Chapter XX: Part II: Continued (19)

A countryman of ours, a Mr. Ledyard of Connecticut, set out from hence some time ago for St. Petersburg, to go thence to Kamtschatka, thence to cross over to the western coast of America, and penetrate through the continent, to the other side of it. He had got within a few days' journey of Kamtschatka, when he was arrested by order of the Empress of Russia, sent back, and turned adrift in Poland. He went to London; engaged under the auspices of a private society, formed there for pushing discoveries into Africa; passed by this place, which he left a few days ago for Marseilles, where he will embark for Alexandria and Grand Cairo; thence explore the Nile to its source; cross the head of the Niger, and descend that to its mouth. He promises me, if he escapes through his journey, he will go to Kentucky, and endeavor to penetrate westwardly to the South Sea.

The death of M. de Buffon you have heard long ago. I do not know whether we shall have anything posthumous of his. As to political news, this country is making its way to a good constitution. The only danger is, they may press so fast as to produce an appeal to arms, which might have an unfavorable issue for them. As yet, the appeal is not made. Perhaps the war which seems to be spreading from nation to nation, may reach them; this would ensure the calling of the States General, and this, as is supposed, the establishment of a constitution.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO E. RUTLEDGE.

PARIS, July 18, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--Messrs. Berard were to have given me particular accounts of the proceeds of the shipments of rice made to them. But they have failed. I fear, from what they mention, that the price has been less advantageous than usual; which is unlucky, as it falls on the first essay. If on the whole, however, you get as much as you would have done by a sale on the spot, it should encourage other adventures, because the price at Havre or Rouen is commonly higher, and because I think you may, by trials, find out the way to avail yourselves of the Paris retail price. The Carolina rice sold at Paris, is separated into three kinds: 1, the whole grains; 2, the broken grains; 3, the small stuff; and sell at ten, eight, and six livres the French pound, retail. The whole grains, which constitute the first quality, are picked out by hand. I would not recommend this operation to be done with you, because labor is dearer there than here. But I mention these prices, to show, that after making a reasonable deduction for sorting, and leaving a reasonable profit to the retailer, there should still remain a great wholesale price. I shall wish to know from you, how much your cargo of rice shipped to Berard netts you, and how much it would have netted in _hard money_, if you had sold it at home.

You promise, in your letter of October the 23d, 1787, to give me in your next, at large, the conjectures of your philosopher on the descent of the Creek Indians from the Carthaginians, supposed to have been separated from Hanno's fleet, during his periplus. I shall be very glad to receive them, and see nothing impossible in his conjecture. I am glad he means to appeal to similarity of language, which I consider as the strongest kind of proof it is possible to adduce. I have somewhere read, that the language of the ancient Carthaginians is still spoken by their descendants, inhabiting the mountainous interior parts of Barbary, to which they were obliged to retire by the conquering Arabs. If so, a vocabulary of their tongue can still be got, and if your friend will get one of the Creek languages, the comparison will decide. He probably may have made progress in this business; but if he wishes any enquiries to be made on this side the Atlantic, I offer him my services cheerfully; my wish being like his, to ascertain the history of the American aborigines.

I congratulate you on the accession of your State to the new federal constitution. This is the last I have yet heard of, but I expect daily to hear that my own has followed the good example, and suppose it to be already established. Our government wanted bracing. Still, we must take care not to run from one extreme to another; not to brace too high. I own, I join those in opinion, who think a bill of rights necessary. I apprehend too, that the total abandonment of the principle of rotation in the offices of President and Senator, will end in abuse. But my confidence is, that there will, for a long time, be virtue and good sense enough in our countrymen, to correct abuses. We can surely boast of having set the world a beautiful example of a government reformed by reason alone, without bloodshed. But the world is too far oppressed, to profit by the example. On this side of the Atlantic, the blood of the people is become an inheritance, and those who fatten on it, will not relinquish it easily. The struggle in this country is, as yet, of doubtful issue. It is, in fact, between the monarchy and the parliaments. The nation is no otherwise concerned, but as both parties may be induced to let go some of its abuses, to court the public favor. The danger is, that the people, deceived by a false cry of liberty, may be led to take side with one party, and thus give the other a pretext for crushing them still more. If they can avoid the appeal to arms, the nation will be sure to gain much by this controversy. But if that appeal is made, it will depend entirely on the disposition of the army, whether it issue in liberty or despotism. Those dispositions are not as yet known. In the meantime, there is great probability that the war kindled in the east, will spread from nation to nation, and in the long run, become general.

I am, with the most sincere esteem and attachment, my dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO MR. CUTTING.

