Chapter V (4)

As for +Kymbalon alalazon+ mentioned by S. _Paul_,[263] and rendred a _Tinckling Cymbal_, whether the translation be not too soft and diminutive some question may be made: for the word +alalazon+ implieth no small sound, but a strained and lofty vociferation, or some kind of hollowing sound, according to the Exposition of _Hesychius_, +Alalaxate enypsosate ten phonen+. A word drawn from the lusty shout of Souldiers, crying +Alala+ at the first charge upon their Enemies, according to the custom of Eastern Nations, and used by Trojans in _Homer_; and is also the Note of the Chorus in _Aristophanes_ +Alalai ie paion+. In other parts of Scripture we reade of loud and high sounding Cymbals; and in _Clemens Alexandrinus_ that the Arabians made use of Cymbals in their Wars instead of other military Musick; and _Polyaenus_ in his _Stratagemes_ affirmeth that _Bacchus_ gave the signal of Battel unto his numerous Army not with Trumpets but with Tympans and Cymbals.

[263] Cor. 13. 1

And now I take the opportunity to thank you for the new Book sent me containing the Anthems sung in our Cathedral and Collegiate Churches: 'tis probable there will be additions, the Masters of Musick being now active in that affair. Beside my naked thanks I have yet nothing to return you but this enclosed, which may be somewhat rare unto you, and that is a Turkish Hymn translated into French out of the Turkish Metre, which I thus render unto you.

_O what praise doth he deserve, and how great is that Lord, all
whose Slaves are as so many Kings!_

_Whosoever shall rub his Eyes with the dust of his Feet, shall
behold such admirable things that he shall fall into an ecstasie._

_He that shall drink one drop of his Beverage, shall have his
Bosome like the Ocean filled with Gems and pretious Liquours._

_Let not loose the Reins unto thy Passions in this world: he that
represseth them shall become a true Solomon in the Faith._

_Amuse not thy self to adore Riches, nor to build great Houses and
Palaces._

_The end of what thou shall build is but ruine._

_Pamper not thy Body with delicacies and dainties; it may come to
pass one day that this Body may be in Hell._

_Imagine not that he who findeth Riches findeth Happiness; he that
findeth Happiness is he that findeth God._

_All who prostrating themselves in humility shall this day believe
in_ Vele,[264] _if they were Poor shall be Rich, and if Rich shall
become Kings._

[264] Vele _the Founder of the Convent_.

After the Sermon ended which was made upon a Verse in the Alcoran containing much Morality, the _Deruices_ in a Gallery apart sung this Hymn, accompanied with Instrumental Musick, which so affected the Ears of Monsieur _du Loyr_, that he would not omit to set it down, together with the Musical Notes, to be found in his first Letter unto Monsieur _Bouliau_, Prior of _Magny_.

* * * * *

Excuse my brevity: I can say but little where I understand but little.

_I am_, etc.

OF ROPALIC
or Gradual Verses, Etc.

_Mens mea sublimes rationes praemeditatur._

TRACT VII

SIR,

Though I may justly allow a good intention in this Poem presented unto you, yet I must needs confess, I have no affection for it; as being utterly averse from all affectation in Poetry, which either restrains the phancy, or fetters the invention to any strict disposure of words. A poem of this nature is to be found in _Ausonius_ beginning thus,

_Spes Deus aeternae stationis conciliator._

These are Verses _Ropalici_ or _Clavales_, arising gradually like the Knots in a +Rhopale+ or Clubb; named also _Fistulares_ by _Priscianus_, as _Elias Vinetus_[265] hath noted. They consist properly of five words, each thereof encreasing by one syllable. They admit not of a _Spondee_ in the fifth place, nor can a Golden or Silver Verse be made this way. They run smoothly both in Latin and Greek, and some are scatteringly to be found in _Homer_; as,

+O makar Atreide moiregenes olbiodaimon+,

_Libere dicam sed in aurem, ego versibus hujusmodi Ropalicis, longo
syrmate protractis, Ceraunium affigo._

[265] El Vinet. _in_ Auson.

He that affecteth such restrained Poetry, may peruse the Long Poem of _Hugbaldus_ the Monk, wherein every word beginneth with a C penned in the praise of _Calvities_ or Baldness, to the honour of _Carolus Calvus_ King of _France_,

_Carmina clarisonae calvis cantate Camaenae._

The rest may be seen at large in the _adversaria_ of _Barthius_: or if he delighteth in odd contrived phancies may he please himself with _Antistrophes_, _Counterpetories_, _Retrogrades_, _Rebusses_, _Leonine_ Verses, etc. to be found in _Sieur des Accords_. But these and the like are to be look'd upon, not pursued, odd works might be made by such ways; and for your recreation I propose these few lines unto you,

_Arcu paratur quod arcui sufficit._

_Misellorum clamoribus accurrere non tam humanum quam sulphureum est._

_Asino teratur quae Asino teritur._

_Ne Asphodelos comedas, phoenices manduca._

_Coelum aliquid potest, sed quae mira praestat Papilio est._

Not to put you unto endless amusement, the Key hereof is the homonomy of the Greek made use of in the Latin words, which rendreth all plain. More aenigmatical and dark expressions might be made if any one would speak or compose them out of the numerical Characters or characteristical Numbers set down by _Robertus de Fluctibus_.[266]

[266] _Tract 2. Part lib. 1._

As for your question concerning the contrary expressions of the Italian and Spaniards in their common affirmative answers, the Spaniard answering _cy Sennor_, the Italian _Signior cy_, you must be content with this Distich,

_Why saith the Italian Signior cy, the Spaniard cy Sennor?
Because the one puts that behind, the other puts before._

And because you are so happy in some Translations, I pray return me these two verses in English,

_Occidit heu tandem multos quae occidit amantes,
Et cinis est hodie quae fuit ignis heri._

My occasions make me to take off my Pen. I am, _etc._

OF LANGUAGES

And particularly of the Saxon Tongue.

