Chapter I: Front Matter (1)

Transcriber's Note

Footnotes and section headers were both printed in the margins as sidenotes.

For this text version, numbered marginal footnotes have been moved to the end of their paragraphs. The headers have been moved to appear on a separate line at the beginning of each section. Redundant sidenotes merely indicating Part and Section numbers have been removed. Those marginal notes which serve as paragraph descriptions, at or near the head of a paragraph, precede that paragraph. Those which serve to annotate specific points are inserted parenthetically as [SN: notes].

The Annotator's note which precedes Religio Medici uses marginal notes as references to the relevant sections and pages in the printed text.

On occasion, the Latin passages employ a scribal abbreviation 'q;' for 'qus', which has been retained.

Descriptive notes have been inserted at the beginning of the sentence to which they refer, like this: [Sidenote: Use of Italics] Italics are used freely, and have been rendered using _underscore_ characters.

Please consult the more detailed notes at the end of this text.

THE ENGLISH LIBRARY

THE WORKS OF
SIR THOMAS BROWNE

VOLUME I

THE WORKS OF
SIR THOMAS BROWNE

Edited by
CHARLES SAYLE

VOLUME I

LONDON
GRANT RICHARDS

1904

PREFATORY NOTE

This edition is an endeavour to arrive at a more satisfactory text of the work of Sir Thomas Browne, and to reproduce the principal part of it, as faithfully as seems advisable, in the form in which it was presented to the public at the time of his death. For this purpose, in the first volume, the text of the _Religio Medici_ follows more particularly the issue of 1682. The _Pseudodoxia Epidemica_ here given is based upon the sixth edition of ten years earlier, with careful revision. In every case in which a spelling or punctuation was dubious, a comparison was made of nearly all the issues printed during the lifetime of the writer, and their merits weighed. By this means it is hoped that the true flavour of the period has been preserved.

The Annotations upon the _Religio Medici_, which were always reprinted with the text during the seventeenth century, are here restored. They will appeal to a certain class of readers which has a right to be considered. It is to be regretted that every quotation given in these pages has not been verified. Several have been corrected; but to have worked through them all, in these busy days, would have been a labour of some years, which it is not possible to devote to the purpose. It has been thought best to leave these passages therefore, in the main, as they stand.[1]

The portrait of Sir Thomas Browne here prefixed is reproduced from the engraving published in 1672 with the edition of the _Religio Medici_ and _Pseudodoxia Epidemica_.

C.S.

_August, 1903._

[1] The quotation, now corrected, from Montaigne, on p. xxii, is a
typical example of the pitfall into which one is liable to stumble.
The passage there cited is in chapter xl. of the French author's
later arrangement: a clear indication of the edition of the _Essais_
used by the author of the Annotations. What is one to make of the
readings in Lucretius on p. xxv? No light is thrown upon these
difficulties by the edition of Browne's works published in 1686.
Wilkin did not reprint the Annotations, except in selection.

CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFATORY NOTE BY THE EDITOR, v

ANNOTATIONS UPON 'RELIGIO MEDICI,' ix

A LETTER SENT UPON THE INFORMATION OF ANIMADVERSIONS, 1

TO THE READER. 3

RELIGIO MEDICI, 7

PSEUDODOXIA EPIDEMICA, 113

TO THE READER, 115

THE FIRST BOOK:

1. Of the Causes of Common Errors, 121
2. A further Illustration of the same, 127
3. Of the second cause of Popular Errors; the
erroneous disposition of the People, 132
4. Of the nearer and more Immediate Causes
of Popular Errors, 140
5. Of Credulity and Supinity, 147
6. Of Adherence unto Antiquity, 152
7. Of Authority, 161
8. A brief enumeration of Authors, 168
9. Of the Same, 178
10. Of the last and common Promoter of false
Opinions, the endeavours of Satan, 182
11. A further Illustration, 193

THE SECOND BOOK:

1. Of Crystal, 202
2. Concerning the Loadstone, 216
3. Concerning the Loadstone, 233
4. Of Bodies Electrical, 254
5. Compendiously of sundry other common
Tenents, concerning Mineral and Terreous
Bodies, 262
6. Of sundry Tenets concerning Vegetables or
Plants, 285
7. Of some Insects, and the Properties of
several Plants, 299

THE THIRD BOOK, CHAPTERS I.-X.:

1. Of the Elephant, 308
2. Of the Horse, 314
3. Of the Dove, 317
4. Of the Bever, 321
5. Of the Badger, 326
6. Of the Bear, 328
7. Of the Basilisk, 331
8. Of the Wolf, 338
9. Of the Deer, 340
10. Of the King-fisher, 348

ANNOTATIONS UPON
RELIGIO MEDICI

_Nec satis est vulgasse fidem._--
Pet. Arbit. fragment.

THE ANNOTATOR TO THE READER

A. Gellius (noct. Attic. l. 20. cap. _ult._) _notes some Books that had strange Titles_; Pliny (Prefat. Nat. Hist.) _speaking of some such, could not pass them over without a jeer: So strange (saith he) are the Titles of some Books_, Ut multos ad vadimonium deferendum compellant. _And_ Seneca _saith, some such there are_, Qui patri obstetricem parturienti filiae accersenti moram injicere possint. _Of the same fate this present Tract_ Religio Medici _hath partaken: Exception by some hath been taken to it in respect of its Inscription, which say they, seems to imply that_ Physicians _have a Religion by themselves, which is more than Theologie doth warrant: but it is their Inference, and not the Title that is to blame; for no more is meant by that, or endeavoured to be prov'd in the_ Book _then that (contrary to the opinion of the unlearned_) Physitians _have Religion as well as other men_.