PARIS, July 24, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I am indebted to your favor of the 11th instant for many details which I have not received otherwise. Not-withstanding a most extensive and laborious correspondence which I keep up with my friends on the other side the water, my information is slow, precarious and imperfect. The New York papers, which I receive regularly, and one or two correspondents in Congress, are my best sources. As you are desirous of having, before your departure for South Carolina, a sketch of European affairs, as they are seen from this position, I will give you the best I can, taking no notice of the "_bruit de Paris_," which, like the English newspapers, are but guesses, and made generally by persons who do not give themselves the trouble of trying to guess right. I will confine myself to facts, or well-founded probabilities, and among these must necessarily repeat a great deal of what you know already. Perhaps all may be of that description.

The war undertaken by the Turks, unadvisedly, as was conjectured, has been attended with successes which are now hastening the public opinion to the other extreme; but it should be considered that they have been small successes only, in the partizan way. The probable event of the war can only be calculated after a great general action, because it is in that we shall see whether the European discipline has been overrated, and the want of it in the Turks exaggerated. Russia certainly undertook the war unwillingly, and the Emperor, it is thought, would now be glad to get out of it, but the Turks, who demanded a restitution of the Crimea, before they began the war, are not likely to recede from that demand, after the successes they have obtained, nor can Russia yield to it without some more decisive event than has yet taken place. A small affair on the Black Sea, which is believed, though not on grounds absolutely authentic, is calculated to revive her spirits. Twenty-seven gun boats, Russian, have obliged fifty-seven, commanded by the Captain Pacha himself, to retire after an obstinate action. The Russians were commanded by the Prince of Nassau, with whom our Paul Jones acted as volunteer, and probably directed the whole business. I suppose he must have been just arrived, and that his command has not yet been made up. He is to be rear-admiral, and always to have a separate command. What the English newspapers said of remonstrances against his being received into the service, as far as I can learn from those who would have known it, and would have told it to me, was false, as is everything those papers say, ever did say, and ever will say. The probability, and almost certainty, that Sweden will take a part in the war, adds immensely to the embarrassments of Russia, and will almost certainly prevent her fleet going to the Mediterranean. It is tolerably certain that she has been excited to this by the Court of London, and that she has received, through their negotiations, a large subsidy from the Turks (about three millions of thalers), yet the meeting of the two fleets, and their saluting, instead of fighting each other, induces a suspicion that if he can hinder the Russian expedition by hectoring only, he may not mean to do more. Should this power really engage in the war, and should it at length spread to France and England, I shall view the Swedish separation from France as the event which alone decides that the late subversion of the European system will be ultimately serious to France. This power, with the two empires, and Spain, was more than a match for England, Prussia and Holland by land, and balanced them by sea. For on this element France and Spain are equal to England, and Russia to Holland. Sweden was always supposed on the side of France, and to balance Denmark, on the side of England, by land and sea; but if she goes over decidedly into the English scale, the balance at sea will be destroyed by the amount of the whole force of these two powers, who can equip upwards of sixty sail of the line. There is a report, credited by judicious persons, that the Dutch patriots, before their suppression, foreseeing that event, sent orders to the East Indies to deliver Trincomale to the French, and that it has been done. My opinion is, either that this is not true, or that they will re-deliver it, and disavow their officer who accepted it. If they did not think Holland, and all its possessions, worth a war, they cannot think a single one of those possessions worth it. M. de St. Priest has leave to go to the waters. Probably he will then ask and have leave to come to Paris, and await events. The English papers have said the works of Cherbourg were destroyed irreparably. This is a mathematical demonstration that they are not. The truth is, that the head of one cone has been very much beaten off by the waters. But the happiness of that undertaking is, that all its injuries improve it. What is beaten from the head widens the base, and fixes the cone much more solidly. That work will be steadily pursued, and, in all human probability, be finally successful. They calculate on half a million of livres, say £20,000 sterling, for every cone, and that there will be from seventy to eighty cones. Probably they must make more cones, suppose one hundred, this will be two millions of pounds sterling. Versailles has cost fifty millions of pounds sterling. Ought we to doubt then that they will persevere to the end in a work small and useful, in proportion as the other was great and foolish?