TRACT VIII

SIR,

The last Discourse we had of the Saxon Tongue recalled to my mind some forgotten considerations. Though the Earth were widely peopled before the Flood, (as many learned men conceive) yet whether after a large dispersion, and the space of sixteen hundred years, men maintained so uniform a Language in all parts, as to be strictly of one Tongue, and readily to understand each other, may very well be doubted. For though the World preserved in the Family of _Noah_ before the confusion of Tongues might be said to be of one Lip, yet even permitted to themselves their humours, inventions, necessities, and new objects, without the miracle of Confusion at first, in so long a tract of time, there had probably been a Babel. For whether _America_ were first peopled by one or several Nations, yet cannot that number of different planting Nations, answer the multiplicity of their present different Languages, of no affinity unto each other; and even in their Northern Nations and incommunicating Angles, their Languages are widely differing. A native Interpreter brought from _California_ proved of no use unto the Spaniards upon the neighbour Shore. From _Chiapa_, to _Guatemala_, _S. Salvador_, _Honduras_, there are at least eighteen several languages; and so numerous are they both in the Peruvian and Mexican Regions, that the great Princes are fain to have one common Language, which besides their vernaculous and Mother Tongues, may serve for commerce between them.

And since the confusion of Tongues at first fell onely upon those which were present in _Sinaar_ at the work of _Babel_, whether the primitive Language from _Noah_ were onely preserved in the Family of _Heber_, and not also in divers others, which might be absent at the same, whether all came away and many might not be left behind in their first Plantations about the foot of the Hills, whereabout the Ark rested and _Noah_ became an Husbandman, is not absurdly doubted.

For so the primitive Tongue might in time branch out into several parts of _Europe_ and _Asia_, and thereby the first or Hebrew Tongue which seems to be ingredient into so many Languages, might have larger originals and grounds of its communication and traduction than from the Family of _Abraham_, the Country of _Canaan_ and words contained in the Bible which come short of the full of that Language. And this would become more probable from the Septuagint or Greek Chronology strenuously asserted by _Vossius_; for making five hundred years between the Deluge and the days of _Peleg_, there ariseth a large latitude of multiplication and dispersion of People into several parts, before the descent of that Body which followed _Nimrod_ unto _Sinaar_ from the East.

They who derive the bulk of European Tongues from the Scythian and the Greek, though they may speak probably in many points, yet must needs allow vast difference or corruptions from so few originals, which however might be tolerably made out in the old Saxon, yet hath time much confounded the clearer derivations. And as the knowledge thereof now stands in reference unto our selves, I find many words totally lost, divers of harsh sound disused or refined in the pronunciation, and many words we have also in common use not to be found in that Tongue, or venially derivable from any other from whence we have largely borrowed, and yet so much still remaineth with us that it maketh the gross of our Language.

The religious obligation unto the Hebrew Language hath so notably continued the same, that it might still be understood by _Abraham_, whereas by the _Mazorite_ Points and Chaldee Character the old Letter stands so transformed, that if _Moses_ were alive again, he must be taught to reade his own Law.

The Chinoys, who live at the bounds of the Earth, who have admitted little communication, and suffered successive incursions from one Nation, may possibly give account of a very ancient Language; but consisting of many Nations and Tongues; confusion, admixtion and corruption in length of time might probably so have crept in as without the virtue of a common Character, and lasting Letter of things, they could never probably make out those strange memorials which they pretend, while they still make use of the Works of their great _Confutius_ many hundred years before Christ, and in a series ascend as high as _Poncuus_, who is conceived our _Noah_.

The present Welch, and remnant of the old Britanes, hold so much of that ancient Language, that they make a shift to understand the Poems of _Merlin_, _Enerin_, _Telesin_, a thousand years ago, whereas the Herulian _Pater Noster_, set down by _Wolfgangus Lazius_, is not without much criticism made out, and but in some words; and the present Parisians can hardly hack out those few lines of the League between _Charles_ and _Lewis_, the Sons of _Ludovicus Pius_, yet remaining in old French.

The Spaniards, in their corruptive traduction and Romance, have so happily retained the terminations from the Latin, that notwithstanding the Gothick and Moorish intrusion of words, they are able to make a Discourse completely consisting of Grammatical Latin and Spanish, wherein the Italians and French will be very much to seek.

The learned _Casaubon_ conceiveth that a Dialogue might be composed in Saxon onely of such words as are derivable from the Greek, which surely might be effected, and so as the learned might not uneasily find it out. _Verstegan_ made no doubt that he could contrive a Letter which might be understood by the English, Dutch and East Frislander, which, as the present confusion standeth, might have proved no very clear Piece, and hardly to be hammer'd out: yet so much of the Saxon still remaineth in our English, as may admit an orderly discourse and series of good sense, such as not onely the present English, but _AElfric_, _Bede_ and _Alured_ might understand after so many hundred years.

Nations that live promiscuously, under the Power and Laws of Conquest, do seldom escape the loss of their Language with their Liberties, wherein the Romans were so strict that the Grecians were fain to conform in their judicial Processes; which made the Jews loose more in seventy years dispersion in the Provinces of _Babylon_, than in many hundred in their distinct habitation in _AEgypt_; and the English which dwelt dispersedly to loose their Language in _Ireland_, whereas more tolerable reliques there are thereof in _Fingall_, where they were closely and almost solely planted; and the Moors which were most huddled together and united about _Granada_, have yet left their _Arvirage_ among the Granadian Spaniards.

But shut up in Angles and inaccessible corners, divided by Laws and Manners, they often continue long with little mixture, which hath afforded that lasting life unto the Cantabrian and British Tongue, wherein the Britanes are remarkable, who, having lived four hundred years together with the Romans, retained so much of the British as it may be esteemed a Language; which either they resolutely maintained in their cohabitation with them in Britane, or retiring after in the time of the Saxons into Countries and parts less civiliz'd and conversant with the Romans, they found the People distinct, the Language more intire, and so fell into it again.