_For the Work it self, the present Age hath produced none that has had better Reception amongst the learned; it has been received and fostered by almost all, there having been but one that I knew of_ (_to verifie_ that Books have their Fate from the Capacity of the Reader) _that has had the face to appear against it; that is_ Mr. Alexander[2] Rosse; _but he is dead, and it is uncomely to skirmish with his shadow. It shall be sufficient to remember to the_ Reader, _that the noble and most learned_ Knight, _Sir_ Kenelm Digby, _has delivered his opinion of it in another sort, who though in some things he differ from the_ Authors _sense, yet hath he most candidly and ingeniously allow'd it to be a_ very learned and excellent Piece; _and I think no Scholar will say there can be an approbation more authentique. Since the time he Published his Observations upon it, one_ Mr. Jo. Merryweather, _a_ Master _of_ Arts _of the_ University _of_ Cambridge, _hath deem'd it worthy to be put into the universal Language, which about the year_ 1644 _he performed; and that hath carried the Authors name not only into the_ Low-Countries _and_ France (_in both which places the Book in_ Latin _hath since been printed_) _but into_ Italy _and_ Germany; _and in_ Germany _it hath since fallen into the hands of a Gentleman of that Nation[3] (of his name he hath given us no more than_ L.N.M.E.N.) _who hath written learned_ Annotations _upon it in_ Latin, which were _Printed together with the Book at_ Strasbourg 1652. _And for the general good opinion the World had entertained both of the_ Work and Author, _this Stranger tells you_[4]: Inter alios Auctores incidi in libruni cui Titulus _Religio Medici_, jam ante mihi innotuerat lectionem istius libri multos praeclaros viros delectasse, imo occupasse. Non ignorabam librum in _Anglia_, _Gallia_, _Italia_, _Belgio_, _Germania_, cupidissime legi; coustabat mihi eum non solum in _Anglia ac Batavia_, sed et _Purisiis_ cum praefatione, in qua Auctor magnis laudibus fertur, esse typis mandatum. Compertum mihi erat multos magnos atq; eruditos viros sensere Auctorem (quantum ex hoc scripto perspici potest) sanctitate vitae ac pietare elucere, etc. _But for the worth of the_ Book _it is so well known to every_ English-man _that is fit to read it, that this attestation of a_ Forrainer _may seem superfluous_.

[2] In his _Medicus Medicatus_.

[3] That he was a _German_ appears by his notes _page_ 35, where he
useth these words, _Dulcissima nostra Germania_, etc.

[4] In Praefat. Annotat.

_The_ German, _to do him right, hath in his_ Annotations _given a fair specimen of his learning, shewing his skill in the Languages, as well antient as modern; as also his acquaintance with all manner of Authors, both sacred and profane, out of which he has ammas'd a world of Quotations: but yet, not to mention that he hath not observed some Errors of the Press, and one or two main ones of the Latin Translation, whereby the Author is much injured; it cannot be denyed but he hath pass'd over many hard places untoucht, that might deserve a Note; that he hath made_ Annotations _on some, where no need was; in the explication of others hath gone besides the true sense._

_And were he free from all these, yet one great Fault there is he may be justly charg'd with, that is, that he cannot_ manum de Tabula _even in matters the most obvious: which is an affectation ill-becoming a_ Scholar; _witness the most learned Annotator_, Claud. Minos. Divion. in praefat. commentar. Alciat. Emblemat. praefix. Praestat (_saith he_) brevius omnia persequi, et leviter attingere quae nemini esse ignota suspicari possint, quam quasi {~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PSI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}, perq; locos communes identidem expatiari.

_I go not about by finding fault with his, obliquely to commend my own; I am as far from that, as 'tis possible others will be: All I seek, by this Preface, next to acquainting the_ Reader _with the various entertainment of the Book, is, that he would be advertized that these Notes were collected ten[5] years since, long before the_ German's _were written; so that I am no Plagiary (as who peruseth his Notes and mine, will easily perceive): And in the second place, that I made this Recueil meerly for mine own entertainment, and not with any intention to evulge it; Truth is my witness, the publication proceeds meerly from the importunity of the Book-seller (my special friend) who being acquainted with what I had done, and about to set out another Edition of the Book, would not be denied these notes to attex to it; 'tis he (not I) that divulgeth it, and whatever the success be, he alone is concern'd in it; I only say for my self what my Annotations bear in the Frontispiece_--

_Nec satis est vulgasse fidem----_

_That is, that it was not enough to all persons (though pretenders to Learning) that our_ Physitian _had publish'd his Creed, because it wanted an exposition. I say further, that the_ German's _is not full_; _and that_ (----Quicquid sum Ego quamvis infra Lucilli censum ingeniumq;----) _my explications do in many things illustrate the Text of my Author_.

_24 Martii,
1654._

[5] Excepting two or three particulars in which reference is made to
some Books that came over since that time.

ANNOTATIONS UPON RELIGIO MEDICI

The Epistle to the _READER_

_Certainly that man were greedy of life, who should desire to live when all the World were at an end_;] This Mr. _Merryweather_ hath rendred thus; _Cupidum esse vitae oportet, qui universo jam expirante mundo vivere cuperet_; and well enough: but it is not amiss to remember, that we have this saying in _Seneca_ the _Tragoedian_, who gives it us thus, _Vitae est avidus quisquis non vult mundo secum pereunte mori_.

_There are many things delivered Rhetorically_.] The Author herein imitates the ingenuity of St. _Austin_, who in his _Retract._ corrects himself for having delivered some things more like a young Rhetorician than a sound Divine; but though St. _Aug._ doth deservedly acknowledge it a fault in himself, in that he voluntarily published such things, yet cannot it be so in this Author, in that he intended no publication of it, as he professeth in this Epistle, and in that other to Sir _Kenelm Digby_.

THE FIRST PART

_Sect. 1. Pag. 1._

_The general scandal of my Profession_.] Physitians (of the number whereof it appears by several passages in this Book the Author is one) do commonly hear ill in this behalf. It is a common speech (but only amongst the unlearn'd sort) _Ubi tres Medici, duo Athei_. The reasons why those of that Profession (I declare my self that I am none, but _Causarum Actor Mediocris_, to use _Horace_ his Phrase) may be thought to deserve that censure, the Author rendreth _Sect_. 19.

_The natural course of my studies._] The vulgar lay not the imputation of Atheism only upon Physitians, but upon Philosophers in general, who for that they give themselves to understand the operations of _Nature_, they calumniate them, as though they rested in the second causes without any respect to the first. Hereupon it was, that in the tenth Age Pope _Silvester_ the second pass'd for a Magician, because he understood Geometry and natural Philosophy. _Baron. Annal._ 990. And _Apuleius_ long before him laboured of the same suspicion, upon no better ground; he was accus'd, and made a learned Apology for himself, and in that hath laid down what the ground is of such accusations, in these words: _Haec ferme communi quodam errore imperitorum Philosophis objectantur, ut partem eorum qui corporum causas meras et simplices rimantur, irreligiosos putant, eosque aiunt Deos abnuere, ut Anaxagoram, et Lucippum, et Democritum, et Epicurum, coeterosq; rerum naturae Patronos._ Apul. in Apolog. And it is possible that those that look upon the second Causes scattered, may rest in them and go no further, as my Lord _Bacon_ in one of his _Essayes_ observeth; but our Author tells us there is a true Philosophy, from which no man becomes an Atheist, _Sect._ 46.

