Chapter XVII: Part 17

Sincerely do I wish that the several State societies had, or would adopt the alterations that were recommended by the general meeting, in May, seventeen hundred and eighty-four. I then thought, and have had no cause since to change my opinion, that if the society of the Cincinnati mean to live in peace with the rest of their fellow-citizens, they must subscribe to the alterations which were at that time adopted.

That the jealousies of, and prejudices against, this society, were carried to an unwarrantable length, I will readily grant; and that _less_ than was done, _ought_ to have removed the fears which had been imbibed, I am as clear in, as I am that it would not have done it. But it is a matter of little moment, whether the alarm which seized the public mind was the result of foresight, envy, and jealousy, or a disordered imagination: the effect of perseverance would have been the same. Wherein, then, would have been found an equivalent for the separation of interests which (from my best information, not from one State only, but many) would inevitably have taken place?

The fears of the people are not yet removed; they only sleep; and a very little matter will set them afloat again. Had it not been for the predicament we stood in with respect to the foreign officers and the charitable part of the Institution, I should, on that occasion, as far as my voice would have gone, have endeavored to convince the narrow-minded part of our countrymen, that the _amor patriæ_ was much stronger in our breasts than theirs, and that our conduct, through the whole of the business, was actuated by nobler and more generous sentiments than were apprehended, by abolishing the society at once, with a declaration of the causes, and the purity of its intention. But the latter may be interesting to many, and the former is an insuperable bar to such a step.

I am sincerely concerned to find, by your letter, that the Baron is again in straitened circumstances. I am much disinclined to ask favors of Congress; but if I knew what the object of his wishes are, I should have much pleasure in rendering him any service in my power, with such members of that body as I now and then correspond with. I had flattered myself, from what was told me some time ago, that Congress had made a final settlement with the Baron much to his satisfaction.

I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
G. Washington.

To Alex. Hamilton, Esq.

HAMILTON TO NATHANIEL HAZARD.

April 24, 1786.

Sir:

Your letter of the twenty-first was only delivered me this morning. The good opinion of liberal men I hold in too high estimation not to be flattered by that part of your letter which relates to me personally. The other part I have communicated to General Schuyler, and he assures me he will see all his friends this afternoon upon the subject; so that I have no doubt, as far as his influence extends, it will be employed in favor of the success of the bill in the Assembly, as it has already been in the Senate.

In taking this step, however, I would not be understood to declare any opinion concerning the principles of the bill, with which I am not sufficiently acquainted to form a decided opinion. I have merely made your letter the occasion of introducing the subject to General Schuyler, whose sentiments are as favorable to your wishes as you could desire.

I make this observation from that spirit of candor which I hope will always direct my conduct. I am aware that I have been represented as an enemy to the wishes of what you call your corps. If by this has been meant that I do not feel as much as any man, not immediately interested, for the distresses of those merchants who have been in a great measure the victims of the Revolution, the supposition does not do justice either to my head or my heart. But if it means that I have always viewed the mode of relieving them as a matter of peculiar delicacy and difficulty, it is well founded.

I should have thought it unnecessary to enter into this explanation, were it not that I am held up as a candidate at the ensuing election; and I would not wish that the step I have taken, in respect to your letter, should be considered as implying more than it does; for I would never wish to conciliate at the expense of candor. On the other hand, I confide in your liberality not to infer more than I intend from the explanation I have given; and hope you will believe me to be, with great cordiality and esteem,

Dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

To Mr. Hazard.

CUSHING, DANA, AND BRECK TO HAMILTON.

New-York, Sept. 10, 1786.

Gentlemen:

Understanding, on our arrival in this city last Friday evening, that you had gone on for the Convention at Annapolis the week past, we take the liberty to acquaint you, and beg you to communicate to the Convention, if it should be opened before we arrive there, that we shall set off from this place to-morrow to join them, as Commissioners from the State of Massachusetts, which we hope to do in the course of this week. The Commissioners from Philadelphia were to sail from thence for this city, on the seventh instant, so that they may be expected soon after us.

With great respect,
Your most obedient humble servants,
Thomas Cushing.
F. T. H. Dana.
Saml. Breck.

The Gentlemen
Commissioners for New-York.

LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.

Paris, April 12, 1787.

My Dear Hamilton:

It is an age since I heard from you. Of you I hear by some of our friends, and in the newspapers. But although I have a right to complain, I want to let you know the proceedings of our Assembly, which, as it is unusual in France, may raise your curiosity.

Our Constitution is pretty much what it was in England before it had been fairly written down and minutely preserved; so that we have great claims to freedom, to a National Representation, to the denial of taxes, &c., &c. But disposition on one hand, and levity on the other have manœuvred us out of almost every privilege. They will still subsist, however, more or less, in some provinces, and particularly in those of Bretagne.

Now that the follies of Courts had obliged Government to saddle us with new taxes, and the opposition of our magistrates did present itself as an obstacle to the ministers, they have thought proper to call an Assembly of Notables, chosen by the king, but taken among the first people in _each_ order, and to begin with granting them what is more wished for by the nation, an Assembly in each Province.