But surely no Languages have been so straitly lock'd up as not to admit of commixture. The Irish, although they retain a kind of a Saxon Character, yet have admitted many words of Latin and English. In the Welch are found many words from Latin, some from Greek and Saxon. In what parity and incommixture the Language of that People stood which were casually discovered in the heart of _Spain_, between the Mountains of _Castile_, no longer ago than in the time of Duke _D' Alva_, we have not met with a good account any farther than that their words were Basquish or Cantabrian: but the present Basquensa one of the minor Mother Tongues of _Europe_, is not without commixture of Latin and Castilian, while we meet with _Santifica_, _tentationeten_, _Glaria_, _puissanea_, and four more in the short Form of the Lord's Prayer, set down by _Paulus Merula_: but although in this brief Form we may find such commixture, yet the bulk of their Language seems more distinct, consisting of words of no affinity unto others, of numerals totally different, of differing Grammatical Rule, as may be observed in the Dictionary and short _Basquensa_ Grammar, composed by _Raphael Nicoleta_, a Priest of _Bilboa_.

And if they use the auxiliary Verbs of _Equin_ and _Ysan_, answerable unto _Hazer_ and _Ser_, to Have, and Be, in the Spanish, which Forms came in with the Northern Nations into the Italian, Spanish and French, and if that Form were used by them before, and crept not in from imitation of their neighbours, it may shew some ancienter traduction from Northern Nations, or else must seem very strange; since the Southern Nations had it not of old, and I know not whether any such mode be found in the Languages of any part of _America_.

The Romans, who made the great commixture and alteration of Languages in the World, effected the same, not onely by their proper Language, but those also of their military Forces, employed in several Provinces, as holding a standing _Militia_ in all Countries, and commonly of strange Nations; so while the cohorts and Forces of the Britanes were quartered in _AEgypt_, _Armenia_, _Spain_, _Illyria_, etc. the Stablaesians and Dalmatians here, the Gauls, Spaniards and Germans in other Countries, and other Nations in theirs, they could not but leave many words behind them, and carry away many with them, which might make that in many words of very distinct Nations some may still remain of very unknown and doubtfull Genealogy.

And if, as the learned _Buxhornius_ contendeth, the Scythian Language as the Mother Tongue runs through the Nations of _Europe_, and even as far as _Persia_, the community in many words between so many Nations, hath a more reasonable original traduction, and were rather derivable from the common Tongue diffused through them all, than from any particular Nation, which hath also borrowed and holdeth but at second hand.

The Saxons settling over all _England_, maintained an uniform Language, onely diversified in Dialect, Idioms, and minor differences, according to their different Nations which came in to the common Conquest, which may yet be a cause of the variation in the speech and words of several parts of _England_, where different Nations most abode or settled, and having expelled the Britanes, their Wars were chiefly among themselves, with little action with foreign Nations untill the union of the Heptarchy under _Egbert_; after which time although the Danes infested this Land and scarce left any part free, yet their incursions made more havock in Buildings, Churches and Cities, than the Language of the Country, because their Language was in effect the same, and such as whereby they might easily understand one another.

And if the Normans, which came into _Neustria_ or _Normandy_ with _Rollo_ the Dane, had preserved their Language in their new acquists, the succeeding Conquest of _England_, by Duke _William_ of his race, had not begot among us such notable alterations; but having lost their Language in their abode in _Normandy_ before they adventured upon _England_, they confounded the English with their French, and made the grand mutation, which was successively encreased by our possessions in _Normandy_, _Guien_ and _Aquitain_, by our long Wars in France, by frequent resort of the French, who to the number of some thousands came over with _Isabel_ Queen to _Edward_ the Second, and the several Matches of _England_ with the Daughters of _France_ before and since that time.

But this commixture, though sufficient to confuse, proved not of ability to abolish the Saxon words; for from the French we have borrowed many Substantives, Adjectives and some Verbs, but the great Body of Numerals, auxiliary Verbs, Articles, Pronouns, Adverbs, Conjunctions and Prepositions, which are the distinguishing and lasting part of a Language, remain with us from the Saxon, which, having suffered no great alteration for many hundred years, may probably still remain, though the English swell with the inmates of Italian, French and Latin. An Example whereof may be observ'd in this following.

_English_ I.

The first and formost step to all good Works is the dread and fear
of the Lord of Heaven and Earth, which thorough the Holy Ghost
enlightneth the blindness of our sinfull hearts to tread the ways
of wisedom, and leads our feet into the Land of Blessing.

_Saxon_ I.

The erst and fyrmost staep to eal gode Weorka is the draed and feurt
of the Lauord of Heofan and Eorth, whilc thurh the Heilig Gast
onlihtneth the blindnesse of ure sinfull heorte to traed the waeg of
wisdome, and thone laed ure fet into the Land of Blessung.

_English_ II.

For to forget his Law is the Door, the Gate and Key to let in all
unrighteousness, making our Eyes, Ears and Mouths to answer the
lust of Sin, our Brains dull to good Thoughts, our Lips dumb to his
Praise, our Ears deaf to his Gospel, and our Eyes dim to behold his
Wonders, which witness against us that we have not well learned the
word of God, that we are the Children of wrath, unworthy of the
love and manifold gifts of God, greedily following after the ways
of the Devil and witchcraft of the World, doing nothing to free and
keep our selves from the burning fire of Hell, till we be buried in
Sin and swallowed in Death, not to arise again in any hope of
Christ's Kingdom.

_Saxon_ II.

For to fuorgytan his Laga is the Dure, the Gat and Caeg to let in
eal unrightwisnysse, makend ure Eyge, Eore and Muth to answare the
lust of Sin, ure Braegan dole to gode Theoht, ure Lippan dumb to his
Preys, ure Earen deaf to his Gospel, and ure Eyge dim to behealden
his Wundra, whilc ge witnysse ongen us that wee oef noht wel
gelaered the weord of God, that wee are the Cilda of ured, unwyrthe
of the lufe and maenigfeald gift of God, grediglice felygend aefter
the waegen of the Deoful and wiccraft of the Weorld, doend nothing
to fry and caep ure saula from the byrnend fyr of Hell, till we be
geburied in Synne and swolgen in Death not to arise agen in aenig
hope of Christes Kynedome.

_English_ III.

Which draw from above the bitter doom of the Almighty of Hunger,
Sword, Sickness, and brings more sad plagues than those of Hail,
Storms, Thunder, Bloud, Frogs, swarms of Gnats and Grashoppers,
which ate the Corn, Grass and Leaves of the Trees in _AEgypt_.

_Saxon_ III.