_The indifferency of my behaviour and Discourse in matters of Religion._] Bigots are so oversway'd by a preposterous Zeal, that they hate all moderation in discourse of Religion; they are the men forsooth--_qui solos credant habendos esse Deos quos ipsi colunt_. _Erasmus_ upon this accompt makes a great complaint to Sir _Tho. More_ in an Epistle of his, touching one _Dorpius_ a Divine of _Lovain_, who because, upon occasion of discourse betwixt them, _Erasmus_ would not promise him to write against _Luther_, told _Erasmus_ that he was a _Lutheran_, and afterwards published him for such; and yet as _Erasmus_ was reputed no very good Catholick, so for certain he was no Protestant.

_Not that I meerly owe this Title to the Font_] as most do, taking up their Religion according to the way of their Ancestors; this is to be blamed among all persons: It was practised as well amongst Heathens as Christians.

_Per caput hoc juro per quod Pater ante solebat_, saith _Ascanius_ in _Virgil_: and _Apuleius_ notes it for an absurdity. _Utrum Philosopho, putas turpe scire ista, an neseire? negligere, an curare? nosse quanta sit etiam in istis providentiae ratio, an de diis immortalibus Matri et Patri cedere_? saith he in _Apolog._ and so doth _Minutius_. _Unusquisq; vestrum non cogitat prius se debere deum nosse quam colere, dum inconsulte gestiuntur parentibus obedire, dum fieri malunt alieni erroris accessio, quam sibi credere_. Minut. _in_ Octav.

_But having in my ripers examined_, etc.] according to the Apostolical Precept, _Omnia probate, quod bonum est tenete_.

_Sect. 2. Pag. 8._

_There being a Geography of Religion_] _i.e._ of Christian Religion, which you may see described in Mr. _Brerewood's_ Enquiries: he means not of the Protestant Religion; for though there be a difference in Discipline, yet the _Anglican_, _Scotic_, _Belgic_, _Gallican_, and _Helvetic_ Churches differ not in any essential matter of the Doctrine, as by the _Harmony of Confessions_ appears. 5. Epist. _Theod. Bezae Edmundo Grindallo Ep. Londinens_.

_Wherein I dislike nothing but the Name_] that is _Lutheran_, _Calvinist_, _Zuinglian_, etc.

_Now the accidental occasion wherein_, etc.] This is graphically described by _Thuanus_ in his History: but because his words are too large for this purpose, I shall give it you somewhat more briefly, according to the relation of the Author of the History of the Council of _Trent_. The occasion was the necessity of Pope _Leo_ the Tenth, who by his profusion had so exhausted the Treasure of the _Church_, that he was constrained to have recourse to the publishing of Indulgencies to raise monies: some of which he had destined to his own Treasury, and other part to his Allyes, and particularly to his Sister he gave all the money that should be raised in _Saxony_; and she, that she might make the best profit of the donation, commits it to one _Aremboldus_, a Bishop to appoint Treasurers for these Indulgences. Now the custome was, that whensoever these Indulgences were sent into _Saxony_, they were to be divulged by the Fryars _Eremites_ (of which Order _Luther_ then was), but _Aremboldus_ his Agents thinking with themselves, that the Fryars _Eremites_ were so well acquainted with the trade, that if the business should be left to them, they should neither be able to give so good an account of their Negotiation, nor yet get so much themselves by it as they might do in case the business were committed to another Order; they thereupon recommend it to (and the business is undertaken by) the _Dominican_ Fryars, who performed it so ill, that the scandal arising both from thence, and from the ill lives of those that set them on work, stirred up _Luther_ to write against the abuses of these Indulgences; which was all he did at first; but then, not long after, being provoked by some Sermons and small Discourses that had been published against what he had written, he rips up the _business_ from the beginning, and publishes xcv _Theses_ against it at _Wittenberg_. Against these _Tekel_ a _Dominican_ writes; then _Luther_ adds an explication to his. _Eckius_ and _Prierius_ Dominicans, thereupon take the controversie against him: and now _Luther_ begins to be hot; and because his adversaries could not found the matter of Indulgences upon other Foundations then the _Popes_ power and infallibility, that begets a disputation betwixt them concerning the Popes power, which _Luther_ insists upon as inferiour to that of a _general Council_; and so by degrees he came on to oppose the Popish Doctrine of _Remission of sins_, _Penances_, and _Purgatory_; and by reason of Cardinal _Cajetans_ imprudent management of the conference he had with him, it came to pass that he rejected the whole body of Popish doctrine. So that by this we may see what was the accidental occasion wherein, the slender means whereby, and the abject condition of the person by whom, the work of Reformation of Religion was set on foot.

_Sect. 3. Pag. 8._

_Yet I have not so shaken hands with those, desperate Resolutions, (Resolvers it should be, without doubt) who had rather venture at large their decayed Bottom, than bring her in to be new trimm'd in the Dock; who had rather promiscuously retain all, than abridge any; and obstinately be what they are, than what they have been; as to stand in a diameter and at swords point with them: we have reformed from them, not against them_, etc.] These words by Mr. _Merryweather_ are thus rendred, _sc_. _Nec tamen in vecordem illum pertinacium hominum gregem memet adjungo, qui lubefactatum navigium malunt fortunae committere quam in navale de integro resarciendum deducere, qui malunt omnia promiscue retinere quam quicquam inde diminuere, et pertinaciter esse qui sunt quam qui olim fuerunt, ita ut iisdem ex diametro repugnent: ab illis, non contra illos, reformationem instituimus_, etc. And the Latine Annotator sits down very well satisfied with it, and hath bestowed some notes upon it; but under the favour both of him and the Translator, this Translation is so far different from the sense of the Author, that it hath no sense in it; or if there be any construction of sense in it, it is quite besides the Author's meaning; which will appear if we consider the context: by that we shall find that the Author in giving an account of his Religion, tells us first, that he is a Christian, and farther, that he is of the reform'd Religion; but yet he saith, in this place, he is not so rigid a Protestant, nor at defiance with Papists so far, but that in many things he can comply with them, (the particulars he afterwards mentions in this Section) for, saith he, we have reform'd from them, not against them, that is, as the _Archbishop_ of _Canterbury_ against the _Jesuit_ discourseth well. We have made no new Religion nor Schism from the old; but in calling for the old, and desiring that which was novel and crept in might be rejected, and the Church of _Rome_ refusing it, we have reform'd from those upstart novel Doctrines, but against none of the old: and other sense the place cannot bear; therefore how the _Latine Annotator_ can apply it as though in this place the Author intended to note the _Anabaptists_, I see not, unless it were in respect of the expression _Vecordem pertinacium hominum gregem_, which truly is a description well befitting them, though not intended to them in this place: howsoever, I see not any ground from hence to conclude the Author to be any whit inclining to the _Bulk_ of Popery (but have great reason from many passages in this Book to believe the contrary,) as he that prefix'd a Preface to the Parisian Edition of this Book hath unwarrantably done.