The last Assembly of Notables, in 1626, had been obedient to the ministers. This one came at a more enlightened period. It happened under a minister, who, although he has parts, is not equal to some of the members--men of fine abilities. We are backed by the nation, and although not her representatives, have behaved as her interpreters, and we have formed a great majority in favor of popular measures.

The speeches from the throne, those of M. de Calonne, have been printed: the last one contains many falsehoods. The first measure we took was for the clergy to declare they were ready to pay in the same proportion with other people, for the Noblesse to make the same declaration, and reject a pecuniary privilege that was offered, in lieu of the other that is taken off.

We have gratefully accepted the provincial elective assemblies, but have united on such alterations as will invigorate them. M. de Calonne had made a mixture of democracy and despotism which did annihilate those checks and gradations that are necessary evils, wherever there is a king. But I think the provincial assemblies, as they are proposed by us, may lay a foundation for a good building.

Several plans for the removal of internal Custom offices, for the free exportation of corn, for the change in the salt tax, for the annihilation of some duties, and now for the disposal of the king’s domanial possessions, have been examined, and underwent several alterations. To some we have only left the titles of the chapters, but changed them, in my opinion, much for the better.

The idea of a general tax in kind, was proposed by the government, but we said it was not practicable. As to any new imposition, we have answered, it is impossible to form an opinion before we know the return of the exports of the two last years, and the plans of economy that are intended. We have not, it is true, any powers from the nation, but our opinion is asked, and in a measure has become necessary, and a majority of us do not think their opinion can be given, until those preliminaries are fulfilled.

There is a very interesting contrast between the king’s power at Versailles, and the opposition of that Assembly which is held there, and divided in seven committees of twenty, or twenty-two each, presided by a prince of the blood. Hitherto we have not voted in a General Assembly, although we had some to hear the Minister. But the opinions of the committees only are now taken, and in the end each vote will be pronounced in the whole house, beginning from the last up to the first in rank. You know that we have the Clergy, Magistracy, Noblesse, and Tiers Etat.

At the last meeting we had before the recess of these holidays, I had a personal battle of some importance. The king’s domanial property has been a pretence to lavish money on the princes of the blood, favorites, and the powerful people of the country. I had the day before moved for an examination of those bargains, wherein more than fifty millions have been thrown away. The great people being afraid of being found out, and particularly M. de Calonne, who is guilty of the most indecent depredation, thought they must intimidate me and the Bishop of Langres, M. de la Luzerne’s brother, who had seconded my motion. They, in consequence of it, persuaded the king to have us told by his brother, our president, that such motions ought to be signed. Upon which, we signed the inclosed paper; and the bishop said, that after the rents, he would bring in some accounts, signed by him, of the bargain of sinecure, made by M. de Calonne. The king was very angry with me; M. de Calonne, who had his confidence, intended signal revenge. I was preparing to support what I had said, when we suddenly heard that M. de Calonne had been dismissed. The keeper of the seal was also sent off. I am glad we got rid of M. de Calonne; and with his successor, who, unfortunately, is an old broken man, may improve the opportunity of this Assembly, and let us make useful arrangements.

Adieu, my dear Hamilton; my best respects wait on Mrs. Hamilton. Remember me to Gen. Knox, Wadsworth--all our friends, and particularly the good doctor.

Most affectionately yours,
La Fayette.

P. S. Don’t tell the French Chargé d’Affairs that you have this paper from me, except that there is nothing in it, for topics have spread every _where_.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

New-York, July 3, 1787.

Dear Sir:

In my passage through the Jerseys, and since my arrival here, I have taken particular pains to discover the public sentiment, and I am more and more convinced that this is the critical opportunity for establishing the prosperity of this country on a solid foundation. I have conversed with men of information, not only of this city, but from different parts of the State; and they agree that there has been an astonishing revolution for the better in the minds of the people.

The prevailing apprehension among thinking men is, that the Convention, from the fear of shocking the popular opinion, will not go far enough. They seem to be convinced, that a strong, well-mounted government will better suit the popular palate, than one of a different complexion. Men in office are, indeed, taking all possible pains to give an unfavorable impression of the Convention; but the current seems to be moving strongly the other way.

A plain, but sensible man, in a conversation I had with him yesterday, expressed himself nearly in this manner:--The people begin to be convinced that “their excellent form of government,” as they have been used to call it, will not answer their purpose, and that they must substitute something not very remote from that which they have lately quitted.

These appearances, though they will not warrant a conclusion that the people are yet ripe for such a plan as I advocate, yet serve to prove that there is no reason to despair of their adopting one equally energetic, if the Convention should think proper to propose it. They serve to prove that we ought not to allow too much weight to objections drawn from the supposed repugnance of the people to an efficient constitution. I confess, I am more and more inclined to believe, that former habits of thinking are regaining their influence with more rapidity than is generally imagined.

Not having compared ideas with you, sir, I cannot judge how far our sentiments agree; but, as I persuade myself, the genuineness of my representations will receive credit with you. My anxiety for the event of the deliberations of the Convention, induces me to make this communication of what appears to be the tendency of the public mind.