Whilc drag from buf the bitter dome of the Almagan of Hunger,
Sweorde, Seoknesse, and bring mere sad plag, thone they of Hagal,
Storme, Thunner, Blode, Frog, swearme of Gnaet and Gaersupper, whilc
eaten the Corn, Gaers and Leaf of the Treowen in _AEgypt_.

_English_ IV.

If we reade his Book and holy Writ, these among many others, we
shall find to be the tokens of his hate, which gathered together
might mind us of his will, and teach us when his wrath beginneth,
which sometimes comes in open strength and full sail, oft steals
like a Thief in the night, like Shafts shot from a Bow at midnight,
before we think upon them.

_Saxon_ IV.

Gyf we raed his Boc and heilig Gewrit, these gemong maenig othern, we
sceall findan the tacna of his hatung whilc gegatherod together
miht gemind us of his willan, and teac us whone his ured onginneth,
whilc sometima come in open strength and fill seyle, oft stael gelyc
a Theof in the niht, gelyc Sceaft scoten fram a Boge at midneoht,
beforan we thinck uppen them.

_English_ V.

And though they were a deal less, and rather short than beyond our
sins, yet do we not a whit withstand or forbear them, we are wedded
to, not weary of our misdeeds, we seldom look upward, and are not
ashamed under sin, we cleanse not our selves from the blackness and
deep hue of our guilt; we want tears and sorrow, we weep not, fast
not, we crave not forgiveness from the mildness, sweetness and
goodness of God, and with all livelihood and stedfastness to our
uttermost will hunt after the evil of guile, pride, cursing,
swearing, drunkenness, overeating, uncleanness, all idle lust of
the flesh, yes many uncouth and nameless sins, hid in our inmost
Breast and Bosomes, which stand betwixt our forgiveness, and keep
God and Man asunder.

_Saxon_ V.

And theow they waere a dael lesse, and reither scort thone begond
oure sinnan, get do we naht a whit withstand and forbeare them, we
eare bewudded to, noht werig of ure agen misdeed, we seldon loc
upweard, and ear not ofschaemod under sinne, we cleans noht ure
selvan from the blacnesse and daep hue of ure guilt; we wan teare
and sara, we weope noht, faest noht, we craf noht foregyfnesse fram
the mildnesse, sweetnesse and goodnesse of God, and mit eal
lifelyhood and stedfastnesse to ure uttermost witt hunt aefter the
ufel of guile, pride, cursung, swearung, druncennesse, overeat,
uncleannesse and eal idle lust of the flaesc, vis maenig uncuth and
nameleas sinnan, hid in ure inmaest Brist and Bosome, whilc stand
betwixt ure foregyfnesse, and caep God and Man asynder.

_English_ VI.

Thus are we far beneath and also worse than the rest of God's
Works; for the Sun and Moon, the King and Queen of Stars, Snow,
Ice, Rain, Frost, Dew, Mist, Wind, fourfooted and creeping things,
Fishes and feathered Birds, and Fowls either of Sea or Land do all
hold the Laws of his will.

_Saxon_ VI.

Thus eare we far beneoth and ealso wyrse thone the rest of Gods
Weorka; for the Sune and Mone, the Cyng and Cquen of Stearran,
Snaw, Ise, Ren, Frost, Deaw, Miste, Wind, feower fet and crypend
dinga, Fix yefetherod Brid, and Faelan auther in Sae or Land do eal
heold the Lag of his willan.

Thus have you seen in few words how near the Saxon and English meet.

* * * * *

Now of this account the French will be able to make nothing; the modern Danes and Germans, though from several words they may conjecture at the meaning, yet will they be much to seek in the orderly sense and continued construction thereof, whether the Danes can continue such a series of sense out of their present Language and the old Runick, as to be intelligible unto present and ancient times, some doubt may well be made; and if the present French would attempt a Discourse in words common unto their present Tongue and the old _Romana Rustica_ spoken in Elder times, or in the old Language of the Francks, which came to be in use some successions after _Pharamond_, it might prove a Work of some trouble to effect.

It were not impossible to make an Original reduction of many words of no general reception in _England_ but of common use in _Norfolk_, or peculiar to the East Angle Countries; as, _Bawnd_, _Bunny_, _Thurck_, _Enemmis_, _Sammodithee_, _Mawther_, _Kedge_, _Seele_, _Straft_, _Clever_, _Matchly_, _Dere_, _Nicked_, _Stingy_, _Noneare_, _Feft_, _Thepes_, _Gosgood_, _Kamp_, _Sibrit_, _Fangast_, _Sap_, _Cothish_, _Thokish_, _Bide owe_, _Paxwax_: of these and some others of no easie originals, when time will permit, the resolution may be attempted; which to effect, the Danish Language new and more ancient may prove of good advantage: which Nation remained here fifty years upon agreement, and have left many Families in it, and the Language of these parts had surely been more commixed and perplex, if the Fleet of _Hugo de Bones_ had not been cast away, wherein threescore thousand Souldiers out of _Britany_ and _Flanders_ were to be wafted over, and were by King _John's_ appointment to have a settled habitation in the Counties of _Norfolk_ and _Suffolk_.

But beside your laudable endeavours in the Saxon, you are not like to repent you of your studies in the other European and Western Languages, for therein are delivered many excellent Historical, Moral and Philosophical Discourses, wherein men merely versed in the learned Languages are often at a loss: but although you are so well accomplished in the French, you will not surely conceive that you are master of all the Languages in _France_, for to omit the Briton, Britonant or old British, yet retained in some part of _Britany_, I shall onely propose this unto your construction.

* * * * *

_Chavalisco d' aquestes Boemes chems an freitado lou cap cun taules Jargonades, ero necy chi voluiget bouta sin tens embe aquelles. Anin a lous occells, che dizen tat prou ben en ein voz L' ome nosap comochodochi yen ay jes de plazer, d' ausir la mitat de paraulles en el mon._

This is a part of that Language which _Scaliger_ nameth _Idiotismus Tectosagicus_, or _Langue d' oc_, counterdistinguishing it unto the _Idiotismus Francicus_, or _Langue d'ouy_, not understood in a petty corner or between a few Mountains, but in parts of early civility, in _Languedoc_, _Provence_ and _Catalonia_, which put together will make little less than _England_.