But for the mistake of the Translator, it is very obvious from whence that arose. I doubt not but it was from mistake of the sense of the English Phrase _Shaken hands_, which he hath rendered by these words, _Memet adjungo_, wherein he hath too much play'd the Scholar, and show'd himself to be more skilful in forraign and antient customs, then in the vernacular practise and usage of the language of his own Country; for although amongst the Latines protension of the Hand were a Symbole and sign of Peace and Concord (as _Alex. ab Alexandro_; _Manum vero protendere, pacem peti significabunt_ (saith he) _Gen. Dier. lib. 4. cap. ult._ which also is confirmed by _Cicero pro Dejotaro_; and _Caesar. l. 2. de Bellico Gallico_) and was used in their first meetings, as appears by the Phrase, _Jungere hospitio Dextras_; and by that of _Virgil_,

_Oremus pacem, et Dextras tendamus inermes_,

And many like passages that occur in the Poets, to which I believe the Translator had respect; yet in modern practise, especially with us in _England_, that ceremony is used as much in our _Adieu's_ as in the _first Congress_; and so the Author meant in this place, by saying he had not _shaken hands_; that is, that he had not so deserted, or bid farewel to the _Romanists_, as to stand at swords point with them: and then he gives his reasons at those words, _For omitting those improperations_, etc. So that instead of _memet adjungo_, the Translator should have used some word or Phrase of a clean contrary signification; and instead of _ex diametro repugnent_, it should be _repugnem_.

_Sect. 5. Pag. 11._

_Henry_ the Eighth, who, though he rejected the Pope, refused not the faith of _Rome_.] So much _Buchanan_ in his own life written by himself testifieth, who speaking of his coming into _England_ about the latter end of that King's time, saith, _Sed ibi tum omnia adeo erant incerta, ut eodem die, ac eodem igne_ (very strange!) _utriusque factionis homines cremarentur, Henrico 8, jam seniore suae magnis securitati quam Religionis puritati intento_. And for the confirmation of this assertion of the Author, _vide Stat. 31. H. 8, cap. 14_.

_And was conceived the state of_ Venice _would have attempted in our dayes._] This expectation was in the time of Pope _Paul_ the Fifth, who by excommunicating that Republique, gave occasion to the Senate to banish all such of the Clergy as would not by reason of the Popes command administer the Sacraments; and upon that account the _Jesuits_ were cast out, and never since receiv'd into that State.

_Sect. 6. Pag. 12._

_Or be angry with his judgement for not agreeing with me in that, from which perhaps within a few days I should dissent my self._] I cannot think but in this expression the Author had respect to that of that excellent French Writer _Monsieur Mountaign_ (in whom I often trace him). _Combien diversement jugeons nous de choses? Combien de fois changeons nous nos fantasies? Ce que je tien aujourdhuy, ce que je croy, je le tien et le croy de toute ma Creance, mais ne m'est il pas advenu non une fois mais cent, mais mille et tous les jours d'avoir embrasse quelque autre chose?_ Mountaign lib. 2. _Des Essais._ Chap. 12.

_Every man is not a proper Champion for truth_, etc.] A good cause is never betray'd more than when it is prosecuted with much eagerness, and but little sufficiency; and therefore _Zuinglius_, though he were of _Carolostadius_ his opinion in the point of the Sacrament of the _Eucharist_ against _Luther_, yet he blamed him for undertaking the defence of that cause against _Luther_, not judging him able enough for the encounter: _Non satis habet humerorum_, saith he of _Carolostad_, alluding to that of _Horace_, _Sumite materiam vestris qui scribitis aequam Viribus, et versate diu quid ferre recusent Quid valeant humeri_.----So _Minutius Faelix; Plerumq; pro disserentium viribus, et eloquentiae potestate, etiam perspicuae veritatis conditio mutetur_. Minut. in Octav. And _Lactantius_ saith, this truth is verified in _Minutius_ himself: for _Him_, _Tertullian_ and _Cyprian_, he spares not to blame (all of them) as if they had not with dexterity enough defended the Christian cause against the _Ethniques_. _Lactant. de justitia_, cap. 1. I could wish that those that succeeded him had not as much cause of complaint against him: surely he is noted to have many errors _contra fidem_.

_Pag. 13._

_In Philosophy----there is no man more Paradoxical then my self, but in Divinity I love to keep the Road_, etc.] Appositely to the mind of the Author, saith the Publisher of Mr. _Pembel's_ Book _de origine formarum_, _Certe_ (saith he) _in locis Theologicis ne quid detrimenti capiat vel Pax. vel Veritas Christi----a novarum opinionum pruritu prorsus abstinendum puto, usq; adeo ut ad certam regulam etiam loqui debeamus, quod pie et prudenter monet Augustinus_ (_de Civ. Dei._ 1. 10, cap. 23.) [_ne verborum licentia impia vi gignat opinionem_,] _at in pulvere Scholastico ubi in nullius verba, juramus, et in utramvis partem sine dispendio vel pacis, vel salutis ire liceat, major conceditur cum sentiendi tum loquendi libertas_, etc. Capel. _in Ep. Dedicat._ _Pembel_, _de origin form. praefix_.

_Heresies perish not with their Authors, but like the River_ Arethusa, _though they lose their Currents in one place, they rise again in another._] Who would not think that this expression were taken from Mr. _Mountaigne_, _l. 2, des Ess. cap. 12_. Where he hath these words, _Nature enserre dans les termes de son progress ordinaire comme toutes autres choses aussi les creances les judgements et opinions des hommes elles ont leur revolutions_; and that _Mountaigne_ took his from _Tully_. _Non enim hominum interitu sententiae quoque occidunt_, _Tull._ _de nat. deorum l. 1_, etc. Of the River _Arethusa_ thus _Seneca_. _Videbis celebratissimum carminibus fontem Arethusam limpidissimi ac perludicissimi ad imum stagni gelidissimas aquas profundentem, sive illas primum nascentes invenit, sive flumen integrum subter tot maria, et a confusione pejoris undae servatum reddidit_. Senec. _de consolat. ad Martiam_.