I own to you, sir, that I am seriously and deeply distressed at the aspect of the counsels which prevailed when I left Philadelphia. I fear that we shall let slip the golden opportunity of rescuing the American Empire from disunion, anarchy, and misery.

No motley or feeble measure can answer the end, or will finally receive the public support. Decision is true wisdom, and will be not less reputable to the Convention, than salutary to the community.

I shall of necessity remain here ten or twelve days. If I have reason to believe that my attendance at Philadelphia will not be mere waste of time, I shall, after that period, rejoin the Convention.

A. Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 10th July, 1787.

Dear Sir:

I thank you for your communication of the 3d. When I refer you to the state of the councils which prevailed at the period you left this city, and add that they are now, if possible, in a worse train than ever; you will find but little ground on which the hope of a good establishment can be formed. In a word, I _almost_ despair of seeing a favorable issue to the proceedings of the Convention, and do, therefore, repent having any agency in the business.

The men who oppose a strong and energetic government are in my opinion narrow-minded politicians, or are under the influence of local views. The apprehension expressed by them, that the _people_ will not accede to the form proposed, is the _ostensible_, not the _real_, cause of the opposition; but admitting that the _present_ sentiment is as they prognosticate, the question ought nevertheless to be, is it or is it not the best form? If the former, recommend it, and it will assuredly obtain, maugre opposition.

I am sorry you went away; I wish you were back. The crisis is equally important and alarming, and no opposition under such circumstances should discourage exertions, till the signature is fixed. I will not at this time trouble you with more than my best wishes and sincere regards.

I am, dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
G. Washington.

Alexander Hamilton, Esq.

HAMILTON TO ----

New-York, ----, 1787.

Dear Sir:

Agreeably to what passed between us, I have had an interview with Mr. Auldjo, and I flatter myself if there is (as I doubt not there will be) as much moderation on the part of Major Peirce as there appears to be on that of Mr. Auldjo, that the affair between them may yet be amicably terminated.

But Mr. Auldjo observes, I confess in my opinion with propriety, that he ought to know with some precision the matters which have given offence to Major Peirce, before he can enter into explanations; which he declares himself to be very ready to do with coolness and candor, the moment he shall be enabled to do it by a specification of the subjects of complaint. If a personal interview is for any reason disagreeable to Major Peirce, I entreat you, my dear sir, to obtain from him, and to communicate to me by letter, the substance of what has occasioned his dissatisfaction, with so much particularity only as will put it in the power of Mr. Auldjo to give an explicit answer. Major Peirce will, I hope, have no scruples about this, for as the door of explanation has been opened by Mr. Auldjo, there is no punctilio which stands in his way; and I trust he will feel the force of a sentiment which prudence and humanity equally dictate, that extremities ought then only to ensue when, after a fair experiment, accommodation has been found impracticable. An attention to this principle interests the characters of both the gentlemen concerned, and with them our own; and from every other consideration, as well as that of personal friendship to the parties, I sincerely wish to give it its full operation. I am convinced you are not less anxious to effect this than myself; and I trust our joint endeavors will not prove unsuccessful.

I remain with sincere regard,
Dear Sir, your obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

I cannot, however, conclude without making one remark. Though Mr. Auldjo has expressed and still entertains a desire of explanation, it would ill become him to solicit it. Whatever, therefore, in my expressions may seem to urge such an explanation with the earnestness of entreaty, must be ascribed to my own feelings, and to that inclination which every man of sensibility must feel, not to see extremities take place if it be in his power to prevent them, or until they become an absolutely necessary sacrifice to public opinion.

I remain with sincere regard,
Dear Sir, your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO AULDJO.

New-York, July 26, 1787.

Sir:

I have delivered the paper you committed to me, as it stood altered, to Major Peirce, from whose conduct I am to conclude the affair between you is at an end. He informs me that he is shortly to set out on a jaunt up the North River.

As you intimate a wish to have my sentiments in writing on the transaction, I shall with pleasure declare that the steps you have taken in consequence of Mr. Peirce’s challenge have been altogether in conformity to my opinion of what would be prudent, proper, and honorable on your part. They seem to have satisfied Mr. Peirce’s scruples arising from what he apprehended in some particulars to have been your conduct to him, and I presume we are to hear nothing further of the matter.

I remain with great esteem, Sir,
Your obedient and humble servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

To Mr. Auldjo.

HAMILTON TO RUFUS KING.

New-York, August 20, 1787.

Dear Sir:

Since my arrival here, I have written to my colleagues, informing them if either of them would come down, I would accompany him to Philadelphia; so much for the sake of propriety and public opinion. In the mean time, if any material alteration should happen to be made in the plan now before the Convention, I will be obliged to you for a communication of it. I will also be obliged to you to let me know when your conclusion is at hand, for I would choose to be present at that time.

HAMILTON TO WADSWORTH.

August 20, 1787.