Without some knowledge herein you cannot exactly understand the Works of _Rablais_: by this the French themselves are fain to make out that preserved relique of old French, containing the League between _Charles_ and _Lewis_ the Sons of _Ludovicus Pius_. Hereby may tolerably be understood the several Tracts written in the Catalonian Tongue; and in this is published the Tract of Falconry written by _Theodosius_ and _Symmachus_: in this is yet conserved the Poem _Vilhuardine_ concerning the French expedition in the Holy War, and the taking of _Constantinople_, among the Works of _Marius AEquicola_ an Italian Poet. You may find, in this Language, a pleasant Dialogue of Love: this, about an hundred years ago, was in high esteem, when many Italian Wits flocked into _Provence_; and the famous _Petrarcha_ wrote many of his Poems in _Vaucluse_ in that Country.

* * * * *

For the word [_Dread_] in the Royal Title [_Dread Sovereign_] of which you desire to know the meaning, I return answer unto your question briefly thus.

* * * * *

Most men do vulgarly understand this word _Dread_ after the common and English acception, as implying _Fear_, _Awe_ or _Dread_.

Others may think to expound it from the French word _Droit_ or _Droyt_. For, whereas in elder times, the _Presidents_ and _Supremes_ of Courts were termed _Sovereigns_, men might conceive this a distinctive Title and proper unto the King as eminently and by right the Sovereign.

A third exposition may be made from some Saxon Original, particularly from _Driht_, _Domine_, or _Drihten_, _Dominus_, in the Saxon Language, the word for _Dominus_ throughout the Saxon Psalms, and used in the expression of the year of our Lord in the Decretal Epistle of Pope _Agatho_ unto _Athelred_ King of the Mercians, _Anno_, 680.

_Verstegan_ would have this term _Drihten_ appropriate unto God. Yet, in the Constitutions of _Withred[267] King of Kent_, we find the same word used for a Lord or Master, _Si in vespera praecedente solem servus ex mandato Domini aliquod opus servile egerit, Dominus (Drihten) 80 solidis luito_. However therefore, though _Driht_, _Domine_, might be most eminently applied unto the Lord of Heaven, yet might it be also transferred unto Potentates and Gods on Earth, unto whom fealty is given or due, according unto the Feudist term _Ligeus a Ligando_ unto whom they were bound in fealty. And therefore from _Driht_, _Domine_, _Dread Sovereign_, may, probably, owe its Original.

[267] V. Cl. Spelmanni _Concil._

* * * * *

I have not time to enlarge upon this Subject: 'Pray let this pass, as it is, for a Letter and not for a Treatise. I am

_Yours_, etc.

OF ARTIFICIAL HILLS, MOUNTS OR BURROWS

In many parts of England.

What they are, to what end raised, and by what Nations.

TRACT IX

My honoured Friend Mr. _E. D._[268] his _Quaere_.

'In my last Summer's Journey through _Marshland_, _Holland_ and a great part of the _Fenns_, I observed divers artificial heaps of Earth of a very large magnitude, and I hear of many others which are in other parts of those Countries, some of them are at least twenty foot in direct height from the level whereon they stand. I would gladly know your opinion of them, and whether you think not that they were raised by the Romans or Saxons to cover the Bones or Ashes of some eminent persons?'

[268] [Sir William Dugdale.--ED.]

My Answer.

_Worthy Sir_,

Concerning artificial Mounts and Hills, raised without Fortifications attending them, in most parts of _England_, the most considerable thereof I conceive to be of two kinds; that is, either Signal Boundaries and Land-Marks, or else sepulchral Monuments or Hills of Interrment for remarkable and eminent persons, especially such as died in the Wars.

As for such which are sepulchral Monuments, upon bare and naked view they are not appropriable unto any of the three Nations of the Romans, Saxons or Danes, who, after the Britaines, have possessed this Land; because upon strict account, they may be appliable unto them all.

For that the Romans used such hilly Sepultures, beside many other testimonies, seems confirmable from the practice of _Germanicus_, who thus interred the unburied Bones of the slain Souldiers of _Varus_; and that expression of _Virgil_, of high antiquity among the Latins,

--_facit ingens monte sub alto_
_Regis Dercenni terreno ex aggere Bustum._

That the Saxons made use of this way is collectible from several Records, and that pertinent expression of _Lelandus_,[269] _Saxones gens Christi ignara, in hortis amoenis, si domi forte aegroti moriebantur; sin foris et bello occisi, in egestis per campos terrae tumulis (quos Burgos appellabant) sepulti sunt_.

[269] Leland. _in Assertione Regis_ Arthuri.

That the Danes observed this practice, their own Antiquities do frequently confirm, and it stands precisely delivered by _Adolphus Cyprius_, as the learned _Wormius_[270] hath observed. _Dani olim in memoriam Regum et Heroum, ex terra coacervata ingentes moles, Montium instar eminentes, erexisse, credibile omnino ac probabile est, atque illis in locis ut plurimum, quo saepe homines commearent, atque iter haberent, ut in viis publicis posteritati memoriam consecrarent, et quodammodo immortalitati mandarent._ And the like Monuments are yet to be observed in _Norway_ and _Denmark_ in no small numbers.

[270] Wormius _in Monumentis Danicis_.

So that upon a single view and outward observation they may be the Monuments of any of these three Nations: Although the greatest number, not improbably, of the Saxons; who fought many Battels with the Britaines and Danes, and also between their own Nations, and left the proper name of Burrows for these Hills still retained in many of them, as the seven Burrows upon _Salisbury_ Plain, and in many other parts of _England_.

But of these and the like Hills there can be no clear and assured decision without an ocular exploration, and subterraneous enquiry by cutting through one of them either directly or crosswise. For so with lesser charge discovery may be made what is under them, and consequently the intention of their erection.

For if they were raised for remarkable and eminent Boundaries, then about their bottom will be found the lasting substances of burnt Bones of Beasts, of Ashes, Bricks, Lime or Coals.