_Sect. 7. Pag. 14._

_Now the first of mine was that of the_ Arabians.] For this Heresie, the Author here sheweth what it was; they are called _Arabians_ from the place where it was fostered; and because the _Heresiarch_ was not known, _Euseb._ St. _Aug._ and _Nicephorus_ do all write of it: the reason of this Heresie was so specious, that it drew Pope _John 22_. to be of the same perswasion. Where then was his infallibility? Why, _Bellarmine_ tells you he was nevertheless infallible for that: for, saith he, he maintained this opinion when he might do it without peril of Heresie, for that no definition of the Church whereby 'twas made Heresie, had preceded when he held that opinion. _Bellar. l. 4_, de _Pontif. Roman. cap. 4._ Now this definition was first made ('tis true) by Pope _Benedict_ in the 14 Age: but then I would ask another question, that is, If 'till that time there were nothing defined in the Church touching the beatitude of Saints, what certainty was there touching the sanctity of any man? and upon what ground were those canonizations of Saints had, that were before the 14 Age?

_The second was that of_ Origen.] Besides St. _Augustine_, _Epiphanius_, and also S. _Hierom_, do relate that _Origen_ held, that not only the souls of men, but the _Devils_ themselves should be discharged from torture after a certain time: but _Genebrard_ endeavours to clear him of this. _Vid. Coquaeum, in 21. lib. Aug. de. Civ. Dei. cap. 17._

_These opinions though condemned by lawful Councils, were not Heresie in me_, etc.] For to make an Heretique, there must be not only _Error in intellectu_ but _pertinacia in voluntate_. So St. _Aug. Qui sententiam suam quamvis falsam atque perversam nulla pertinaci animositate defendunt, quaerunt autem cauta solicitudine veritatem, corrigi parati cum invenerint, nequaquam sunt inter Haereticos deputundi_. Aug. _cont. Manich. 24, qu. 3._

_Sect. 9. Pag. 16._

_The deepest mysteries ours contains have not only been illustrated, but maintained by Syllogism and the Rule of Reason_,] and since this Book was written, by Mr. _White_ in his _Institutiones Sacrae_.

_And when they have seen the Red Sea, doubt not of the Miracle._] Those that have seen it, have been better informed then Sir _Henry Blount_ was, for he tells us that he desired to view the passage of _Moses_ into the Red Sea (not being above three days journey off) but the _Jews_ told him the precise place was not known within less than the space of a days journey along the shore; wherefore (saith he) I left that as too uncertain for any Observation. _In his Voyage into the Levant._

_Sect. 10. Pag. 18._

I had as lieve you tell me that _Anima est Angelus hominis, est corpus Dei_, as _Entelechia; Lux est umbra Dei_, as _actus perspicui._] Great variety of opinion there hath been amongst the Ancient Philosophers touching the definition of the Soul. _Thales_, his was, that it is a _Nature without Repose_. _Asclepiades_, that it is _an Exercitation of Sense_. _Hesiod_, that it is _a thing composed of Earth and Water_; _Parmenides_ holds, _of Earth and Fire_; _Galen_ that it is _Heat_; _Hippocrates_, that it is _a spirit diffused through the body_. Some others have held it to be _Light_; _Plato_ saith, 'tis _a Substance moving itself_; after cometh _Aristotle_ (whom the Author here reproveth) and goeth a degree farther, and saith it is _Entelechia_, that is, that which naturally makes the body to move. But this definition is as rigid as any of the other; for this tells us not what the _essence_, _origine_ or _nature_ of the _soul_ is, but only marks an _effect_ of it, and therefore signifieth no more than if he had said (as the Author's Phrase is) that it is _Angelus hominis_, or an _Intelligence_ that moveth man, as he supposed those other to do the Heavens.

Now to come to the definition of Light, in which the Author is also unsatisfied with the School of _Aristotle_, he saith, It satisfieth him no more to tell him that _Lux est actus perspicui_, than if you should tell him that it is _umbra Dei_. The ground of this definition given by the _Peripateticks_, is taken from a passage in _Aristot. de anima l. 2, cap. 7_, where _Aristotle_ saith, That the colour of the thing seen, doth move that which is _perspicuum actu_ (i.e. _illustratam naturam quae sit in aere aliove corpore trunsparente_) and that that, in regard of its continuation to the eye, moveth the eye, and by its help the internal _sensorium_; and that so vision is perform'd. Now as it is true that the Sectators of _Aristotle_ are to blame, by fastening upon him by occasion of this passage, that he meant that those things that made this impress upon the Organs are meer accidents, and have nothing of substance; which is more than ever he meant, and cannot be maintained without violence to Reason, and his own Principles; so for _Aristotle_ himself, no man is beholding to him for any Science acquir'd by this definition: for what is any man the near for his telling him that Colour (admitting it to be a body, as indeed it is, and in that place he doth not deny) doth move _actu perspicuum_, when as the perspicuity is in relation to the _eye_; and he doth not say how it comes to be perspicuous, which is the thing enquired after, but gives it that donation before the eye hath perform'd its office; so that if he had said it had been _umbra Dei_, it would have been as intelligible, as what he hath said. He that would be satisfied how Vision is perform'd, let him see Mr. _Hobbs_ in _Tract. de nat. human_, cap. 2.

_For God hath not caused it to rain upon the Earth._] St. _Aug. de Genes. ad literam_, cap. 5, 6, salves that expression from any inconvenience; but the Author in _Pseudodox. Epidemic._ l. 7, cap. 1, shews that we have no reason to be confident that this Fruit was an _Apple_.

_I believe that the_ Serpent (_if we shall literally understand it_) _from his proper form and figure made his motion on his belly before the curse_.] Yet the Author himself sheweth in _Pseudodox. Epidemic._ lib. 7, cap. 1, that the form or kind of the _Serpent_ is not agreed on: yet _Comestor_ affirm'd it was a _Dragon_, _Eugubinus_ a _Basilisk_, _Delrio_ a _Viper_, and others a common _Snake_: but of what kind soever it was, he sheweth in the same Volume, _lib. 5, c. 4_, that there was no inconvenience, that the temptation should be perform'd in this proper shape.

