Such an explanation accounts for the statements of some of the witches that on the appearance of the animal they at once renounced the Christian religion and vowed obedience to the new God. It is noticeable that in many cases the accused acknowledged that, before the appearance of the animal, they had been 'banning and cursing', in other words, calling on the Devil; the appearance of the animal, after such summons, produced neither surprise nor alarm, and in fact seems to have been regarded as the effect of their words.

In 1556 Joan Waterhouse, the eighteen-year-old daughter of the witch Mother Waterhouse, of Hatfield Peveril, being angry with another girl, 'shee goinge home dydde as she had seene her mother doe, callynge Sathan, whiche came to her (as she sayd) in the lykenes of a great dogge'.[878] At Aberdeen in 1597 Agnes Wobster said that the Devil appeared 'in the liknes of a lamb, quhom thow callis thy God, and bletit on the, and thaireftir spak to the'.[879] James Device, one of the chief of the Lancashire witches in 1613, confessed 'that vpon Sheare Thursday was two yeares, his Grand-Mother Elizabeth Sothernes, alias Dembdike, did bid him this Examinate goe to the Church to receiue the Communion (the next day after being Good Friday) and then not to eate the Bread the Minister gaue him, but to bring it and deliuer it to such a thing as should meet him in his way homewards: Notwithstanding her perswasions, this Examinate did eate the Bread; and so in his comming homeward some fortie roodes off the said Church, there met him a thing in the shape of a Hare, who spoke vnto this Examinate, and asked him whether hee had brought the Bread.'[880] In 1621 Elizabeth Sawyer, the witch of Edmonton, said that 'the first time that the Diuell came vnto me was, when I was cursing, swearing, and blaspheming'.[881] The evidence of the Huntingdonshire witches, John Winnick and Ellen Shepheard, in 1646 (see above, p. 219), and of Dorothy Ellis of Cambridgeshire in 1647, also show that the animal which appeared to the witch after an access of emotion was at once acknowledged as God and accepted as the familiar. Mary Osgood of Andover in 1692 'confesses that about 11 years ago, when she was in a melancholy state and condition, she used to walk abroad in her orchard; and upon a certain time, she saw the appearance of a cat, at the end of the house, which yet she thought was a real cat. However, at that time, it diverted her from praying to God, and instead thereof she prayed to the devil.[882]

The familiars in human form were human beings usually of the sex opposite to that of the witch. As these familiars were generally called 'Devils' it is sometimes difficult to distinguish them from the Grand-master;[883] but the evidence, taken as a whole, suggests that at certain parts of the ritual every individual of the company was known as a Devil. This suggestion is borne out in the modern survival of an ancient dance in the Basses-Pyrenees, where the dancers to this day are called Satans.[884]

Lady Alice Kyteler, in 1324, was accused that the Devil came to her 'quandoque in specie cujusdam aethiopis cum duobus sociis'.[885] In 1598 the Lyons witches, Thievenne Paget and Antoine Tornier, speak of 'leurs Demons' as distinct from the great Devil, and the evidence of all the other witches shows that 'il y a encor des Demons, qui assistent a ces danses'.[886] De Lancre says that there was more than one Devil: the great one, who was called Maitre Leonard, and a little one called Maitre Jean Mullin. It was this smaller Devil who held the meetings in the absence of the Chief:

'en la place du Grad maistre, il n'y auoit qu'vn petit Diable ou Demon
qui n'auoit point de cornes, lequel ne contentoit pas la compagnie
comme son maistre. Qu'elles n'auoient tant de confiance en toute la
trouppe des mauuais Anges qu'en celuy seul qu'ils auoient accoustume
d'adorer & seruir.--A table on se sied selon sa qualite, ayant chacun
son Demon assis aupres, & parfois vis a vis. Et quand ils ont mange,
chaque Demon pred sa disciple par la main, & danse auec elle.'[887]

In 1618 Joan Willimott of Leicester confessed 'that shee hath a Spirit which shee calleth Pretty, which was giuen vnto her by William Berry, whom she serued three yeares; the Spirit stood vpon the ground in the shape and forme of a Woman, which Spirit did aske of her her Soule, which shee then promised vnto it, being willed thereunto by her Master'.[888] In 1633, Margaret Johnson, the Lancashire witch, stated that 'besides theire particular familiars or spirits, there was one greate or grand devill, or spirit, more eminent than the rest. Shee allsoe saith, yt if a witch have but one marke, shee hath but one spirit; if two, then two spirits; if three, yet but two spirits. Shee alsoe saith, that men witches usually have women spirits, and women witches men spirits.'[889] In 1649 at St. Albans a man witch had 'two familiars, the one in the form of a dog, which he called George, and the other in the likeness of a woman, called Jezebell'.[890] In 1662 at Auldearne Issobell Gowdie confessed

