Chapter XXV: Part III: Continued (24)

DEAR SIR,--When I wrote you my letter of March 28, I had great confidence that as much at least could have been done for you as I therein supposed. The friend to whom I confided the business here, and who was and is zealous, had found such readiness in those to whom he spoke, as left no other difficulty than to find the bank responsible. But the Auroras which came on while this was in transaction, changed the prospect altogether, and produced a general revulsion of sentiment. The President's popularity is high through this State, and nowhere higher than here. They considered these papers as a denunciation of war against him, and instantly withdrew their offers. I cannot give you a better account of the effect of the same papers in Richmond than by quoting the letter of a friend who there undertook the same office, and with great cordiality. In a letter to me of April 17, he says, "yours of the 15th, in reply to mine of the 10th inst., has been brought to me from the office this instant. On showing it to ---- the effect of it was to dispose him to lend $500, and I wrote my letter of the 10th to you in a persuasion produced by that incident, as well as by its effect on my own feelings, that something important might be done for D. in spite of the adverse spirit, or at least distrust, which the equivocal character of his paper has lately excited, equivocal in relation to Mr. Madison. But D.'s three or four last papers contain such paragraphs in relation to Mr. Madison, that even your letter cannot now serve him. The paper is now regarded as an opposition one, and the republicans here have no sympathy with any one who carries opposition colors. Every gentleman who mentions this subject in my hearing, speaks with the warmest resentment against D. Believe me, Sir, it is impossible to do anything for him here now; and any further attempts would only disable me from rendering any service to the cause hereafter. I am persuaded that you will see this subject in its true light, and be assured that it is the impracticability of serving him, produced by himself, as well as the violation which I feel it would be of my sentiments for Mr. Madison, that prevents me from proceeding." The firm, yet modest character of the writer of this letter gives great weight to what he says, and I have thought it best to state it in his own terms, because it will be better evidence to you than any general description I could give of the impression made by your late papers. Indeed I could give none, for going little from home, I cannot personally estimate the public sentiment. The few I see are very unanimous in support of their Executive and legislative functionaries. I have thought it well, too, that you should know exactly the feelings here, because if you get similar information from other respectable portions of the union, it will naturally beget some suspicion in your own mind that finding such a mass of opinion variant from your own, you may be under erroneous impressions, meriting re-examination and consideration. I think an Editor should be independent, that is, of personal influence, and not be moved from his opinions on the mere authority of any individual. But, with respect to the general opinion of the political section with which he habitually accords, his duty seems very like that of a member of Congress. Some of these indeed think that independence requires them to follow always their own opinion, without respect for that of others. This has never been my opinion, nor my practice, when I have been of that or any other body. Differing, on a particular question, from those whom I knew to be of the same political principles with myself, and with whom I generally thought and acted, a consciousness of the fallibility of the human mind, and of my own in particular, with a respect for the accumulated judgment of my friends, has induced me to suspect erroneous impressions in myself, to suppose my own opinion wrong, and to act with them on theirs. The want of this spirit of compromise, or of self-distrust, proudly, but falsely called independence, is what gives the federalists victories which they could never obtain, if these brethren could learn to respect the opinions of their friends more than of their enemies, and prevents many able and honest men from doing all the good they otherwise might do. I state these considerations because they have often quieted my own conscience in voting and acting on the judgment of others against my own; and because they may suggest doubts to yourself in the present case. Our Executive and legislative authorities are the choice of the nation, and possess the nation's confidence. They are chosen because they possess it, and the recent elections prove it has not been abated by the attacks which have for some time been kept up against them. If the measures which have been pursued are approved by the majority, it is the duty of the minority to acquiesce and conform. It is true indeed that dissentients have a right to go over to the minority, and to act with them. But I do not believe your mind has contemplated that course, that it has deliberately viewed the strange company into which it may be led, step by step, unintended and unperceived by itself. The example of John Randolph is a caution to all honest and prudent men, to sacrifice a little of self-confidence, and to go with their friends, although they may sometimes think they are going wrong. After so long a course of steady adherence to the general sentiments of the republicans, it would afflict me sincerely to see you separate from the body, become auxiliary to the enemies of our government, who have to you been the bitterest enemies, who are now chuckling at the prospect of division among us, and, as I am told, are subscribing for your paper. The best indication of error which my experience has tested, is the approbation of the federalists. Their conclusions necessarily follow the false bias of their principles. I claim, however, no right of guiding the conduct of others; but have indulged myself in these observations from the sincere feelings of my heart. Retired from all political interferences I have been induced into this one by a desire, first of being useful to you personally, and next of maintaining the republican ascendency. Be its effect what it may, I am done with it, and shall look on as an inactive, though not an unfeeling, spectator of what is to ensue. As far as my good will may go, for I can no longer act, I shall adhere to my government executive and legislative, and, as long as they are republican, I shall go with their measures, whether I think them right or wrong; because I know they are honest, and are wiser and better informed than I am. In doing this, however, I shall not give up the friendship of those who differ from me, and who have equal right with myself to shape their own course. In this disposition be assured of my continued esteem and respect.