If Urns be found, they might be erected by the Romans before the term of Urn-burying or custom of burning the dead expired: but if raised by the Romans after that period; Inscriptions, Swords, Shields, and Arms after the Roman mode, may afford a good distinction.

But if these Hills were made by Saxons or Danes, discovery may be made from the fashion of their Arms, Bones of their Horses, and other distinguishing substances buried with them.

And for such an attempt there wanteth not encouragement. For a like Mount or Burrow was opened in the days of King _Henry_ the Eighth upon _Barham_ Down in _Kent_, by the care of Mr. _Thomas Digges_ and charge of Sir _Christopher Hales_; and a large Urn with Ashes was found under it, as is delivered by _Thomas Twinus De Rebus Albionicis_, a learned Man of that Country, _Sub incredibili Terrae acervo, Urna cinere ossium magnorum fragmentis plena, cum galeis, clypeis aeneis et ferreis rubigine fere consumptis, inusitatae magnitudinis, eruta est: sed nulla inscriptio nomen, nullum testimonium tempus, aut fortunam exponebant_: and not very long ago, as _Cambden_[271] delivereth, in one of the Mounts of _Barklow_ Hills in _Essex_, being levelled there were found three Troughs, containing broken Bones, conceived to have been of Danes: and in later time we find, that a Burrow was opened in the Isle of _Man_, wherein fourteen Urns were found with burnt Bones in them; and one more neat than the rest, placed in a Bed of fine white Sand, containing nothing but a few brittle Bones, as having passed the Fire; according to the particular account thereof in the description[272] of the Isle of _Man_. Surely many noble Bones and Ashes have been contented with such hilly Tombs; which neither admitting Ornament, Epitaph or Inscription, may, if Earthquakes spare them, out last all other Monuments. _Suae sunt Metis metae._ Obelisks have their term, and Pyramids will tumble, but these mountainous Monuments may stand, and are like to have the same period with the Earth.

[271] Cambd. Brit. _p. 326_.

[272] _Published_ 1656, by Dan. King.

* * * * *

More might be said, but my business, of another nature, makes me take off my hand. I am

_Yours_, etc.

OF TROAS

What place is meant by that Name.

Also, of the situations of _Sodom_, _Gomorrha_,
_Admah_, _Zeboim_, in the dead Sea.

TRACT X

SIR,

_To your Geographical Queries, I answer as follows._

In sundry passages of the new Testament, in the _Acts of the Apostles_, and Epistles of S. _Paul_, we meet with the word _Troas_; how he went from _Troas_ to _Philippi_ in _Macedonia_, from thence unto _Troas_ again: how he remained seven days in that place; from thence on foot to _Assos_, whither the Disciples had sailed from _Troas_, and there, taking him in, made their Voyage unto _Caesarea_.

Now, whether this _Troas_ be the name of a City or a certain Region seems no groundless doubt of yours: for that 'twas sometimes taken in the signification of some Country, is acknowledged by _Ortelius_, _Stephanus_ and _Grotius_; and it is plainly set down by _Strabo_, that a Region of _Phrygia_ in _Asia minor_ was so taken in ancient times; and that, at the Trojan War, all the Territory which comprehended the nine Principalities subject unto the King of _Ilium_, +Troie legomene+, was called by the name of _Troja_. And this might seem sufficiently to salve the intention of the description, when he came or went from _Troas_, that is, some part of that Region; and will otherwise seem strange unto many how he should be said to go or come from that City which all Writers had laid in the Ashes about a thousand years before.

All which notwithstanding, since we reade in the Text a particular abode of seven days, and such particulars as leaving of his Cloak, Books and Parchments at _Troas_: And that S. _Luke_ seems to have been taken in to the Travels of S. _Paul_ in this place, where he begins in the _Acts_ to write in the first person, this may rather seem to have been some City or special Habitation, than any Province or Region without such limitation.

Now that such a City there was, and that of no mean note, is easily verified from historical observation. For though old _Ilium_ was anciently destroyed, yet was there another raised by the relicts of that people, not in the same place, but about thirty Furlongs westward, as is to be learned from _Strabo_.

Of this place _Alexander_ in his expedition against _Darius_ took especial notice, endowing it with sundry Immunities, with promise of greater matters at his return from _Persia_; inclined hereunto from the honour he bore unto _Homer_, whose earnest Reader he was, and upon whose Poems, by the help of _Anaxarchus_ and _Callisthenes_, he made some observations. As also much moved hereto upon the account of his cognation with the _AEacides_ and Kings of _Molossus_, whereof _Andromache_ the Wife of _Hector_ was Queen. After the death of _Alexander_, _Lysimachus_ surrounded it with a Wall, and brought the inhabitants of the neighbour Towns unto it, and so it bore the name of _Alexandria_; which, from _Antigonus_, was also called _Antigonia_, according to the inscription of that famous Medal in _Goltsius_, _Colonia Troas Antigonia Alexandrea, Legio vicesima prima_.

When the Romans first went into _Asia_ against _Antiochus_ 'twas but a +Komopolis+ and no great City; but, upon the Peace concluded, the Romans much advanced the same. _Fimbria_, the rebellious Roman, spoiled it in the Mithridatick War, boasting that he had subdued _Troy_ in eleven days which the Grecians could not take in almost as many years. But it was again rebuilt and countenanced by the Romans, and became a Roman Colony, with great immunities conferred on it; and accordingly it is so set down by _Ptolomy_. For the Romans, deriving themselves from the Trojans, thought no favour too great for it; especially _Julius Caesar_, who, both in imitation of _Alexander_, and for his own descent from _Julus_, of the posterity of _AEneas_, with much passion affected it, and, in a discontented humour,[273] was once in mind to translate the Roman wealth unto it; so that it became a very remarkable place, and was, in _Strabo's_ time, +ellogimon poleon+, one of the noble Cities of _Asia_.

[273] Sueton.

And, if they understood the prediction of _Homer_ in reference unto the Romans, as some expound it in _Strabo_, it might much promote their affection unto that place; which being a remarkable prophecy, and scarce to be parallel'd in Pagan story, made before _Rome_ was built, and concerning the lasting Reign of the progeny of _AEneas_, they could not but take especial notice of it. For thus is _Neptune_ made to speak, when he saved _AEneas_ from the fury of _Achilles_.