The internal affairs here do not yet clear up. Most of the late innovations have been much for the better. Two only must be fundamentally condemned; the abolishing, in so great a degree, of the parliaments, and the substitution of so ill-composed a body as the _cour pleniere_. If the King has power to do this, the government of this country is a pure despotism. I think it a pure despotism in theory, but moderated in practice by the respect which the public opinion commands. But the nation repeats, after Montesquieu, that the different bodies of magistracy, of priests and nobles, are barriers between the King and the people. It would be easy to prove that these barriers can only appeal to public opinion, and that neither these bodies, nor the people, can oppose any legal check to the will of the monarch. But they are manifestly advancing fast to a constitution. Great progress is already made. The provincial assemblies, which will be a very perfect representative of the people, will secure them a great deal against the power of the crown. The confession lately made by the government, that it cannot impose a new tax, is a great thing: the convocation of the States General, which cannot be avoided, will produce a national assembly, meeting at certain epochs, possessing at first probably only a negative on the laws, but which will grow into the right of original legislation, and prescribing limits to the expenses of the King. These are improvements which will assuredly take place, and which will give an energy to this country they have never yet had. Much may be hoped from the States General, because the King's dispositions are solidly good; he is capable of great sacrifices; all he wants to induce him to do a thing, is to be assured it will be for the good of the nation. He will probably believe what the States General shall tell him, and will do it. It is supposed they will reduce the parliament to a mere judiciary. I am in hopes all this will be effected without convulsions. The English papers have told the world, with their usual truth, that all here is civil war and confusion. There have been some riots, but as yet not a single life has been lost, according to the best evidence I have been able to collect. One officer was wounded at Grenoble. The arrest of the twelve deputies of Bretagne a fortnight ago, I apprehended would have produced an insurrection; but it seems as if it would not. They have sent eighteen deputies more, who will probably be heard. General Armand was one of the twelve, and is now in the Bastille. The Marquis de La Fayette, for signing the prayer which these deputies were to present, and which was signed by all the other nobles of Bretagne resident in Paris (about sixty in number), has been disgraced, in the old-fashioned language of the country; that is to say, the command in the south of France this summer, which they had given him, is taken away. They took all they could from such others of the subscribers as held anything from the Court. This dishonors them at Court, and in the eyes and conversation of their competitors for preferment. But it will probably honor them in the eyes of the nation. This is as full a detail as I am able to give you of the affairs of Europe. I have nothing to add to them but my wishes for your health and happiness, and assurances of the esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. BELLINI.

PARIS, July 25, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--Though I have written to you seldom, you are often the object of my thoughts, and always of my affection. The truth is, that the circumstances with which I am surrounded, offer little worth detailing to you. You are too wise to feel an interest in the squabbles, in which the pride, the dissipations, and the tyranny of kings, keep this hemisphere constantly embroiled. Science indeed, finds some aliment here, and you are one of her sons. But this I have pretty regularly communicated to Mr. Madison, with whom, I am sure, you participate of it. It is with sincere pleasure I congratulate you on the good fortune of our friend Mazzei, who is appointed here, to correspond with the King of Poland. The particular character given him is not well defined, but the salary is, which is more important. It is eight thousand livres a year, which will enable him to live comfortably, while his duties will find him that occupation, without which he cannot exist. Whilst this appointment places him at his ease, it affords him a hope of permanence also. It suspends, if not entirely prevents, the visit he had intended to his native country, and the return to his adoptive one, which the death of his wife had rendered possible. This last event has given him three quarters of the globe elbow-room, which he had ceded to her, on condition she would leave him quiet in the fourth. Their partition of the next world will be more difficult, if it be divided only into two parts, according to the protestant faith. Having seen by a letter you wrote him, that you were in want of a pair of spectacles, I undertook to procure you some, which I packed in a box of books addressed to Mr. Wythe, and of which I beg your acceptance. This box lay forgotten at Havre the whole of the last winter, but was at length shipped, and I trust has come to hand. I packed with the spectacles, three or four pair of glasses, adapted to the different periods of life, distinguished from each other by numbers, and easily changed. You see I am looking forward in hope of a long life for you; and that it may be long enough to carry you through the whole succession of glasses, is my sincere prayer. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Bellini, assure her of my affectionate remembrance of her, and my wishes for her health and happiness; and accept yourself, very sincere professions of the esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

TO MR. CUTTING.

PARIS, July 28, 1788.