P. S. Be so good as to consider the extract from my friend's letter as confidential, because I have not his permission to make this use of it.

TO MR. WIRT.

MONTICELLO, May 3, 1811.

DEAR SIR,--The interest you were so kind as to take, at my request, in the case of Duane, and the communication to you of my first letter to him, entitles you to a communication of the 2d, which will probably be the last. I have ventured to quote your letter in it, without giving your name, and even softening some of its expressions respecting him. It is possible Duane may be reclaimed as to Mr. Madison. But as to Mr. Gallatin, I despair of it. That enmity took its rise from a suspicion that Mr. Gallatin interested himself in the election of their governor against the views of Duane and his friends. I do not believe Mr. Gallatin meddled in it. I was in conversation with him nearly every day during the contest, and never heard him express any bias in the case. The ostensible grounds of the attack on Mr. Gallatin are all either false or futile. 1st. They urge his conversations with John Randolph. But who has revealed these conversations? What evidence have we of them? merely some oracular sentences from J. R., uttered in the heat of declamation, and never stated with all their circumstances. For instance, that a cabinet member informed him there was no cabinet. But Duane himself has always denied there could be a legal one. Besides, the fact was true at that moment, to-wit: early in the session of Congress. I had been absent from Washington from the middle of July to within three weeks of their meeting. During the separation of the members there could be no consultation, and between our return to Washington and the meeting of Congress, there really had arisen nothing requiring general consultation, nothing which could not be done in the ordinary way by consultation between the President and the head of the department to which the matter belonged, which is the way everything is transacted which is not difficult as well as important. Mr. Gallatin might therefore have said this as innocently as truly, and a malignant perversion of it was perfectly within the character of John Randolph. But the story of the two millions. Mr. Gallatin satisfied us that this affirmation of J. R. was as unauthorized as the fact itself was false. It resolves itself, therefore, into his inexplicit letter to a committee of Congress. As to this, my own surmise was that Mr. Gallatin might have used some hypothetical expression in conversing on that subject, which J. R. made a positive one, and he being a duellist, and Mr. Gallatin with a wife and children depending on him for their daily subsistence, the latter might wish to avoid collision and insult from such a man. But they say he was hostile to me. This is false. I was indebted to nobody for more cordial aid than to Mr. Gallatin, nor could any man more solicitously interest himself in behalf of another than he did of myself. His conversations with Erskine are objected as meddling out of his department. Why, then, do they not object Mr. Smith's with Rose? the whole, nearly, of that negotiation, as far as it was transacted verbally, was by Mr. Smith. The business was in this way explained informally, and on understandings thus obtained, Mr. Madison and myself shaped our formal proceedings. In fact, the harmony among us was so perfect, that whatever instrument appeared most likely to effect the object, was always used without jealousy. Mr. Smith happened to catch Mr. Rose's favor and confidence at once. We perceived that Rose would open himself more frankly to him than to Mr. Madison, and we therefore made him the medium of obtaining an understanding of Mr. Rose. Mr. Gallatin's support of the bank has, I believe, been disapproved by many. He was not in Congress when that was established, and therefore had never committed himself, publicly, on the constitutionality of that institution, nor do I recollect ever to have heard him declare himself on it. I know he derived immense convenience from it, because they gave the effect of ubiquity to his money wherever deposited. Money in New Orleans or Maine was at his command, and by their agency transformed in an instant into money in London, in Paris, Amsterdam or Canton. He was, therefore, cordial to the bank. I often pressed him to divide the public deposits among all the respectable banks, being indignant myself at the open hostility of that institution to a government on whose treasuries they were fattening. But his repugnance to it prevented my persisting. And if he was in favor of the bank, what is the amount of that crime or error in which he had a majority save one in each House of Congress as participators? yet on these facts, endeavors are made to drive from the administration the ablest man except the President, who ever was in it, and to beat down the President himself, because he is unwilling to part with so able a counseller. I believe Duane to be a very honest man and sincerely republican; but his passions are stronger than his prudence, and his personal as well as general antipathies render him very intolerant. These traits lead him astray, and require his readers, even those who value him for his steady support of the republican cause, to be on their guard against his occasional aberrations. He is eager for war against England, hence his abuse of the two last Congresses. But the people wish for peace. The re-elections of the same men prove it. And indeed, war against bedlam would be just as rational as against Europe in its present condition of total demoralization. When peace becomes more losing than war, we may prefer the latter on principles of pecuniary calculation. But for us to attempt, by war, to reform all Europe, and bring them back to principles of morality and a respect for the equal rights of nations, would show us to be only maniacs of another character. We should, indeed, have the merit of the good intentions as well as of the folly of the hero of La Mancha. But I am getting beyond the object of my letter, and will therefore here close it with assurances of my great esteem and respect.