My Dear Sir:

The inclosed is said to be the copy of a letter circulating in your State. The history of its appearance among us is, that it was sent by one _Whitmore_ of Stratford, formerly in the Paymaster General’s office, to one James Reynolds of this city.

I am at a loss clearly to understand its object, and have some suspicion, that it has been fabricated to excite jealousy against the Convention, with a view to an opposition to their recommendations. At all events, I wish, if possible, to trace its source, and send it to you for that purpose.

Whitmore must of course say where he got it, and by pursuing the information we may at last come at the author. Let me know the political connections of this man, and the complexion of the people most active in the circulation of the letter. Be so good as to attend to this inquiry somewhat particularly, as I have different reasons of some moment for setting it on foot.

I remain, &c.
A. Hamilton.

To Jeremiah Wadsworth.

COL. WADSWORTH TO HAMILTON.

Hartford, August 26, 1787.

My Dear Sir:

I received your favor this day, with the inclosed copy of a letter, said to be circulating in this State. Some time since a paragraph in the New Haven papers hinted at such a letter, and appeared to be written to secure the Anti-federal party or alarm them. And I believed it was well intended, as it seemed to be meant to prepare them to comply with the doings of the Convention, lest worse befell them; but the close of the letter appears to be calculated for other purposes. Wetmore has always associated with men who wished well to America, and a good Government. He is half-brother to the spirited Federal writer in our papers, who signs himself Cato; and if he has really written or circulated the letter in question, I am quite at a loss to know his intentions. I have communicated this matter to Col. Humphreys, in confidence, who is on his way to New Haven, where Wetmore lives, though formerly of Hartford. He will inquire carefully into the matter, and write you. He has lived in the same town with Wetmore, and can easily fathom him. Wetmore is naturally sanguine, has some talents, and I believe, is enterprising, but fickle. Who the active people in this business are, I have yet to learn, as it certainly has not circulated hereabouts. But from Humphreys you may expect to know all that is true, in Wetmore’s neighborhood. I have always been Humphreys’ friend, but a nearer acquaintance with him convinces me he is a man of great integrity, and such talents as would wear well in any employment of confidence. If he comes to New-York I wish you to be more acquainted with him.

I am, dear Sir,
Your very humble servant,
Jerh. Wadsworth.

HAMILTON TO RUFUS KING.

New-York, August 28, 1787.

Dear Sir:

I wrote you, some days since, to request you to inform me when there was a prospect of your finishing, as I intended to be with you, for certain reasons, before the conclusion. It is whispered here, that some late changes in your scheme have taken place, which give it a higher tone. Is this the case? I leave town to-day to attend a circuit in a neighboring county, from which I shall return the last of the week, and shall be glad to find a line from you, explanatory of the period of the probable termination of your business.

COLONEL HUMPHREYS TO HAMILTON.

New Haven, Sept. 16, 1787.

My Dear Sir:

Our friend Col. Wadsworth has communicated to me a letter, in which you made inquiries respecting a political letter that has lately circulated in this State. I arrived in this town yesterday, and have since conversed with several intelligent persons on the subject. It appears to have been printed in a Fairfield paper as long ago as the 25th of July. I have not been able to trace it to its source. Mr. Wetmore informs me, that when he first saw this letter it was in the hands of one Jared Mansfield, who, I believe, has formerly been reputed a Loyalist. Indeed it seems to have been received and circulated with avidity by that class of people, whether it was fabricated by them or not. I think, however, there is little doubt that it was manufactured in this State. I demanded of Mr. Wetmore what he thought were the wishes and objects of the writer of that letter. He said, he believed it might be written principally for the amusement of the author, and perhaps with some view to learn whether the people were not absolutely indifferent to all government and dead to all political sentiment.

Before I saw the letter in question, a paragraph had been published by Mr. Meigs, giving an account of it, and attempting to excite the apprehensions of the Anti-federalists, with an idea, that the most disastrous consequences are to be expected, unless we shall accept the proceedings of the Convention. Some think this was the real design of the fictitious performance, but others, with more reason, that it was intended to feel the public pulse, and to discover whether the public mind would be startled with propositions of Royalty. The quondam tories have undoubtedly conceived hopes of a future union with Great Britain, from the inefficacy of our Government, and the tumults which prevailed in Massachusetts during the last winter. I saw a letter, written at that period, by a Clergyman of considerable reputation in Nova Scotia, to a person of eminence in this State, stating the impossibility of our being happy under our present Constitution, and proposing (now we could think and argue calmly on all the consequences) that the efforts of the moderate, the virtuous, and the brave, should be exerted to effect a reunion with the parent State. He mentioned, among other things, how instrumental the Cincinnati might be, and how much it would redound to their emolument. It seems, by a conversation I have had here, that the ultimate practicability of introducing the Bishop of Osnaburgh is not a novel idea among those who were formerly termed Loyalists. Ever since the peace it has been occasionally talked of and wished for. Yesterday, where I dined, half jest--half earnest--he was given as the first toast.