_I find the tryal of Pucelage and the Virginity of Women which God ordained the_ Jews, _is very fallible._] _Locus extat, Deut. c. 22_, the same is affirm'd by _Laurentius_ in his _Anatom._

_Whole Nations have escaped the curse of Child-birth, which God seems to pronounce upon the whole sex._] This is attested by M. _Mountaigne_. _Les doleurs de l'enfantiment par les medicins, et par Dieu mesme estimees grandes, et que nous passons avec tant de Ceremonies, il y a des nations entieres qui ne'n fuit nul conte. l. 1, des Ess. c. 14_.

_Sect 11. Pag. 19._

_Who can speak of_ Eternity _without a Soloecism, or think thereof without an Extasie?_ Time _we may comprehend_, etc.] Touching the difference betwixt _Eternity_ and _Time_, there have been great disputes amongst Philosophers; some affirming it to be no more than _duration perpetual consisting of parts_; and others (to which opinion, it appears by what follows in this Section, the Author adheres) affirmed (to use the Authors Phrase) that it hath no distinction of Tenses, but is according to _Boetius_ (_lib. 5, consol. pros. 6_), his definition, _interminabilis vitae tota simul et perfecta possessio_. For me, _non nostrum est tantas componere lites_. I shall only observe what each of them hath to say against the other. Say those of the first opinion against those that follow _Boetius_ his definition, That definition was taken by _Boetius_ out of _Plato's Timaeus_, and is otherwise applyed, though not by _Boetius_, yet by those that follow him, than ever _Plato_ intended it; for he did not take it in the Abstract, but in the Concrete, for an _eternal thing_, _a Divine substance_, by which he meant _God_, or his _Anima mundi_: and this he did, to the intent to establish this truth, That no mutation can befal the Divine Majesty, as it doth to things subject to generation and corruption; and that _Plato_ there intended not to define or describe any _species_ of duration: and they say that it is impossible to understand any such _species_ of duration that is (according to the Authors expression) but one _permanent point_.

Now that which those that follow _Boetius_ urge against the other definition is, they say, it doth not at all difference _Eternity_ from the nature of _Time_; for they say if it be composed of many _Nunc's_, or many instants, by the addition of one more it is still encreased; and by that means _Infinity_ or _Eternity_ is not included, nor ought more than _Time_. For this, see Mr. _White_, _de dial. mundo, Dial. 3. Nod. 4_.

_Indeed he only is_, etc.] This the Author infers from the words of God to _Moses_, _I am that I am_; and this to distinguish him from all others, who (he saith) have and shall be: but those that are learned in the _Hebrew_, do affirm that the words in that place (_Exod. 3_) do not signifie, _Ego sum qui sum, et qui est_, etc. but _Ero qui ero, et qui erit_, etc. _vid Gassend. in animad. Epicur. Physiolog._

_Sect. 12. Pag. 20._

_I wonder how_ Aristotle _could conceive the World Eternal, or how he could make two Eternities_:] (that is, that God, and the World both were eternal.) I wonder more at either the ignorance or incogitancy of the _Conimbricenses_, who in their Comment upon the eighth book of _Aristotle's Physicks_, treating of the matter of Creation, when they had first said that it was possible to know it, and that actually it was known (for _Aristotle_ knew it) yet for all this they afterwards affirm, That considering onely the light of Nature, there is nothing can be brought to demonstrate Creation: and yet farther, when they had defined Creation to be the production of a thing _ex nihilo_, and had proved that the World was so created in time, and refused the arguments of the Philosophers to the contrary, they added this, That the World might be created _ab aeterno_: for having propos'd this question [_Num aliquid a Deo ex AEternitate procreari potuit?_] they defend the affirmative, and assert that not onely incorporeal substances, as Angels; or permanent, as the celestial Bodies; or corruptible as Men, etc. might be produced and made _ab aeterno_, and be conserved by an infinite time, _ex utraq_; _parte_; and that this is neither repugnant to God the Creator, the things created, nor to the nature of Creation: for proof whereof, they bring instances of the _Sun_ which if it had been eternal, had illuminated eternally, (and the virtue of God is not less than the virtue of the Sun.) Another instance they bring of the _divine Word_, which was produced _ab aeterno_: in which discourse, and in the instances brought to maintain it, it is hard to say whether the madness or impiety be greater; and certainly if Christians thus argue, we have the more reason to pardon the poor heathen _Aristotle_.

_There is in us not three, but a Trinity of Souls._] The _Peripatetiques_ held that men had three distinct Souls; whom the Heretiques, the _Anomaei_, and the _Jacobites_, followed. There arose a great dispute about this matter in _Oxford_, in the year 1276, and it was then determined against _Aristotle_, _Daneus Christ. Eth._ l. 1. c. 4. and _Suarez_ in his Treatise _de causa formali, Quest. An dentur plures formae in uno composito_, affirmeth there was a Synod that did _anathematize_ all that held with _Aristotle_ in this point.

_Sect. 14. Pag. 23._

_There is but one first, and four second causes in all things._] In that he saith there is but one first cause, he speaketh in opposition to the _Manichees_, who held there were _Duo principia_; one from whom came all good, and the other from whom came all evil: the reason of _Protagoras_ did it seems impose upon their understandings; he was wont to say, _Si Deus non est, unde igitur bona? Si autem est, unde mala?_ In that he saith there are but four second Causes, he opposeth _Plato_, who to the four causes, _material_, _efficient_, _formal_, and _final_, adds for a fifth _exemplar_ or _Idaea_, sc. _Id ad quod respiciens artifex, id quod destinabat efficit_; according to whose mind _Boetius_ speaks, _lib. 3. met. 9. de cons. Philosoph_.