SIR,--When I had the honor of writing you on the 24th instant, the transactions on the Black Sea were but vaguely known; I am now able to give them to you on better foundation. The Captain Pacha was proceeding with succors to Ocrakoff, as is said by some (for this fact does not come on the same authority with the others), the authentic account placing the two fleets in the neighborhood of each other at the mouth of the Liman, without saying how they came there. The Captain Pacha, with fifty-seven gun-boats, attacked the Russian vessels of the same kind, twenty-seven in number, the right wing of which was commanded by Admiral Paul Jones, the left by the Prince of Nassau. After an obstinate engagement of five hours, during which the Captain Pacha flew incessantly wherever there was danger or distress, he was obliged to retire, having lost three of his vessels, and killed only eight men of the Russians. I take this account from the report of the action by the Prince of Nassau, which the Russian minister here showed me. It is said in other accounts, that all the balls of the Turks passed overhead, which was the reason they did so little execution. This was on the 10th of June, and was the forerunner of the great and decisive action between the two main fleets, which took place on the 26th, the Russian fleet, commanded by Admiral Paul Jones, the Turkish by Captain Pacha, of which the result only, and not the details, are given us. This was, that the vessels of the Turkish Admiral and Vice-Admiral, and four others, were burnt, that is to say, six in all, two others were taken, and between three and four thousand prisoners. The Captain Pacha's flag was taken, and himself obliged to fly in a small vessel, his whole fleet being dispersed. The Prince Potemkin immediately got under march for Ocrakoff, to take advantage of the consternation into which that place was thrown. These facts are written by Prince Potemkin, from his head-quarters, to Prince Gallitzin, the Russian Ambassador at Vienna, who writes them to their minister here, who showed me the letter. The number of prisoners taken, renders it probable that the Captain Pacha was on his way to the relief of Ocrakoff with transports, as a less authentic report said he was. We are not told authentically what was the force on each side in the main action of the 26th, but it is supposed to have been about fifteen ships of the line on each side, besides their smaller vessels; but the evidence of this is vague, and the less to be relied on, as we have known that the Russians were much inferior in numbers to the Turks on that sea. A war of a less bloody kind is begun between the Pope and the King of Naples, who has refused this year to pay the annual tribute of the hackney as an acknowledgment that he holds his kingdom as feudatory of the Pope. The latter has declared him to stand deprived of his kingdom, but gives him three months to consider of it. We shall see what will be made of this farce. I have written this supplement to my other letter, in hopes it may still find you at London. I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO M. LIMOZIN.

PARIS, July 30, 1788.

SIR,--I know nothing myself of the person who was the subject of your letter of the 27th, except a mere slight personal acquaintance. But I have been told that he has been very unsuccessful in commerce, and that his affairs are very much deranged. I own I wish to see the beef-trade with America taken up by solid hands, because it will give new life to our Northern States. In general, they do not know how to cure it. But some persons of Massachusetts have not very long ago brought over packers and picklers from Ireland, and the beef cured and packed by them has been sent to the East Indies and brought back again, and perfectly sound. We may expect the art will spread. Is the Irish beef as good as that of Hamburg? If I had supposed Irish beef could have been got at Havre, I would not have sent to Hamburg for beef. I suppose that which came for me cannot be introduced.

You have heard of the great naval victory obtained by the Russians under command of Admiral Paul Jones, over the Turks commanded by the Captain Pacha. We cannot see as yet, whether this will hasten peace. The Swedish fleet having saluted instead of attacking the Russian, makes us suspect these movements of the King of Sweden may be a mere piece of hectoring to frighten Russia from the purpose of sending her fleet round, if he can do it without actually entering into the war. He is paid by the Turks. Nothing else new. I am, Sir, with great esteem, your most obedient, humble servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, July 31, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 3d and the 25th of May. Yours from Orange, of April the 22d, came to hand on the 10th instant.

My letter to Mr. Jay, containing all the public news that is well authenticated, I will not repeat it here, but add some details in the smaller way, which you may be glad to know. The disgrace of the Marquis de la Fayette, which at any other period of their history would have had the worst consequences for him, will, on the contrary, mark him favorably to the nation, at present. During the present administration, he can expect nothing; but perhaps it may serve him with their successors, whenever a change shall take place. No change of the Principal will probably take place before the meeting of the States General; though a change is to be wished, for his operations do not answer the expectations formed of him. These had been calculated on his brilliancy in society. He is very feebly aided, too. Montmorin is weak, though a most worthy character. He is indolent and inattentive, too, in the extreme. Luzerne is considerably inferior in abilities to his brother, whom you know. He is a good man, too, but so much out of his element, that he has the air of one _huskanoyed_. The Garde des sceaux is considered as the Principal's bull dog, braving danger like the animal. His talents do not pass mediocrity. The Archbishop's brother, and the new minister Villedeuil, and Lambert, have no will of their own. They cannot raise money for the peace establishment the next year, without the States General; much less if there be war; and their administration will probably end with the States General.

Littlepage, who was here as a secret agent for the King of Poland, rather overreached himself. He wanted more money. The King furnished it, more than once. Still he wanted more, and thought to obtain a high bid by saying he was called for in America, and asking leave to go there. Contrary to his expectation, he received leave; but he went to Warsaw instead of America, and from thence to join the[H] * * * * I do not know these facts certainly, but recollect them, by putting several things together. The King then sent an ancient secretary here, in whom he had much confidence, to look out for a correspondent, a mere letter writer for him. A happy hazard threw Mazzei in his way. He recommended him, and he is appointed. He has no diplomatic character whatever, but is to receive eight thousand livres a year, as an intelligencer. I hope this employment may have some permanence. The danger is, that he will overact his part.