'ther is threttein persones in ilk Coeven; and ilk on of vs has an
Sprit to wait wpon ws, quhan ve pleas to call wpon him. I remember not
all the Spritis names; bot thair is on called Swein, quhilk waitis
wpon the said Margret Wilson in Aulderne; he is still [always] clothed
in grass-grein. The nixt Sprit is called Rorie, who waitis wpon Bessie
Wilsone, in Aulderne; he is still clothed in yallow. The third Sprit
is called The Roring Lyon, who waitis wpon Issobell Nicoll, in
Lochlow, and he is still clothed in sea-grein. The fowrth Spirit is
called Mak Hector, qwho waitis wpon Jean Martein, dawghter to the said
Margret Wilson; he is a yowng-lyk Devill, clothed still in
grass-grein.... The nam of the fyft Sprit is Robert the Rule, and he
still clothed in sadd-dun, and seimis to be a Comander of the rest of
the Spritis; and he waittis wpon Margret Brodie, in Aulderne. The name
of the saxt Sprit is called Thieff of Hell, Wait wpon Hir Selfe; and
he waitis also on the said Bessie Wilson. The name of the sevinth
Sprit is called The Read Reiver; and he is my owin Spirit, that
waittis on my selfe, and is still clothed in blak. The aucht Spirit is
called Robert the Jackis, still clothed in dune, and seimes to be
aiged. He is ane glaiked gowked Spirit. The nynth Spirit is called
Laing. The tenth Spirit is named Thomas a Fearie, &c.[891] Ther wilbe
many vther Divellis, waiting wpon our Maister Divell; bot he is bigger
and mor awfull than the rest of the Divellis, and they all reverence
him. I will ken them all, on by on, from vtheris, quhan they appeir
lyk a man.'

In a later confession Issobell gave the names more fully. 'The names of owr Divellis that waited wpon ws, ar thes. First, Robert, the Jakis; Sanderis, the Read Reaver; Thomas, the Fearie; Swein, the roaring Lion; Thieffe of Hell, wait wpon hir self; Makhectour; Robert, the Rule; Hendrie Laing; and Rorie.'[892] In Connecticut in 1662 'Robert Sterne testifieth as followeth: I saw this woman goodwife Seager in ye woods wth three more women and with them I saw two black creatures like two Indians but taller. I saw the women dance round these black creatures and whiles I looked upon them one of the women G. Greensmith said looke who is yonder and then they ran away up the hill. I stood still and ye black things came towards mee and then I turned to come away.'[893]

4. _Transformations into Animals_

The belief that human beings can change themselves, or be changed, into animals carries with it the corollary that wounds received by a person when in the semblance of an animal will remain on the body after the return to human shape. This belief seems to be connected with the worship of animal-gods or sacred animals, the worshipper being changed into an animal by being invested with the skin of the creature, by the utterance of magical words, by the making of magical gestures, the wearing of a magical object, or the performance of magical ceremonies. The witches of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries appear to have carried on the tradition of the pre-Christian cults; and the stories of their transformations, when viewed in the light of the ancient examples, are capable of the same explanation. Much confusion, however, has been caused by the religious and so-called scientific explanations of the contemporary commentators, as well as by the unfortunate belief of modern writers in the capacity of women for hysteria. At both periods pseudo-science has prevented the unbiassed examination of the material.

There are no records extant of the animals held sacred by the early inhabitants of Great Britain, but it is remarkable that the range of the witches' transformations was very limited; cats and hares were the usual animals, occasionally but rarely dogs, mice, crows, rooks, and bees. In France, where the solemn sacrifice of a goat at the Sabbath points to that animal being sacred, it is not surprising to find both men and women witches appearing as goats and sheep. Unless there were some definite meaning underlying the change of shape, there would be no reason to prevent the witches from transforming themselves into animals of any species. It would seem then that the witches, like the adorers of animal gods in earlier times, attempted to become one with their god or sacred animal by taking on his form; the change being induced by the same means and being as real to the witch as to Sigmund the Volsung[894] or the worshipper of Lycaean Zeus.[895]

In the earlier cults the worshipper, on becoming an animal, changed his outward shape to the eye of faith alone, though his actions and probably his voice proclaimed the transformation. The nearest approach to an outward change was by covering the body with the skin of the animal, or by wearing a part of the skin or a mask. The witches themselves admitted that they were masked and veiled, and the evidence of other witnesses goes to prove the same. Boguet suggests that the disguise was used to hide their identity, which was possibly the case at times, but it seems more probable, judging by the evidence, that the masking and veiling were for ritual purposes.