I leave you now, my dear friend, to reflect how ripe we are for the most mad and ruinous project that can be suggested, especially when, in addition to this view, we take into consideration how thoroughly the patriotic part of the community--the friends of an efficient Government, are discouraged with the present system, and irritated at the popular demagogues who are determined to keep themselves in office, at the risk of every thing. Thence apprehensions are formed, that though the measures proposed by the Convention, may not be equal to the wishes of the most enlightened and virtuous, yet that they will be too high-toned to be adopted by our popular assemblies. Should that happen, our political ship will be left afloat on a sea of chance, without a rudder as well as without a pilot.

I am happy to see you have (some of you) had the honest boldness to attack in a public paper, the Anti-federal dogmas of a great personage in your State. Go on and prosper. Were the men of talents and honesty, throughout the Continent, properly combined into one phalanx, I am confident they would be competent to hew their way through all opposition. Were there no little jealousies, bickerings and unworthy sinister views, to divert them from their object, they might by perseverance, establish a Government calculated to promote the happiness of mankind, and to make the Revolution a blessing instead of a curse.

I think it is probable that I shall soon go to the southward; in the mean time, I beg you to be persuaded that I am, with sentiments of sincere friendship and esteem,

My dear Hamilton,
Your most obedient and most humble serv’t,
D. Humphreys.

Col. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

1787.

Dear Sir:

You probably saw, some time since, some animadversions on certain expressions of Governor Clinton, respecting the Convention. You may have seen a piece, signed “A Republican,” attempting to bring the fact into question, and endeavoring to controvert the conclusions drawn from it, if true. My answer you will find in the inclosed. I trouble you with it merely from that anxiety, which is natural to every man, to have his veracity at least stand in a fair light. The matter seems to be given up by the Governor, and the fact, with the inferences from it, stand against him in full force, and operate as they ought to do.

It is, however, of some importance to the party to diminish whatever credit or influence I may possess, and to effect this, they stick at nothing. Among many contemptible artifices practised by them, they have had recourse to an insinuation, that I _palmed_ myself upon you, and that you _dismissed_ me from your family. This I confess hurts my feelings, and if it obtains credit, will require a contradiction. You, sir, will undoubtedly recollect the manner in which I came into your family, and went out of it; and know how destitute of foundation such insinuations are. My confidence in your justice will not permit me to doubt your readiness to put the matter in its true light in your answer to this letter. It cannot be my wish to give any complexion to the affair which might excite the least scruple in you; but I confess it would mortify me to lie under the imputation, either of having obtruded myself into the family of a General, or of having been turned out of it.

The new Constitution is as popular in this city as it is possible for any thing to be, and the prospect thus far is favorable to it throughout the State. But there is no saying what turn things may take when the full flood of official influence is let loose against it. This is to be expected; for though the Governor has not publicly declared himself, his particular connections and confidential friends are loud against it.

Mrs. Hamilton joins in respectful compliments to Mrs. Washington.

I remain with perfect esteem,
Your Excellency’s obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.

Paris, October 15, 1787.

My Dear Hamilton:

While you have been attending your most important Convention, debates were also going on in France respecting the constitutional rights, and matters of that kind. Grave reforms are taking place at court. The parliaments are remonstrating, and our provincial assemblies begin to pop out. Amidst many things that were not much to the purpose, some good principles have been laid out; and, although our affairs have a proper arrangement, the nation will not in the last be the loser. The prime minister is a man of candor, honesty, and abilities. But now the rumor of war sets us a-going. Not that France is wishing for it, and Great Britain ought to be satisfied with an advantageous treaty of commerce, and the profit of hers and Prussia’s treachery in Holland. But, while I consider the madness of the Turks, the movements of the Imperial Court, the folly of his Prussian Majesty, the late catastrophe in Holland, and the cry of England for war, I hardly think that the peaceful dispositions of this ministry--and, they say, of Mr. Pitt--will be able to extinguish a fire that is catching in every corner of Europe. It would be consistent with my inclination and best views that America be engaged in an active co-operation. But as I do not think it consistent with her interest, I have taken the liberty to express my ideas in an official letter to Mr. Jay, to whom I refer you. It seems to me, that a friendly, helping neutrality, would be useful to France, profitable to the United States, and perfectly safe on the footing of the treaties. Should America be forced to war, I wish it would be for the last campaign--time enough to occupy Canada and Newfoundland. But I see no inconvenience in privateering with French letters of marque.

Inclosed is the journal of a preliminary assembly in Auvergne. I am returning there as soon as we have done some arrangements respecting American commerce, which will result on as good footing in this kingdom as it is for the moment possible. The ministry are more favorably disposed.

I hope you will be satisfied with Count de Maurice and the Countess de Brehan, his sister-in-law. I beg leave to introduce them both to you and Mrs. Hamilton, to whom I offer my most affectionate regards. Remember me to the rest of the family and all friends. My best compliments wait on Gen. Schuyler and the doctor. Adieu, my good friend. The post is going to town. I have only time to tell that I am ever

Your most affectionate friend,
La Fayette.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Mount Vernon, October 18, 1787.