The Marquis de la Luzerne had been for many years married to his brother's wife's sister, secretly. She was ugly and deformed, but sensible, amiable, and rather rich. When he was ambassador to London, with ten thousand guineas a year, the marriage was avowed, and he relinquished his cross of Malta, from which he derived a handsome revenue for life, and which was very open to advancement. Not long ago, she died. His real affection for her, which was great and unfeigned, and perhaps the loss of his order for so short-lived a satisfaction, has thrown him almost into a state of despondency. He is now here.

I send you a book of Dupont's, on the subject of the commercial treaty with England. Though its general matter may not be interesting, yet you will pick up in various parts of it, such excellent principles and observations, as will richly repay the trouble of reading it. I send you also, two little pamphlets of the Marquis de Condorcet, wherein is the most judicious statement I have seen, of the great questions which agitate this nation at present. The new regulations present a preponderance of good over their evil; but they suppose that the King can model the constitution at will, or, in other words, that his government is a pure despotism. The question then arising is, whether a pure despotism in a single head, or one which is divided among a king, nobles, priesthood, and numerous magistracy, is the least bad. I should be puzzled to decide; but I hope they will have neither, and that they are advancing to a limited, moderate government, in which the people will have a good share.

I sincerely rejoice at the acceptance of our new constitution by nine States. It is a good canvass, on which some strokes only want retouching. What these are, I think are sufficiently manifested by the general voice from north to south, which calls for a bill of rights. It seems pretty generally understood, that this should go to juries, habeas corpus, standing armies, printing, religion and monopolies. I conceive there may be difficulty in finding general modifications of these, suited to the habits of all the States. But if such cannot be found, then it is better to establish trials by jury, the right of habeas corpus, freedom of the press and freedom of religion, in all cases, and to abolish standing armies in time of peace, and monopolies in all cases, than not to do it in any. The few cases wherein these things may do evil, cannot be weighed against the multitude wherein the want of them will do evil. In disputes between a foreigner and a native, a trial by jury may be improper. But if this exception cannot be agreed to, the remedy will be to model the jury, by giving the _mediatas linguæ_, in civil as well as criminal cases. Why suspend the habeas corpus in insurrections and rebellions? The parties who may be arrested, may be charged instantly with a well defined crime; of course, the judge will remand them. If the public safety requires that the government should have a man imprisoned on less probable testimony, in those than in other emergencies, let him be taken and tried, retaken and retried, while the necessity continues, only giving him redress against the government, for damages. Examine the history of England. See how few of the cases of the suspension of the habeas corpus law, have been worthy of that suspension. They have been either real treason, wherein the parties might as well have been charged at once, or sham plots, where it was shameful they should ever have been suspected. Yet for the few cases wherein the suspension of the habeas corpus has done real good, that operation is now become habitual, and the minds of the nation almost prepared to live under its constant suspension. A declaration, that the federal government will never restrain the presses from printing anything they please, will not take away the liability of the printers for false facts printed. The declaration, that religious faith shall be unpunished, does not give impunity to criminal acts, dictated by religious error. The saying there shall be no monopolies, lessens the incitements to ingenuity, which is spurred on by the hope of a monopoly for a limited time, as of fourteen years; but the benefit of even limited monopolies is too doubtful, to be opposed to that of their general suppression. If no check can be found to keep the number of standing troops within safe bounds, while they are tolerated as far as necessary abandon them altogether, discipline well the militia, and guard the magazines with them. More than magazine guards will be useless, if few, and dangerous, if many. No European nation can ever send against us such a regular army as we need fear, and it is hard, if our militia are not equal to those of Canada or Florida. My idea then, is, that though proper exceptions to these general rules are desirable, and probably practicable, yet if the exceptions cannot be agreed on, the establishment of the rules, in all cases, will do ill in very few. I hope, therefore, a bill of rights will be formed, to guard the people against the federal government, as they are already guarded against their State governments, in most instances. The abandoning the principle of necessary rotation in the Senate, has, I see, been disapproved by many; in the case of the President, by none. I readily, therefore, suppose my opinion wrong, when opposed by the majority, as in the former instance, and the totality, as in the latter. In this, however, I should have done it with more complete satisfaction, had we all judged from the same position.

Solicitations, which cannot be directly refused, oblige me to trouble you often, with letters recommending and introducing to you, persons who go from hence to America. I will beg the favor of you, to distinguish the letters wherein I appeal to recommendations from other persons, from those which I write on my own knowledge. In the former, it is never my intention to compromit myself or you. In both instances, I must beg you to ascribe the trouble I give you, to circumstances which do not leave me at liberty to decline it. I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

[H] [Several paragraphs of this letter are in cipher. A few words
here could not be deciphered.]