In Lorraine in 1589 a male witness stated that 'indem wird er eine Hoele, welche sie nennen die Morelianische Klippe, gewahr, darinnen sechs Weiber mit Larven umb ein Tisch voll guldernen und silbernen Geschieren herumb tanzten'.--Bernhardt's Nicolaea said that she had seen in an open field 'mitten am hellen Tage, einen Tantz von Maennern und Weibern, und weil dieselben auff eine besondere Weise und hinterruecks tantzten, kam es ihr frembd fuer, stunde derhalben still, und sahe mit allem Fleiss zu da ward sie gewahr, das etliche in dem Reyhen waren so Geiss und Kuhfuss hatten'.[896] At North Berwick in 1590 seven score witches 'danced endlong the Kirk yard. John Fian, missellit [muffled, masked] led the ring.'[897] The witches whom Boguet examined in 1598 confessed to using masks: 'Les Sorciers dansent doz cotre doz, pour ne pas estre recogneus; pour la mesme raison ils se masquent encor' auiourd'huy pour la plus part.--Ils se masquent pour le iour d'huy, selon que Clauda Paget l'a confesse, & auec elle plusieurs autres.--Estienne Poicheux rapportoit que partie des femmes, qu'elle auoit veues au Sabbat, estaient voilees. Et pour cela aussi les Lombards par leurs loix les appellent _Mascas_.'[898] In 1609 de Lancre points out that in the Basses-Pyrenees there were two grades of witches: 'Il y en a de deux sortes. Auc[~u]s sont voilez pour doner opinion aux pauures que ce sont des Princes & grads seigneurs. Les autres sont decouuerts & tout ouuertemet dacent, & ceux cy ne sont si pres du maistre, si fauoris ne si employez.'[899] In 1613 Barbe, the wife of Jean-Remy Colin de Moyemont, said that 'elle a veu dancer les assistans en nombre de sept a huict personnes, partie desquelles elle ne cognoissoit ad cause des masques hideux qu'elles auoient de noire.'[900]

Josine Deblicq in Hainault (1616) was asked, 'Que savez vous de la troisieme danse? R. Elle eut lieu au Rond-Cheneau, sur le chemin de Nivelles, pres d'une fontaine. Il y avait bien 21 ou 22 femmes, toutes masquees, chacune avec son amoureux accoutre d'un deguisement bleu, jaune ou noir.'[901] In 1652 a French witch 'dist qu'elles dansoient les dots l'une a l'autre et qu'au milieux il y auoit vne feme masquee tenant vne chandelle'.[902]

It will be seen from the above that the witches were often disguised at the dance, a fact strongly suggesting that the masking was entirely ritual. As the witch trials in Great Britain seldom mention, much less describe, the dance, it follows that the greater number of the cases of masks are found in France, though a few occur in Scotland, still fewer in England.

The transformation by means of an animal's skin or head is mentioned in the _Liber Poenitentialis_ of Theodore in 668 (see p. 21). It continued among the witches, and in 1598 in the Lyons district 'il y a encor des Demons, qui assistent a ces danses en forme de boucs, ou de moutons. Antoine Tornier dit, que lors qu'elle dansoit, vn mouton noir la tenoit par la main auec ses pieds bien haireux, c'est a dire rudes & reuesches'.[903]