Dear Sir:

Your favor, without date, came to my hand by the last post. It is with unfeigned concern I perceive that a political dispute has arisen between Gov. Clinton and yourself. For both of you I have the highest esteem and regard. But as you say it is insinuated by some of your political adversaries, and may obtain credit, “that you _palmed_ yourself upon me and was _dismissed_ from my family,” and call upon me to do you justice by a recital of the facts; I do, therefore, explicitly declare, that both charges are entirely unfounded. With respect to the first, I have no cause to believe that you took a single step to accomplish, or had the most distant idea of receiving an appointment in my family till you were invited thereto. And with respect to the second, that your quitting it was altogether the effect of your own choice.

When the situation of this country calls loudly for unanimity and vigor, it is to be lamented that gentlemen of talent and character should disagree in their sentiments for promoting the public weal; but unfortunately this ever has been, and more than probable ever will be, the case in the affairs of man.

Having scarcely been from home since my return from Philadelphia, I can give but little information with respect to the _general_ reception of the new constitution in _this_ State. In Alexandria, however, and some of the adjacent counties, it has been embraced with an enthusiastic warmth of which I had no conception. I expect, notwithstanding, violent opposition will be given to it by _some_ characters of weight and influence in the State.

Mrs. Washington unites with me in sending her best wishes for Mrs. Hamilton and yourself.

I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient and affectionate friend,
G. Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

October 30, 1787.

I am much obliged to your Excellency for the explicit manner in which you contradict the insinuations mentioned in my last letter. The only use I shall make of your answer will be to put it into the hands of a few friends.

The constitution proposed has in this State warm friends, and warm enemies. The first impressions every where are in its favor; but the artillery of its opponents makes some impression. The event cannot yet be foreseen. The inclosed is the first number of a series of papers to be written in its defence.

I send you also, at the request of the Baron De Steuben, a printed pamphlet, containing the grounds of an application lately made to Congress. He tells me there is some reference to you, the object of which he does not himself seem clearly to understand; but imagines it may be in your power to be of service to him.

There are public considerations that induce me to be somewhat anxious for his success. He is fortified with materials, which, in Europe, could not fail to establish the belief of the contract he alleges. The documents of service he possesses are of a nature to convey an exalted idea of them. The compensations he has received, though considerable, if compared with those which have been received by American officers, will, according to European ideas, be very scanty in application to a stranger who is acknowledged to have rendered essential services. Our reputation abroad is not at present too high. To dismiss an old soldier empty and hungry, to seek the bounty of those on whom he has no claims, and to complain of unkind returns and violated engagements, will certainly not tend to raise it. I confess, too, there is something in my feelings which would incline me in this case to go farther than might be strictly necessary, rather than drive a man, at the Baron’s time of life, who has been a faithful servant, to extremities. And this is unavoidable if he does not succeed in his present attempt. What he asks would, all calculations made, terminate in this, an allowance of his five hundred and eighty guineas a year. He only wishes a recognition of the contract. He knows that until affairs mend no money can be produced. I do not know how far it may be in your power to do him any good; but I shall be mistaken if the considerations I have mentioned do not appear to your Excellency to have some weight.

I remain, with great respect and esteem,
Your Excellency’s obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

His Excellency General Washington.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Mount Vernon, November 10, 1787.

Dear Sir:

I thank you for the pamphlet, and for the Gazette, contained in your letter of the 30th ult. For the remaining numbers of Publius, I shall acknowledge myself obliged, as I am persuaded the subject will be well handled by the author.

The new constitution has, as the public prints will have informed you, been handed to the people of this State by a unanimous vote of the Assembly, but it is not to be inferred from hence that its opponents are silenced. On the contrary there are many, and some powerful ones--some of whom, it is said, by _overshooting_ the mark, have lessened their weight; be this as it may, their assiduity stands unrivalled, whilst the friends to the constitution content themselves with barely avowing their approbation of it. Thus stands the matter with us at present, yet my opinion is that the major voice is favorable.

Application has been made to me by Mr. Secretary Thompson (by order of Congress), for a copy of the report of a committee, which was appointed to confer with the Baron De Steuben, on his first arrival in this country, forwarded to me by Mr. President Laurens. This I have accordingly sent. It throws no other light on the subject than such as is to be derived from the disinterested conduct of the Baron. No terms are made by him, “nor will he accept of any thing but with general approbation.” I have, however, in my letter inclosing this report to the Secretary, taken occasion to express an unequivocal wish that Congress would reward the Baron for his services, sacrifices, and merits, to his entire satisfaction. It is the only way in which I could bring my sentiments before that honorable body, as it has been an established principle with me, to ask nothing from it.

With very great esteem and regard,
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.

HAMILTON TO JAMES MADISON, JUNR.

New-York, April 3, 1788.

I have been very delinquent, my dear sir, in not thanking you for your letter from Philadelphia. The remarks you made on a certain subject are important, and will be attended to.

There is truly much embarrassment in the case.