TO COLONEL W. S. SMITH.

PARIS, August 2, 1788.

DEAR SIR, * * * * *

You arrived just in time to see the commencement of a new order of things. Our political machine is now pretty well wound up; but are the spirits of our people sufficiently wound down to let it work glibly? I trust it is too soon for that, and that we have many centuries to come yet before my countrymen cease to bear their government hard in hand. This nation is rising from the dust. They have obtained as you know, provincial assemblies, in which there will be a more perfect representation of the people than in our State assemblies; they have obtained from the King a declaration that he cannot impose a new tax without the consent of the States General, and a promise to call the States General. When these meet, they will endeavor to establish a declaration of rights, a periodical national assembly, and a civil list. I am in hopes that even a war will not interrupt this work. Whether, or rather when, this will come upon them, is still uncertain. I do not think the present ill humor between them and England can be cleared up but by a war, and that it is not very distant. England, Holland and Prussia, have now settled their alliance. Sweden has shown dispositions to take side with the Turks, and both, in the event of a general war, would be in the English scale. The contrary one would be formed by France, Spain, and the two empires. It even seems possible that Denmark will attach itself to France instead of England, rather than not be opposed to Russia. The symptoms of this as yet, however, are slight. The victory lately obtained by our Admiral Paul Jones over the Captain Pacha, will produce a great effect on the Turkish war. He burnt six of his vessels, among which was that of the Captain Pacha, and that also of his vice-Admiral, took two, and made between three and four thousand prisoners, and this with a much inferior force. It was the effect of a gross error in the Captain Pacha, instantaneously and dexterously taken advantage of by Paul Jones, who hemmed them up in the swash at the mouth of the Boristhenes, so that their vessels buried themselves in the mud, where they were burnt. The Captain Pacha escaped in a small vessel. His flag fell into the hands of the Russians. Let me hear from you sometimes, assured I shall always be interested in your success. Present me in the most friendly terms to Mrs. Smith, and accept the best affection of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

P. S. August 6th. Later accounts of the actions between the Russians and Turks, informs us that Paul Jones commanded the right wing of the little fleet of gallies, &c., in the first action, which was not at all decisive, but that when the second and decisive action took place, which was still by the gallies, &c., the Prince of Nassau alone commanded, Paul Jones being absent with the ships of war which he commands.

TO J. ADAMS, ESQ.

PARIS, August 2, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I have received with a great deal of pleasure the account of your safe arrival and joyful reception at Boston. Mr. Cutting was so kind as to send me a copy of the address of the Assembly to you and your answer, which, with the other circumstances, I have sent to have published in the gazettes of Leyden, and in a gazette here. It will serve to show the people of Europe that those of America are content with their servants, and particularly content with you.

The war with the Turks, Russians, and Austrians, goes on. A great victory obtained on the Black Sea over the Turks, as commanded by the Captain Pacha, by the Russians, commanded by Admiral Paul Jones, will serve to raise the spirits of the two empires. He burnt six ships, among which was the admiral's and vice-admiral's, took two, and made between three and four thousand prisoners. The Swedes having hastily armed a fleet of about sixteen sail of the line, and marched an army into Finland, the King at the head of it, made us believe they were going to attack the Russians. But when their fleet met with three Russian ships of one hundred guns each, they saluted and passed them. It is pretty well understood that the expenses of this armament are paid by the Turks, through the negotiations of England. And it would seem as if the King had hired himself to strut only; but not to fight, expecting probably that the former would suffice to divert the Russians from sending their fleet round to the Mediterranean. There are some late symptoms which would indicate that Denmark would still be opposed to Sweden, though she should shift herself into the opposite scale. The alliance between England, Holland and Russia, is now settled. In the meantime, this country is losing all its allies one by one, without assuring to herself new ones. Prussia, Holland, Turkey, Sweden, are pretty certainly got, or getting into the English interest, and the alliance of France with the two empires is not yet secured. I am in hopes her internal affairs will be arranged without blood. None has been shed as yet. The nation presses on sufficiently upon the government to force reformations, without forcing them to draw the sword. If they can keep the opposition always exactly at this point all will end well. Peace or war, they cannot fail now to have the States General, and I think in the course of the following year. They have already obtained the provincial Assemblies as you know. The King has solemnly confessed he cannot lay a new tax without consent of the States General, and when these assemble they will try to have themselves moulded into a periodical assembly, to form a declaration of rights, and a civil list for the government. The Baron de Breteuil has lately retired from the ministry, and has been succeeded by M. de Villedeuil. Monsieur de Malesherbes will probably retire. The Marquis de La Fayette, with several others, have lately received a fillip for having assembled to sign a memorial to the King, which had been sent up from Brittany. They took from the Marquis a particular command which he was to have exercised during the months of August and September this year in the south of France. Your friends the Abbés are well, and always inquire after you. I shall be happy to hear from you from time to time, to learn State news and State politics, for which I will give you in return those of this quarter of the earth. I hope Mrs. Adams is well; I am sure she is happier in her own country than any other. Assure her of my constant friendship, and accept assurances of the same from, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. Make freely any use of me here which may be convenient either for yourself or Mrs. Adams.