In many cases it is very certain that the transformation was ritual and not actual; that is to say the witches did not attempt to change their actual forms but called themselves cats, hares, or other animals. In the Aberdeen trials of 1596-7 the accused are stated to have 'come to the Fish Cross of this burgh, under the conduct of Sathan, ye all danced about the Fish Cross and about the Meal market a long space'. Here there is no suggestion of any change of form, yet in the accusation against Bessie Thom, who was tried for the same offence, the dittay states that 'there, accompanied with thy devilish companions and faction, transformed in other likeness, some in hares, some in cats, and some in other similitudes, ye all danced about the Fish Cross'.[904] In 1617 in Guernsey Marie Becquet said that 'every time that she went to the Sabbath, the Devil came to her, and it seemed as though he transformed her into a female dog'.[905] Again at Alloa in 1658, Margret Duchall, describing the murder of Cowdan's bairns, said 'after they war turned all in the liknes of cattis, they went in ouer Jean Lindsayis zaird Dyk and went to Coudans hous, whair scho declared, that the Dewill being with tham went up the stair first with margret tailzeor Besse Paton and elspit blak'. On the other hand, Jonet Blak and Kathren Renny, who were also present and described the same scene, said nothing about the cat-form, though they particularize the clothes of the other witches. Jonet Blak said, 'the diwell, margret tailzeor with ane long rok, and kathren renny with the short rok and the bony las with the blak pok all went up the stair togidder'; while Kathren Renny said that 'ther was ane bony las with ane blak pok, who went befor ower Jean Lindsayis zaird dyk and Margret tailzeor with hir'.[906] The evidence of Marie Lamont (1662) suggests the same idea of a ritual, though not an actual, change; 'shee confessed, that shee, Kettie Scot, and Margrat Holm, cam to Allan Orr's house in the likenesse of kats, and followed his wif into the chalmer'; and on another occasion 'the devil turned them in likeness of kats, by shaking his hands above their heads'.[907] In Northumberland (1673) the same fact appears to underlie the evidence. Ann Armstrong declared that at a witch meeting Ann Baites 'hath been severall times in the shape of a catt and a hare, and in the shape of a greyhound and a bee, letting the divell see how many shapes she could turn herself into.--They [the witches] stood all upon a bare spott of ground, and bid this informer sing whilst they danced in severall shapes, first of a haire, then in their owne, and then in a catt, sometimes in a mouse, and in severall other shapes.--She see all the said persons beforemencioned danceing, some in the likenesse of haires, some in the likenesse of catts, others in the likenesse of bees, and some in their owne likenesse.'[908]

The method of making the ritual change by means of magical words is recorded in the Auldearne trials, where Isobel Gowdie, whose evidence was purely voluntary, gives the actual words both for the change into an animal and for the reversion into human form. To become a hare:

'I sall goe intill ane haire,
With sorrow, and sych, and meikle caire,
And I sall goe in the Divellis nam,
Ay whill I com hom againe.'

To become a cat or a crow the same verse was used with an alteration of the second line so as to force a rhyme; instead of 'meikle caire', the words were 'a blak shot' for a cat, and 'a blak thraw' for a crow or craw. To revert again to the human form the words were:

'Hare, hare, God send thee care.
I am in an hare's likeness just now,
But I shall be in a woman's likeness even now',

with the same variation of 'a black shot' or 'a black thraw' for a cat or a crow. The Auldearne witches were also able to turn one another into animals:

'If we, in the shape of an cat, an crow, an hare, or any other
likeness, &c., go to any of our neighbours houses, being Witches, we
will say, I (or we) conjure thee Go with us (or me). And presently
they become as we are, either cats, hares, crows, &c., and go with us
whither we would. When one of us or more are in the shape of cats, and
meet with any others our neighbours, we will say, Devil speed thee, Go
thou with me. And immediately they will turn in the shape of a cat,
and go with us.'[909]

The very simplicity of the method shows that the transformation was ritual; the witch announced to her fellow that she herself was an animal, a fact which the second witch would not have known otherwise; the second witch at once became a similar animal and went with the first to perform the ritual acts which were to follow. The witches were in their own estimation and in the belief of all their comrades, to whom they communicated the fact, actually animals, though to the uninitiated eye their natural forms remained unchanged. This is probably the explanation of Marie d'Aspilcouette's evidence, which de Lancre records in 1609:

'Elle a veu aussi les sorcieres insignes se changer en plusieurs
sortes de bestes, pour faire peur a ceux qu'elles rencontroient: Mais
celles qui se transformoyent ainsi, disoyent qu'elles n'estoyent
veritablement transformees, mais seulement qu'elles sembloyent l'estre
& neantmoins pendant qu'elles sont ainsi en apparences bestes, elles
ne parlent du tout point'.[910]