I think, however, the principles we have talked of, are not only just, but will apply to the other departments. Nor will the consequences appear so disagreeable as they may seem at first sight, when we attend to the true import of the rule established. The States _retain_ all the authorities they were before possessed of, not alienated in the three modes pointed out; but this does not include cases which are the creatures of the new Constitution. For instance, the crime of treason against the United States _immediately_ is a crime known only to the new Constitution. There of course _was_ no power in the State constitutions to pardon that crime. There will therefore be none under the new, &c. This is something like, it seems to me, to afford the best solution of the difficulty. I send you the Federalist from the beginning to the conclusion of the commentary on the Executive Branch. If our suspicions of the author be right, he must be too much engaged to make a rapid progress in what remains. The Court of Chancery and a Circuit Court are now sitting.

We are told that your election has succeeded, with which we all felicitate ourselves. I will thank you for an account of the result generally. In this State our prospects are much as you left them. A moot point which side will prevail. Our friends to the northward are active.

I remain,
Your affectionate obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

May 4, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

I believe I am in your debt a letter or two, which is owing to my occupation in relation to the elections, &c.

These are now over in this State, but the result is not known. All depends upon Albany, where both sides claim the victory. Our doubts will not be removed till the latter end of the month. I hope your expectations of Virginia have not diminished.

Respecting the first volume of Publius I have executed your commands. The books have been sent addressed to the care of Governor Randolph. The second, we are informed, will be out in the course of a week, and an equal number shall be forwarded. Inclosed is a letter, committed to my care by Mr. Vanderkemp, which I forward with pleasure.

Believe me, with great attachment,
Yours,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

New-York, May 19, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

I acknowledge my delinquency in not thanking you before for your obliging letter from Richmond. But the truth is, that I have been so overwhelmed in avocations of one kind or another, that I have scarcely had a moment to spare to a friend. You, I trust, will be the less disposed to be inexorable, as I hope you will believe there is no one for whom I have more inclination than yourself--I mean of the _male_ kind.

Your account of the situation of Virginia was interesting, and the present appearances, as represented here, justify your conjectures. It does not, however, appear that the adoption of the constitution can be considered as out of doubt in that State. Its conduct upon the occasion will certainly be of critical importance.

In this State, as far as we can judge, the elections have gone wrong. The event, however, will not certainly be known till the end of the month. Violence, rather than moderation, is to be looked for from the opposite party. Obstinacy seems the prevailing trait in the character of its leader. The language is, that if all the other States adopt, this is to persist in refusing the constitution. It is reduced to a certainty, that Clinton has in several conversations declared the _Union_ unnecessary; though I have the information through channels which do not permit a public use to be made of it.

We have, notwithstanding this unfavorable complexion of things, two sources of hope--one, the chance of a ratification by nine States, before we decide, and the influence of this upon the firmness of the _followers_; the other, the probability of a change of sentiment in the people, auspicious to the Constitution.

The current has been for some time running towards it; though the whole flood of official influence, accelerated by a torrent of falsehood, early gave the public opinion so violent a direction in a wrong channel, that it was not possible suddenly to alter its course. This is a mighty stiff simile; but you know what I mean; and after having started it, I did not choose to give up the chase.

Adieu. Yours sincerely,
A. Hamilton.

The members of the Convention in this city, by a majority of nine or ten to one, will be:--John Jay, Robert R. Livingston, Richard Morris, John Sloss Hobart, James Duane, Isaac Rosevelt, Richard Harrison, Nicholas Low, Alexander Hamilton.

G. Morris, Esq.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

New-York, May 19, 1788.

Some days since, I wrote to you, my dear sir, inclosing a letter from a Mr. Vanderkemp, &c.

I then mentioned to you that the question of a majority for or against the Constitution, would depend upon the County of Albany. By the later accounts from that quarter, I fear much that the issue there has been against us.

As Clinton is truly the leader of his party, and is inflexibly obstinate, I count little on overcoming opposition by reason. Our only chances will be the previous ratification by nine States, which may shake the firmness of his followers; and a change in the sentiments of the people, which have, for some time, been travelling towards the Constitution, though the first impressions, made by every species of influence and artifice, were too strong to be eradicated in time to give a decisive turn to the elections. We shall leave nothing undone to cultivate a favorable disposition in the citizens at large.

The language of the Anti-federalists is, that if all the other States adopt, New-York ought still to hold out. I have the most direct intelligence, but in a manner which forbids a public use being made of it, that Clinton has, in several conversations, declared his opinion of the _inutility_ of the Union. It is an unhappy reflection, that the friends to it should, by quarrelling for straws among themselves, promote the designs of its adversaries. We think here that the situation of your State is critical. Let me know what you now think of it. I believe you meet nearly at the time we do. It will be of vast importance that an exact communication should be kept up between us at that period; and the moment _any decisive_ question is taken, if favorable, I request you to dispatch an express to me with pointed orders to make all possible diligence, by changing horses, &c. All expense shall be thankfully and liberally paid. I executed your commands respecting the first volume of the Federalist. I sent forty of the common copies and twelve of the finer ones, addressed to the care of Governor Randolph. The printer announces the second volume in a day or two, when an equal number of the two kinds shall also be forwarded. He informs that the Judicial Department--Trial by Jury--Bill of Rights, &c., is discussed in some additional papers which have not yet appeared in the Gazettes.