_Verum agite hunc subito praesenti a morte trahamus
Ne Cronides ira flammet si fortis Achilles
Hunc mactet, fati quem Lex evadere jussit.
Ne genus intereat de laeto semine totum
Dardani ab excelso prae cunctis prolibus olim,
Dilecti quos e mortali stirpe creavit,
Nunc etiam Priami stirpem Saturnius odit,
Trojugenum posthaec AEneas sceptra tenebit
Et nati natorum et qui nascentur ab illis._

The Roman favours were also continued unto S. _Paul's_ days; for _Claudius_,[274] producing an ancient Letter of the Romans unto King _Seleucus_ concerning the Trojan Privileges, made a Release of their Tributes; and _Nero_ [SN: Tacit. _l. 13_.] elegantly pleaded for their Immunities, and remitted all Tributes unto them.

[274] Sueton.

And, therefore, there being so remarkable a City in this Territory, it may seem too hard to loose the same in the general name of the Country; and since it was so eminently favoured by Emperours, enjoying so many Immunities, and full of Roman Privileges, it was probably very populous, and a fit abode for S. _Paul_, who being a Roman Citizen, might live more quietly himself, and have no small number of faithfull well-wishers in it.

Yet must we not conceive that this was the old _Troy_, or re-built in the same place with it: for _Troas_ was placed about thirty Furlongs West, and upon the Sea shore; so that, to hold a clearer apprehension hereof than is commonly delivered in the Discourses of the Ruines of _Troy_, we may consider one Inland _Troy_ or old _Ilium_, which was built farther within the Land, and so was removed from the Port where the Grecian Fleet lay in _Homer_; and another Maritime _Troy_, which was upon the Sea Coast placed in the Maps of _Ptolomy_, between _Lectum_ and _Sigaeum_ or Port _Janizam_, Southwest from the old City, which was this of S. _Paul_, and whereunto are appliable the particular accounts of _Bellonius_, when, not an hundred years ago, he described the Ruines of _Troy_ with their Baths, Aqueducts, Walls and Towers, to be seen from the Sea as he sailed between it and _Tenedos_; and where, upon nearer view, he observed some signs and impressions of his conversion in the ruines of Churches, Crosses, and Inscriptions upon Stones.

Nor was this onely a famous City in the days of S. _Paul_, but considerable long after. For, upon the Letter of _Adrianus_ [SN: Philostrat. _in Vita_ Herodis Attici.], _Herodes Atticus_, at a great charge, repaired their Baths, contrived Aqueducts and noble Water-courses in it. As is also collectible from the Medals of _Caracalla_, of _Severus_, and _Crispina_; with Inscriptions, _Colonia Alexandria Troas_, bearing on the Reverse either an Horse, a Temple, or a Woman; denoting their destruction by an Horse, their prayers for the Emperour's safety, and, as some conjecture, the memory of _Sibylla_, _Phrygia_ or _Hellespontica_.

Nor wanted this City the favour of Christian Princes, but was made a Bishop's See under the Archbishop of _Cyzicum_; but in succeeding discords was destroyed and ruined, and the nobler Stones translated to _Constantinople_ by the Turks to beautifie their Mosques and other Buildings.

_Concerning the Dead Sea, accept of these few Remarks._

In the Map of the Dead Sea we meet with the Figure of the Cities which were destroyed: of _Sodom_, _Gomorrha_, _Admah_ and _Zeboim_; but with no uniformity; men placing them variously, and, from the uncertainty of their situation, taking a fair liberty to set them where they please.

For _Admah_, _Zeboim_ and _Gomorrha_, there is no light from the Text to define their situation. But, that _Sodom_ could not be far from _Segor_ which was seated under the Mountains near the side of the Lake, seems inferrible from the sudden arrival of _Lot_, who, coming from _Sodom_ at day break, attained to _Segor_ at Sun rising; and therefore _Sodom_ is to be placed not many miles from it, not in the middle of the Lake, which against that place is about eighteen miles over, and so will leave nine miles to be gone in so small a space of time.

The Valley being large, the Lake now in length about seventy English miles, the River _Jordan_ and divers others running over the Plain, 'tis probable the best Cities were seated upon those Streams: but how the _Jordan_ passed or winded, or where it took in the other Streams, is a point too old for Geography to determine.

For, that the River gave the fruitfulness unto this Valley by over watring that low Region, seems plain from that expression in the Text,[275] that it was watered, _sicut Paradisus et AEgyptus_, like _Eden_ and the Plains of _Mesopotamia_, where _Euphrates_ yearly overfloweth; or like _AEgypt_ where _Nilus_ doth the like: and seems probable also from the same course of the River not far above this Valley where the Israelites passed _Jordan_, where 'tis said that _Jordan overfloweth its Banks in the time of Harvest_.

[275] Gen. 13. 10.

That it must have had some passage under ground in the compass of this Valley before the creation of this Lake, seems necessary from the great current of _Jordan_, and from the Rivers _Arnon_, _Cedron_, _Zaeth_, which empty into this Valley; but where to place that concurrence of Waters or place of its absorbition, there is no authentick decision.

The probablest place may be set somewhat Southward, below the Rivers that run into it on the East or Western Shore: and somewhat agreeable unto the account which _Brocardus_ received from the Sarazens which lived near it, _Jordanem ingredi Mare Mortuum et rursum egredi, sed post exiguum intervallum a Terra absorberi_.

_Strabo_ speaks naturally of this Lake, that it was first caused by Earthquakes, by sulphureous and bituminous eruptions, arising from the Earth. But the Scripture makes it plain to have been from a miraculous hand, and by a remarkable expression, _pluit Dominus ignem et Sulphur a Domino_. See also _Deut. 29. in ardore Salis_: burning the Cities and destroying all things about the Plain, destroying the vegetable nature of Plants and all living things, salting and making barren the whole Soil, and, by these fiery Showers, kindling and setting loose the body of the bituminous Mines, which shewed their lower Veins before but in some few Pits and openings, swallowing up the Foundation of their Cities; opening the bituminous Treasures below, and making a smoak like a Furnace able to be discerned by _Abraham_ at a good distance from it.