P. S. August 6. Later accounts inform us that there have been two actions between the Russians and Turks. The first was of the gallies on both sides. In this, Paul Jones being accidentally present, commanded the right wing. The Russians repulsed the Turks. The second action was of the Russian gallies against the Turkish ships of war. The effect was what is stated in the preceding letter. But the command was solely in the Prince of Nassau. Paul Jones with his fleet of ships of war being absent, Prince Potemkin immediately got under march for Oczakow, to take advantage of the consternation it was thrown into. The Swedes have commenced hostilities against the Russians, and war against them is consequently declared by the Empress.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, August 3, 1788.

SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 4th and 23d of May, with a postscript of the 27th. Since that, I have been honored with yours of April the 24th, May the 16th and June the 9th.

The most remarkable internal occurrences since my last, are these. The Noblesse of Bretagne, who had received with so much warmth the late innovations in the government, assembled, and drew up a memorial to the King, and chose twelve members of their body to come and present it. Among these was the Marquis de La Rouerie, (Colonel Armand.) The King, considering the Noblesse as having no legal right to assemble, declined receiving the memorial. The deputies, to give greater weight to it, called a meeting of the landed proprietors of Bretagne, resident at Paris, and proposed to them to add their signatures. They did so, to the number of about sixty, of whom the Marquis de La Fayette was one. The twelve deputies, for having called this meeting, were immediately sent to the Bastile, where they now are, and the Parisian signers were deprived of such favors as they held of the court. There were only four of them, however, who held anything of that kind. The Marquis de La Fayette was one of these. They had given him a military command, to be exercised in the south of France, during the months of August and September, of the present year. This they took from him; so that he is disgraced, in the ancient language of the court, but in truth honorably marked in the eyes of the nation. The ministers are so sensible of this, that they have had, separately, private conferences with him, to endeavor, through him, to keep things quiet. From the character of the province of Bretagne, it was much apprehended, for some days, that the imprisonment of their deputies would have produced an insurrection. But it took another turn. The _Cours intermediare_ of the province, acknowledged to be a legal body, deputed eighteen members of their body to the King. To these he gave an audience, and the answer, of which I send you a copy. This is hard enough. Yet I am in hopes the appeal to the sword will be avoided, and great modifications in the government be obtained, without bloodshed. As yet, none has been spilt, according to the best evidence I have been able to obtain, notwithstanding what the foreign newspapers have said to the contrary. The convocation of the States General has now become inevitable. Whenever the time shall be announced certainly, it will keep the nation quiet till they meet. According to present probabilities, this must be in the course of the next summer; but to what movements their meeting and measures may give occasion, cannot be foreseen. Should a foreign war take place, still they must assemble the States General, because they cannot, but by their aid, obtain money to carry it on. Monsieur de Malesherbes will, I believe, retire from the King's Council. He has been much opposed to the late acts of authority. The Baron de Breteuil has resigned his secretaryship of the domestic department; certainly not for the same reasons, as he is known to have been of opinion, that the King had compromitted too much of his authority. The real reason has probably been an impatience of acting under a principal minister. His successor is M. de Villedeuil, lately Comptroller General.