I remain,
With great sincerity and attachment,
Yours,
A. Hamilton.

James Madison.

HAMILTON TO MADISON.

New-York, June 8, 1788.

My Dear Sir:

In my last, I think, I informed you that the elections had turned out, beyond expectation, favorable to the Anti-federal party. They have a majority of two-thirds in the Convention, and, according to the best estimate I can form, of about four-sevenths in the community. The views of the leaders in this city are pretty well ascertained to be turned towards a _long_ adjournment; say, till next spring or summer. Their incautious ones observe, that this will give an opportunity to the State to _see how_ the government works, and to act according to _circumstances_.

My reasonings on the fact are to this effect: The leaders of the party hostile to the Constitution are equally hostile to the Union. They are, however, afraid to reject the Constitution at once, because that step would bring matters to a crisis between this State and the States which had adopted the Constitution, and between the parties in the State. A separation of the Southern District from the other parts of the State, it is perceived, would become the object of the Federalists, and of the neighboring States. They therefore resolve upon a long adjournment, as the safest and most artful course to effect their final purpose. They suppose, that when the Government gets into operation, it will be obliged to take some steps in respect to revenue, &c., which will furnish topics of declamation to its enemies in the several States, and will strengthen the minorities. If any considerable discontent should show itself, they will stand ready to head the opposition. If, on the contrary, the thing should go on smoothly, and the sentiments of our own people should change, they can elect to come into the Union. They at all events take the chances of time and the chapter of accidents.

How far their friends in the country will go with them, I am not able to say, but, as they have always been found very obsequious, we have little reason to calculate upon an uncompliant temper in the present instance. For my own part, the more I can penetrate the views of the Anti-federal party in this State, the more I dread the consequences of the non-adoption of the Constitution by any of the other States--the more I fear an eventual disunion, and civil war. God grant that Virginia may accede. The example will have a vast influence on our politics. New Hampshire, all accounts give us to expect, will be an assenting State.

The number of the volumes of the Federalist which you desired, have been forwarded, as well the second as the first, to the care of Governor Randolph. It was impossible to correct a certain error.

In a former letter, I requested you to communicate to me, by express, the event of any decisive question in favor of the Constitution, authorizing changes of horses, &c., with an assurance to the person that he will be liberally paid for his diligence.

A. Hamilton.

James Madison.

MADISON TO HAMILTON.

Richmond, June 9, 1788.

Dear Sir:

The heat of the weather, &c., has laid me up with a bilious attack: I am not able, therefore, to say more than a few words.

No material indications have taken place since my last. The chance at present seems to be in our favor. But it is possible things may take another turn. Oswald of Philadelphia came here on Saturday; and has closet interviews with the leaders of the opposition.

Yours, affectionately,
J. Madison.

Alex. Hamilton, Esq.

RUFUS KING TO HAMILTON.

Boston, June 12, 1788.

Dear Sir:

I have made an arrangement to forward by express the result of the Convention of New Hampshire to Springfield, in this State, from which place Gen. Knox has engaged a conveyance to you at Poughkeepsie. Those who are best informed of the situation of the question, in New Hampshire, are positive that the decision will be such as we wish, and from the particular parts which I have heard, I can entertain no fear of a disappointment from that quarter. The accession of New Hampshire will present the subject to your Convention in a new, and indeed, an extraordinary light. I think your opponents, powerful as they may be, will be greatly perplexed, although they may outnumber you, and a small majority of the people of the State may be on their side, yet I cannot think they will have the hardiness to negative the question.

You may pronounce, with the utmost confidence, that the decision of our Convention has proved entirely satisfactory to our people. I have made a business of conversing with men from all parts of the State, and am completely satisfied that the Constitution is highly popular; that its opponents are now very few, and those few hourly diminishing. Be assured that the organization of the Government (by _nine States_, is considered as certain), although a subject of delicacy, is most earnestly desired, and from the conversation of both yeoman and politician, I am persuaded, that the people of Massachusetts are sufficiently mature and firm, to execute, so far as depends on them, what shall be proper as good subjects of the new Government.

Farewell.
Yours, &c.,
Rufus King.

Col. A. Hamilton.

Pray mention to Knox that I should have written to him had I not supposed him on his way here.

MADISON TO HAMILTON.

Richmond, June 16, 1788.

Dear Sir:

Yours of the 8th has just come to hand. I mentioned in my last that Oswald had been here in consultation with the Anti-federal leaders. The contents of your letter confirm the idea that a requisition for delay is on foot between the opposition here and with you. We have conjectured for some days, that the policy is to spin out the session, in order to receive overtures from your Convention; or, if that cannot be, to weary the members into an adjournment, without taking any decision. It is presumed, at the same time, that they do not despair of carrying the point of previous amendments, which is preferable game. The parties continue to be nearly balanced. If we have a majority at all, it does not exceed three or four. If we lose it, Kentucke will be the cause; they are generally, if not unanimously against us.