* * * * *

If this little may give you satisfaction, I shall be glad, as being, Sir,

_Yours_, etc.

OF THE ANSWERS
of the Oracle of Apollo at Delphos to
Croesus King of Lydia

TRACT XI

SIR,

Among the Oracles[276] of _Appollo_ there are none more celebrated than those which he delivered unto _Croesus_ King of _Lydia_,[277] who seems of all Princes to have held the greatest dependence on them. But most considerable are his plain and intelligible replies which he made unto the same King, when he sent his Chains of Captivity unto _Delphos_, after his overthrow by _Cyrus_, with sad expostulations why he encouraged him unto that fatal War by his Oracle, saying,[278] Croesus, _if he Wars against the Persians, shall dissolve a great Empire_. Why, at least, he prevented not that sad infelicity of his devoted and bountifull Servant, and whether it were fair or honourable for the Gods of _Greece_ to be ingratefull: which being a plain and open delivery of _Delphos_, and scarce to be parallel'd in any ancient story, it may well deserve your farther consideration.

[276] _See_ Vulg. Err. _l._ 7. c. 12.

[277] Herod. _l._ 1. 46, 47, etc. 90, 91.

[278] +Prolegousai Kroiso, en strateuetai epi Persas, megalen archen
min katalysein.+ Herod. _Ibid._ 54.

1. His first reply was, _That_ Croesus _suffered not for himself_; but paid the transgression of his fifth predecessour, who kill'd his Master and usurp'd the dignity unto which he held no title.

Now whether _Croesus_ suffered upon this account or not, hereby he plainly betrayed his insufficiency to protect him; and also obliquely discovered he had a knowledge of his misfortune; for knowing that wicked act lay yet unpunished, he might well divine some of his successours might smart for it: and also understanding he was like to be the last of that race, he might justly fear and conclude this infelicity upon him.

Hereby he also acknowledged the inevitable justice of God; that though Revenge lay dormant, it would not always sleep; and consequently confessed the just hand of God punishing unto the third and fourth generation, nor suffering such iniquities to pass for ever unrevenged.

Hereby he flatteringly encouraged him in the opinion of his own merits, and that he onely suffered for other mens transgressions: mean while he concealed _Croesus_ his pride, elation of mind and secure conceit of his own unparallel'd felicity, together with the vanity, pride and height of luxury of the Lydian Nation, which the Spirit of _Delphos_ knew well to be ripe and ready for destruction.

2. A Second excuse was, _That it is not in the power of God to hinder the Decree of Fate_. A general evasion for any falsified prediction founded upon the common opinion of Fate, which impiously subjecteth the power of Heaven unto it; widely discovering the folly of such as repair unto him concerning future events: which, according unto this rule, must go on as the Fates have ordered, beyond his power to prevent or theirs to avoid; and consequently teaching that his Oracles had onely this use to render men more miserable by foreknowing their misfortunes; whereof _Croesus_ himself had a sensible experience in that Daemoniacal Dream concerning his eldest Son, _That he should be killed by a Spear_, which, after all care and caution, he found inevitably to befall him.

3. In his Third Apology he assured him that he endeavoured to transfer the evil Fate and to pass it upon his Children; and did however procrastinate his infelicity, and deferred the destruction of _Sardis_ and his own Captivity three years longer than was fatally decreed upon it.

Wherein while he wipes off the stain of Ingratitude, he leaves no small doubt whether, it being out of his power to contradict or transfer the Fates of his Servants, it be not also beyond it to defer such signal events, and whereon the Fates of whole Nations do depend.

As also, whether he intended or endeavoured to bring to pass what he pretended, some question might be made. For that he should attempt or think he could translate his infelicity upon his Sons, it could not consist with his judgment, which attempts not impossibles or things beyond his power; nor with his knowledge of future things, and the Fates of succeeding Generations: for he understood that Monarchy was to expire in himself, and could particularly foretell the infelicity of his Sons, and hath also made remote predictions unto others concerning the fortunes of many succeeding descents; as appears in that answer unto _Attalus_,

_Be of good courage,_ Attalus, _thou shalt reign
And thy Sons Sons, but not their Sons again._

As also unto _Cypselus_ King of Corinth.

_Happy is the Man who at my Altar stands,
Great_ Cypselus _who_ Corinth _now commands.
Happy is he, his Sons shall happy be,
But for their Sons, unhappy days they'll see._

Now, being able to have so large a prospect of future things, and of the fate of many Generations, it might well be granted he was not ignorant of the Fate of _Croesus_ his Sons, and well understood it was in vain to think to translate his misery upon them.

4. In the Fourth part of his reply, he clears himself of Ingratitude which Hell it self cannot hear of; alledging that he had saved his life when he was ready to be burnt, by sending a mighty Showre, in a fair and cloudless day, to quench the Fire already kindled, which all the Servants of _Cyrus_ could not doe. Though this Shower might well be granted, as much concerning his honour, and not beyond his power; yet whether this mercifull Showre fell not out contingently or were not contrived by an higher power, which hath often pity upon Pagans, and rewardeth their vertues sometimes with extraordinary temporal favours; also, in no unlike case, who was the authour of those few fair minutes, which, in a showry day, gave onely time enough for the burning of _Sylla's_ Body, some question might be made.

5. The last excuse devolveth the errour and miscarriage of the business upon _Croesus_, and that he deceived himself by an inconsiderate misconstruction of his Oracle, that if he had doubted, he should not have passed it over in silence, but consulted again for an exposition of it. Besides, he had neither discussed, nor well perpended his Oracle concerning _Cyrus_, whereby he might have understood not to engage against him.

Wherein, to speak indifferently, the deception and miscarriage seems chiefly to lie at _Croesus_ his door, who, if not infatuated with confidence and security, might justly have doubted the construction: besides, he had received two Oracles before, which clearly hinted an unhappy time unto him: the first concerning _Cyrus_.

_When ever a Mule shall o'er the Medians reign,
Stay not, but unto_ Hermus _fly amain._

Herein though he understood not the _Median Mule_ of _Cyrus_, that is, of his mixed descent, and from Assyrian and Median Parents, yet he could not but apprehend some misfortune from that quarter.