The Ambassadors of Tippoo Saib have arrived here. If their mission has any other object than that of pomp and ceremony, it is not yet made known. Though this court has not avowed that they are in possession of Trincomale, yet the report is believed, and that possession was taken by General Conway, in consequence of orders given in the moment that they thought a war certain. The dispute with the States General of the United Netherlands, on account of the insult to M. de St. Priest, does not tend, as yet, towards a settlement. He has obtained leave to go to the waters, and perhaps, from thence he may come to Paris, to await events. Sweden has commenced hostilities against Russia, by the taking a little fortress by land. This having been their intention, it is wonderful that when their fleet lately met three Russian ships of one hundred guns each, they saluted instead of taking them. The Empress has declared war against them in her turn. It is well understood that Sweden is set on by England, and paid by the Turks. The prospect of Russia has much brightened by some late successes. Their fleet of galleys and gunboats, twenty-seven in number, having been attacked by fifty-seven Turkish vessels of the same kind, commanded by the Captain Pacha, these were repulsed, with the loss of three vessels. In the action, which was on the 18th of June, Admiral Paul Jones commanded the right wing of the Russians, and the Prince of Nassau, the left. On the 26th of the same month, the Turkish principal fleet, that is to say, their ships of the line, frigates, &c., having got themselves near the swash, at the mouth of the Boristhenes, the Prince of Nassau took advantage of their position, attacked them while so engaged in the mud that they could not manœuvre, burnt six, among which were the admiral's, and vice-admiral's, took two, and made between three and four thousand prisoners. The first reports gave this success to Admiral Paul Jones; but it is now rendered rather probable that he was not there, as he commands the vessels of war which are said not to have been there. It is supposed that his presence in the affair of the 18th, was accidental. But if this success has been so complete as it is represented, the Black Sea must be tolerably open to the Russians: in which case, we may expect, from what we know of that officer, that he will improve to the greatest advantage the situation of things on that sea. The Captain Pacha's standard was taken in the last action, and himself obliged to make his escape in a small vessel. Prince Potemkin immediately got under march for Oczakow, to take advantage of the consternation into which that place was thrown.

The Spanish squadron, after cruising off the western isles and Cape St. Vincent, has returned into port.

A dispute has arisen between the Papal See and the King of Naples, which may, in its progress, enable us to estimate what degree of influence that See retains at the present day. The kingdom of Naples, at an early period of its history, became feudatory to the See of Rome, and in acknowledgment thereof, has annually paid a hackney to the Pope in Rome, to which place it has always been sent by a splendid embassy. The hackney has been refused by the King this year, and the Pope giving him three months to return to obedience, threatens, if he does not, to proceed seriously against him.

About three weeks ago, a person called on me and informed me that Silas Deane had taken him in for a sum of one hundred and twenty guineas, and that being unable to obtain any other satisfaction, he had laid hands on his account book and letter book, and had brought them off to Paris, to offer them first to the United States, if they would repay him his money, and if not, that he should return to London, and offer them to the British minister. I desired him to leave them with me four-and-twenty hours, that I might judge whether they were worth our notice. He did so. They were two volumes. One contained all his accounts with the United States, from his first coming to Europe, to January the 10th, 1781. Presuming that the treasury board was in possession of this account till his arrival in Philadelphia, August, 1778, and that he had never given in the subsequent part, I had that subsequent part copied from the book, and now enclose it, as it may, on some occasion or other, perhaps be useful in the treasury office. The other volume contained all his correspondences from March the 30th to August the 23d, 1777. I had a list of the letters taken, by their dates and addresses, which will enable you to form a general idea of the collection. On perusal of many of them, I thought it desirable that they should not come to the hands of the British minister, and from an expression dropped by the possessor of them, I believe he would have fallen to fifty or sixty guineas. I did not think them important enough, however, to justify my purchasing them without authority; though, with authority, I should have done it. Indeed, I would have given that sum to cut out a single sentence, which contained evidence of a fact, not proper to be committed to the hands of enemies. I told him I would state his proposition to you, and await orders. I gave him back the books, and he returned to London without making any promise that he would await the event of the orders you might think proper to give.

News of the accession of nine States to the new form of federal government, has been received here about a week. I have the honor to congratulate you sincerely on this event. Of its effect at home, you are in the best situation to judge. On this side the Atlantic it is considered as a very wise reformation. In consequence of this, speculations are already begun here, to purchase up our domestic liquidated debt. Indeed, I suspect that orders may have been previously lodged in America to do this, as soon as the new Constitution was accepted effectually. If it is thought that this debt should be retained at home, there is not a moment to lose; and I know of no means of retaining it, but those I suggested to the treasury board, in my letter to them of March the 29th. The transfer of these debts to Europe, will exclusively embarrass, and perhaps totally prevent the borrowing any money in Europe, till these shall be paid off. This is a momentous object, and in my opinion should receive instantaneous attention.

The gazettes of France, to the departure of my letter, will accompany it, and those of Leyden to the 22d of July, at which time their distribution in this country was prohibited. How long the prohibition may continue, I cannot tell. As far as I can judge, it is the only paper in Europe worth reading. Since the suppression of the packet boats, I have never been able to find a safe conveyance for a letter to you, till the present by Mrs. Barclay. Whenever a confidential person shall be going from hence to London, I shall send my letters for you to the care of Mr. Trumbull, who will look out for safe conveyances. This will render the epochs of my writing very irregular. There is a proposition under consideration, for establishing packet boats on a more economical plan, from Havre to Boston; but its success is uncertain, and still more, its duration. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS, August 9, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--Since my last to you, I have to thank you for your favors of July the 27th, 1787, and April the 10th, 1788, and the details they contained; and in return, will give you now the leading circumstances of this continent. * * *