The best example of transformation by means of a magical object placed on the person is from Northumberland (1673), where Ann Armstrong stated that 'Anne Forster come with a bridle, and bridled her and ridd upon her crosse-leggd, till they come to [the] rest of her companions. And when she light of her back, pulld the bridle of this informer's head, now in the likenesse of a horse; but, when the bridle was taken of, she stood up in her owne shape.... This informant was ridden upon by an inchanted bridle by Michael Aynsly and Margaret his wife, Which inchanted bridle, when they tooke it of from her head, she stood upp in her owne proper person.... Jane Baites of Corbridge come in the forme of a gray catt with a bridle hanging on her foote, and bridled her, and rid upon her in the name of the devill.'[911] This is again a clear account of the witch herself and her companions believing in the change of form caused by the magical object in exactly the same way that the shamans believe in their own transformation by similar means.

The Devil had naturally the same power as the witches, but in a greater degree. The evidence of Marie Lamont quoted above shows that he transformed them into animals by a gesture only. It seems possible that this was also the case with Isobel Shyrie at Forfar (1661), who was called 'Horse' and 'the Devil's horse'. The name seems to have given rise to the idea that 'she was shod like a mare or a horse'; she was in fact the officer or messenger who brought her companions to the meetings. She was never seen in the form of a horse, her transformation being probably effected by the Devil, in order that she might 'carry' the witches to and from the meetings; Agnes Spark said that Isobel 'carried her away to Littlemiln, [and] carried her back again to her own house'.[912]

There is also another method of transformation, which is the simplest. The witches themselves, like their contemporaries, often believed that the actual animals, which they saw, were human beings in animal form. Jeannette de Belloc, aged twenty-four, in the Basses-Pyrenees (1609), described the Sabbath as 'vne foire celebre de toutes sortes de choses, en laquelle aucuns se promen[~e]t en leur propre forme, & d'autres sont transformez ne scayt pourquoy, en animaux. Elle n'a iamais veu aucune d'elles se trasformer en beste en sa presence, mais seulement certaines bestes courir par le sabbat.'[913] Helen Guthrie of Forfar (1661) states the case with even greater simplicity: 'The last summer except one, shee did sie John Tailzeour somtymes in the shape of a todde, and somtymes in the shape of a swyn, and that the said Johne Tailzeour in these shapes went wp and doune among William Millne, miller at Hetherstakes, his cornes for the destructioune of the same, because the said William hade taken the mylne ouer his head; and that the diuell cam to her and pointed out Johne Tailzeour in the forsaid shapes unto her, and told her that that wes Johne Tailzeour.'[914]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 831: Forbes, ii, p. 33.]

[Footnote 832: _Examination of John Walsh._]

[Footnote 833: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 236.]

[Footnote 834: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 157-60.]

[Footnote 835: _Alse Gooderidge_, p. 27.]

[Footnote 836: From an unpublished trial in the Justiciary Court at Edinburgh.]

[Footnote 837: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 136, 137, 152.]

[Footnote 838: Sharpe, p. 191.]

[Footnote 839: Forbes, ii, pp. 33.]

[Footnote 840: F. Hutchinson, _Hist. Essay_, p. 77.]

[Footnote 841: Giffard, p. 18.]

[Footnote 842: _Witches at Chelmsford_, pp. 24-32; Philobiblon Soc., viii.]

[Footnote 843: _Rehearsall_, par. 2-5.]

[Footnote 844: Also called Tissey. Compare the name of the magic cat given to Frances More by Goodwife Weed, p. 219.]

[Footnote 845: In Ales Hunt's own confession (q. v.) the animals in question are called _colts_. I would suggest that this is _cotes_, the well-known provincialism for _cats_; but the recorder understood the word as _colts_ and further improved it into _horses_.]

[Footnote 846: _Witches taken at St. Oses_, A 3, A 5, C 3 and 4, B 2, B 5 and C 1, B 3.]

[Footnote 847: Giffard, pp. 19, 27, 39.]

[Footnote 848: Potts, B 3.]

[Footnote 849: Fairfax, pp. 32, 33, 34, 79, 82.]

[Footnote 850: _Wonderfull Discouerie of Elisabeth Sawyer._]

[Footnote 851: Whitaker, p. 216.]

[Footnote 852: Howell, iv, 834 et seq.]

[Footnote 853: Davenport, pp. 1-12.]

[Footnote 854: Gibbons, p. 113.]

[Footnote 855: Gerish, _The Divel's Delusions_, p. 12.]