_O qui perpetua mundum ratione gubernas,
Terrarum Coeliq; sator qui tempus ab aevo
Ire jubes, stabilisq; manens das cuncta moveri:
Quem non externae pepulerunt fingere causae
Materiae fluitantis opus, verum insita summi
Forma boni livore carens: tu cuncta superno
Ducis ab exemplo, pulchrum pulcherrimus ipse
Mundum mente gerens, similique in imagine formans,
Perfectasq; jubens perfectum absolvere partes._

And St. _Augustine l. 83. quest. 46_. where (amongst other) he hath these words, _Restat ergo ut omnia Ratione sint condita, nec eadem ratione homo qua equus; hoc enim absurdum est existimare: singula autem propriis sunt creata rationibus_. But these _ideae Plato's_ Scholar _Aristotle_ would not allow to make or constitute a different sort of cause from the _formal_ or _efficient_, to which purpose he disputes, _l. 7. Metaphysic._ but he and his Sectators, and the _Ramists_ also, agree (as the Author) that there are but the four remembred Causes: so that the Author, in affirming there are but four, hath no Adversary but the _Platonists_; but yet in asserting there are four (as his words imply) there are that oppose him, and the _Schools_ of _Aristot._ and _Ramus_. I shall bring for instance Mr. _Nat Carpenter_, who in his _Philosophia Libera_ affirmeth, there is no such cause as that which they call the _Final cause_: he argueth thus; Every cause hath an influence upon its effect: but so has not the End, therefore it is not a Cause. The _major_ proposition (he saith) is evident, because the influence of a cause upon its effect, is either the causality it self, or something that is necessarily conjoyned to it: and the _minor_ as plain, for either the End hath an influence upon the effect immediately, or mediately, by stirring up the Efficient to operate; not immediately, because so it should enter either the _constitution_ or _production_, or _conservation_ of the things; but the constitution it cannot enter, because the constitution is only of _matter_ and _form_; nor the Production, for so it should concur to the production, either as it is _simply the end_, or as _an exciter of the Efficient_; but not simply as the end, because the end _as end_ doth not go before, but followeth the thing produced, and therefore doth not concur to its production: if they say it doth so far concur, as it is desired of the agent or efficient cause, it should not so have an immediate influence upon the effect, but should onely first move the efficient. Lastly, saith he, it doth not enter the conservation of a thing, because a thing is often conserved, when it is frustrate of its due end, as when it's converted to a new use and end. Divers other Arguments he hath to prove there is no such cause as the final cause. _Nat. Carpenter Philosoph. liber Decad. 3. Exercitat. 5_. But for all this, the Author and he differ not in substance: for 'tis not the Author's intention to assert that the end is in nature praeexistent to the effect, but only that whatsoever God has made, he hath made to some end or other; which he doth to oppose the Sectators of _Epicurus_, who maintain the contrary, as is to be seen by this of _Lucretius_ which follows.

_Illud in his rebus vitium vehementer et istum,
Effugere errorem vitareque premeditabor
Lumina ne facias oculorum clara creata
Prospicere ut possimus; et, ut proferre viai
Proceros passus, ideo fastigia posse
Surarum ac feminum pedibus fundata plicari:
Brachia tum porro validis ex apta lacertis
Esse, manusq; datas utraq; ex parte ministras,
Vt facere ad vitam possimus, quae foret usus:
Caetera de genere hoc, inter quaecunq; precantur
Omnia perversa praepostera sunt ratione:
Nil ideo quoniam natum'st in corpore, ut uti
Possemus; sed quod natum'st, id procreat usum,
Nec fuit ante videre oculorum lumina nata,
Nec dictis orare prius, quam lingua creata'st,
Sed potius longe linguae praecessit origo
Sermonem; multoq: creatae sunt prius aures
Quam sonus est auditus, et omnia deniq; membra
Ante fuere, ut opinor, eorum quam foret usus:
Haud igitur potuere utendi crescere causa._

Lucret. lib. 4. [822-841.]

_Sect. 15. Pag. 24._

_There are no Grotesques in nature_, etc.] So _Monsr. Montaign_, _Il n'ya rien d'inutil en nature, non pas l'inutilite mesmes, Rien ne s'est ingere en cet Univers qui n'y tienne place opportun._ Ess. l. 3. c. 1.

_Who admires not_ Regio-montanus _his Fly beyond his Eagle?_] Of these _Du Bartas_.

_Que diray je de l'aigle,
D'ont un doct Aleman honore nostre siecle
Aigle qui deslogeant de la maistresse main,
Aila loin au devant d'un Empereur Germain;
Et l'ayant recontre suddain d'une aisle accorte,
Se tournant le suit au seuil de la porte
Du fort Norembergois, que lis piliers dorez,
Les tapissez chemins, les arcs elabourez,
Les fourdroyans Canons, in la jeusnesse isnelle,
In le chena Senat, n'honnoroit tant come elle.
Vn jour, que cetominer plus des esbats, que de mets,
En prive fasteyoit ses seignieurs plus amees,
Vne mousche de fer, dans sa main recelee,
Prit sans ayde d'autroy, sa gallard evolee:
Fit une entiere Ronde, et puis d'un cerveau las
Come ayant jugement, se purcha sur son bras_.

Thus Englished by _Silvester_.

_Why should not I that wooden Eagle mention?
(A learned_ German's _late admir'd invention)
Which mounting from his Fist that framed her,
Flew far to meet an_ Almain _Emperour:
And having met him, with her nimble Train,
And weary Wings turning about again,
Followed him close unto the Castle Gate
Of _Noremberg_; whom all the shews of state,
Streets hang'd with Arras, arches curious built,
Loud thundring Canons, Columns richly guilt,
Grey-headed Senate, and youth's gallantise,
Grac'd not so much as onely this device.
Once as this Artist more with mirth than meat,
Feasted some friends that he esteemed great;
From under's hand an Iron Fly flew out,
Which having flown a perfect round about,
With weary wings, return'd unto her Master,
And (as judicious) on his arm she plac'd her._

_Or wonder not more at the operation of two souls in those little bodies, than but one in the Trunk of a Cedar?_] That is, the _vegetative_, which according to the common opinion, is supposed to be in _Trees_, though the _Epicures_ and _Stoiques_ would not allow any Soul in Plants; but _Empedocles_ and _Plato_ allowed them not only a _vegetative_ Soul, but affirm'd them to be _Animals_. The _Manichees_ went farther, and attributed so much of the rational Soul to them, that they accounted it _Homicide_ to gather either the flowers or fruit, as St. _Aug._ reports.

_We carry with us the wonders we seek without us._] So St. _Aug._ l. 10. de civ. c. 3. _Omni miraculo quod fit per hominem majus miraculum est homo._

_Sect. 16. Pag. 25._

_Another of his servant Nature, that publique and universal Manuscript that lies expansed_, etc.] So is the description of _Du Bartas 7. jour de la sepm._

_Oyes ce Docteur muet estudie en ce livre
Qui nuict et jour ouvert t'apprendra de bien vivre._

_All things are artificial, for Nature is the Art of God._] So Mr. _Hobbes_ in his _Leviathan_ (_in initio_) Nature is the Art whereby God governs the world.