[Footnote 856: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 151, 157.]

[Footnote 857: Petto, p. 18.]

[Footnote 858: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, pp. 801, 803.]

[Footnote 859: La Martiniere, pp. 42-3 (ed. 1671).]

[Footnote 860: Imp = A slip, sapling, scion; hence applied to persons with the meaning child, lad, boy.]

[Footnote 861: _Lawes against Witches_, p 7.]

[Footnote 862: Howell, iv, 855.]

[Footnote 863: Davenport, p. 12.]

[Footnote 864: Id., p. 1.]

[Footnote 865: _Witches at Chelmsford_, pp. 20, 29.]

[Footnote 866: _Examination of John Walsh._ His master was Sir Robert Draiton.]

[Footnote 867: Giffard, p. C., see _Percy Soc._, viii.]

[Footnote 868: De Lancre, _L'Incredulite_, p. 803.]

[Footnote 869: Howell, iv, 834, 836.]

[Footnote 870: Davenport, p. 5.]

[Footnote 871: _Witches at Chelmsford_, p. 24. Philobiblon Soc., viii.]

[Footnote 872: _Witches taken at St. Oses_, p. C 4.]

[Footnote 873: _Alse Gooderidge_, pp. 26, 27.]

[Footnote 874: Howell, iv, 845, 853, 856.]

[Footnote 875: _Moore Rental_, Chetham Society, xii, p. 59.]

[Footnote 876: Scheffer, quoting Tornaeus.]

[Footnote 877: Davies, p. 231. For a similar practice in modern England, see _Transactions of the Devonshire Association_, vi (1874), p. 201.]

[Footnote 878: _Witches at Chelmsford_, p. 34. Philobiblon Soc., viii.]

[Footnote 879: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 129.]

[Footnote 880: Potts, H 3.]

[Footnote 881: Goodcole, _Wonderfull Discoverie_, p. C.]

[Footnote 882: J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 31; Howell, vi, 659.]

[Footnote 883: 'Nos sorciers tiennent la plus-part de ces Demons pour leurs Dieux,' De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 23.]

[Footnote 884: Moret, pp. 247 seq.]

[Footnote 885: Camden Soc., _Dame Alice Kyteler_, p. 3]

[Footnote 886: Boguet, pp. 69, 132.]

[Footnote 887: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 67, 197.]

[Footnote 888: _Wonderfull Discoverie of Margaret and Phillip Flower_, E 3.]

[Footnote 889: Whitaker, p. 216.]

[Footnote 890: Gerish, _The Divel's Delusions_, p. 12.]

[Footnote 891: Pitcairn notes: 'Issobell, as usual, appears to have been stopped short here by her interrogators, when she touched on such matters', i.e. the fairies.]

[Footnote 892: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 606, 614.]

[Footnote 893: Taylor, p. 81.]

[Footnote 894: _Volsunga Saga_, Bks. I, II; Wm. Morris, _Collected Works_, xii, pp. 32. 77.]

[Footnote 895: Pausanias, viii, 2, 3, 6, ed. Frazer. Cp. also the animal names applied to priests and priestesses, e.g. the King-bees of Ephesus; the Bee-priestesses of Demeter, of Delphi, of Proserpine, and of the Great Mother; the Doves of Dodona; the Bears in the sacred dance of Artemis; the Bulls at the feast of Poseidon at Ephesus; the Wolves at the Lupercalia, &c.]

[Footnote 896: Remigius, pt. i, pp. 65, 67.]

[Footnote 897: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6.]

[Footnote 898: Boguet, pp. 120, 132-3.]

[Footnote 899: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 129.]

[Footnote 900: Fournier, p. 16.]

[Footnote 901: Monoyer, p. 30.]

[Footnote 902: Van Elven, v, p. 215.]

[Footnote 903: Boguet, p. 132.]

[Footnote 904: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97, 114-15, 165; Bessie Thom, p. 167. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 905: Goldsmid, p. 10.]

[Footnote 906: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, pp. 50-2.]

[Footnote 907: Sharpe, pp. 132, 134.]

[Footnote 908: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 191, 193, 194.]

[Footnote 909: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 607, 608, 611. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 910: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 128.]

[Footnote 911: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 192, 194, 197.]

[Footnote 912: Kinloch, p. 129. Spelling modernized.]

[Footnote 913: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 129, 130.]

[Footnote 914: Kinloch, p. 123.]