_Sect. 17. Pag. 27._

_Directing the operations of single and individual Essences_, etc.] Things singular or individuals, are in the opinion of Philosophers not to be known, but by the way of sense, or by that which knows by its Essence, and that is onely God. The Devils have no such knowledge, because whatsoever knows so, is either the cause or effect of the thing known; whereupon _Averroes_ concluded that God was the cause of all things, because he understands all things by his Essence; and _Albertus Magnus_ concluded, That the inferiour intelligence understands the superiour, because it is an effect of the superiour: but neither of these can be said of the _Devil_; for it appears he is not the effect of any of these inferiour things, much less is he the cause, for the power of Creation onely belongs to God.

_All cannot be happy at once, because the Glory of one State depends upon the ruine of another._] This Theme is ingeniously handled by Mr. _Montaigne livr. 1. des Ess._ cap. 22. the title whereof is, _Le profit de l'un est dommage de l'autre_.

_Sect. 18. Pag. 29._

_'Tis the common fate of men of singular gifts of mind, to be destitute of those of Fortune._] So _Petron. Arbiter. Amor ingenii neminem unquum divitem fecit_, in _Satyric_. And _Apuleius_ in Apolog. _Idem mihi etiam_ (saith he) _paupertatem opprobravit acceptum Philosopho crimen et ultro profitendum_; and then a little afterwards, he sheweth that it was the common fate of those that had singular gifts of mind: _Eadem enim est paupertas apud Graecos in Aristide justa, in Phocyone benigna, in Epaminonde strenua, in Socrate sapiens, in Homero diserta._

_We need not labour with so many arguments to confute judicial_ Astrology.] There is nothing in judicial _Astrology_ that may render it impious; but the exception against it is, that it is vain and fallible; of which any man will be convinced, that has read _Tully de Divinat._ and St. _Aug._ book 5. _de Civ. dei_.

_Sect. 19. Pag. 31._

_There is in our soul a kind of Triumvirate----that distracts the peace of our Commonwealth, not less than did that other the State of_ Rome.] There were two _Triumvirates_, by which the peace of _Rome_ was distracted; that of _Crassus_, _Caesar_ and _Pompey_, of which _Lucan_, _l._ 1.

_----Tu causam aliorum----
Facta tribus Dominis communis Roma, nec unquam
In turbam missi feralia foedera Regni._

And that other of _Augustus_, _Antonius_ and _Lepidus_, by whom, saith _Florus_, _Respublica convulsa est lacerataque_, which comes somewhat near the Author's words, and therefore I take it that he means this last Triumvirate.

_Sect. 19. Pag. 32._

_Would disswade my belief from the miracle of the brazen Serpent._] Vid. _Coqueum in_, _l. 10._ _Aug._ _de Civ. Dei_, c. 8.

_And bid me mistrust a miracle in_ Elias, etc.] The History is 18. 1 _Reg._ It should be _Elijah_. The Author in _15. cap. lib. 7. Pseudodox._ sheweth it was not perform'd naturally; he was (as he saith) a perfect miracle.

_To think the combustion of_ Sodom _might be natural_.] Of that opinion was _Strabo_, whereupon he is reprehended by _Genebrard_ in these words: _Strabo falsus est----dum eversionem addicit sulphuri et bitumini e terra erumpentibus, quae erat assignanda Coelo_, i.e. _Deo irato_. _Tacitus_ reports it according to the Bible, _fulminis ictu arsisse_.

_Sect. 20. Pag. 33._

_Those that held Religion was the difference of man from Beasts_, etc.] _Lactantius_ was one of those: _Religioni ergo serviendum est, quam qui non suspicit, ipse se prosternit in terram, et vitam pecudum secutus humanitate se abdicat._ Lactant _de fals. Sapientia_, cap. 10.

_The Doctrine of_ Epicurus _that denied the providence of God, was no Atheism, but_, etc.] I doubt not but he means that delivered in his Epistle to _Menaeceus_, and recorded by _Diogenes Laertius_, lib. 10. _Quod beatum aeternumque est, id nec habet ipsum negotii quicquam, nec exhibit alteri, itaque neque ira, neque gratia tenetur, quod quae talia sunt imbecillia sunt omnia_; which the _Epicurean_ Poet hath delivered almost in the same words.

_Omnis enim per se divum natura necesse 'st
Immortali aevo summa cum pace fruatur,
Semota a nostris rebus sejunctaq; longe:
Nam privata dolore omni, privata periclis
Ipsa suis pollens opibus nihil indiga nostri
Nec bene pro meritis capitur, nec tangitur ira._

Lucret. _lib. 2._

_That Villaine and Secretary of Hell, that composed that miscreant piece of the three Impostors._] It was _Ochinus_ that composed this piece; but there was no less a man than the Emperour _Frederick_ the Second, that was as lavish of his tongue as the other of his pen; _Cui saepe in ore, Tres fuisse insignes Impostores, qui genus humanum seduxerunt: Moysem, Christum, Mahumetem. Lips. monit. et exempl. Politic._ cap. 4. And a greater than he, Pope _Leo_ the Tenth, was as little favourable to our Saviour, when he us'd that speech which is reported of him, _Quantas nobis divitias comparavit ista de Christo fabula_.

_Sect. 21. Pag. 34._

_There are in Scripture, stories that do exceed the fables of Poets._] So the Author of _Relig. Laici. Certe mira admodum in_ S. S. _plus quam in reliquis omnibus Historiis traduntur_; (and then he concludes with the Author) _sed quae non retundunt intellectum, sed exercent_.

_Yet raise no question who shall rise with that_ Rib _at the Resurrection_.] The Author _cap. 2 l. 7_. _Pseudodox_. sheweth that it appeares in Anatomy, that the Ribs of Man and Woman are equal.

_Whether the world were created in Autumn, Summer, or the Spring_, etc.] In this matter there is a consent between two learned Poets, _Lucretius_ and _Virgil_, that it begins in _Spring_.

_At novitas mundi nec frigora dura ciebat,
Nec nimios aestus, nec magnis viribus auras._
Lucretius.

Which he would have to be understood of _Autumn_, because that resembles old age rather than Infancy. He speaks expresly of the Fowls.

_Principio genus alituum variaeq; volucres
Ova relinquebant exclusae tempore verno._
Lucret.

Then for _Virgil_.

_Non alios prima nascentis origine mundi
Illuxisse dies aliumve habuisse tenorem
Crediderim, ver illud erat, ver magnus agebat
Orbis, et hibernis parcebant flatibus Euri._

Virgil 2. Georgic.