TO MR. WIRT.

I have rejoiced to see Ritchie declare himself in favor of the President on the late attack against him, and wish he may do the same as to Mr. Gallatin. I am sure he would if his information was full. I have not an intimacy with him which might justify my writing to him directly, but the enclosed letter to you is put into such a form as might be shown to him, if you think proper to do so. Perhaps the facts stated in it, probably unknown to him, may have some effect. But do in this as you think best. Be so good as to return the letter to Duane, being my only copy, and to be assured of my affectionate esteem and respect.

MONTICELLO, May 3, 1811.

TO JOHN HOLLINS, ESQ.

MONTICELLO, May 5, 1811.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of April 17th came duly to hand. Nobody has regretted more sincerely than myself, the incidents which have happened at Washington. The early intimations which I saw quoted from federal papers were disregarded by me, because falsehood is their element. The first confirmation was from the National Intelligencer, soon followed by the exultations of other papers whose havoc is on the feelings of the virtuous. Sincerely the friend of all the parties, I ask of none why they have fallen out by the way, and would gladly infuse the oil and wine of the Samaritan into all their wounds. I hope that time, the assuager of all evils, will heal these also; and I pray from them all a continuance of their affection, and to be permitted to bear to all the same unqualified esteem. Of one thing I am certain, that they will not suffer personal dissatisfactions to endanger the republican cause. Their principles, I know, are far above all private considerations. And when we reflect that the eyes of the virtuous all over the earth are turned with anxiety on us, as the only depositories of the sacred fire of liberty, and that our falling into anarchy would decide forever the destinies of mankind, and seal the political heresy that man is incapable of self-government, the only contest between divided friends should be who will dare farthest into the ranks of the common enemy. With respect to Mr. Foster's mission, it cannot issue but as Rose's and Jackson's did. It can no longer be doubted that Great Britain means to claim the ocean as her conquest, and to suffer not even a cock-boat, as they express it, to traverse it but on paying them a transit duty to support the very fleet which is to keep the nations under tribute, and to rivet the yoke around their necks. Although their government has never openly avowed this, yet their orders of council, in their original form, were founded on this principle, and I have observed for years past, that however ill success may at times have induced them to amuse by negotiation, they have never on any occasion dropped a word disclaiming this pretension, nor one which they would have to retract when they shall judge the times ripe for openly asserting it. Protraction is therefore the sole object of Foster's mission. They do not wish war with us, but will meet it rather than relinquish their purpose.

With earnest prayers to all my friends to cherish mutual good will, to promote harmony and conciliation, and above all things to let the love of our country soar above all minor passions, I tender you the assurance of my affectionate esteem and respect.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

MONTICELLO, May 5, 1811.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor on your departure from Richmond, came to hand in due time. Although I may not have been among the first, I am certainly with the sincerest, who congratulate you on your entrance into the national councils. Your value there has never been unduly estimated by those whom personal feelings did not misguide. The late misunderstandings at Washington have been a subject of real concern to me. I know that the dissolutions of personal friendship are among the most painful occurrences in human life. I have sincere esteem for all who have been affected by them, having passed with them eight years of great harmony and affection. These incidents are rendered more distressing in our country than elsewhere, because our printers ravin on the agonies of their victims, as wolves do on the blood of the lamb. But the printers and the public are very different personages. The former may lead the latter a little out of their track, while the deviation is insensible; but the moment they usurp their direction and that of their government, they will be reduced to their true places. The two last Congresses have been the theme of the most licentious reprobation for printers thirsting after war, some against France and some against England. But the people wish for peace with both. They feel no incumbency on them to become the reformers of the other hemisphere, and to inculcate, with fire and sword, a return to moral order. When, indeed, peace shall become more losing than war, they may owe to their interests what these Quixotes are clamoring for on false estimates of honor. The public are unmoved by these clamors, as the re-election of their legislators shows, and they are firm to their executive on the subject of the more recent clamors.

We are suffering here, both in the gathered and the growing crop. The lowness of the river, and great quantity of produce brought to Milton this year, render it almost impossible to get our crops to market. This is the case of mine as well yours, and the Hessian fly appears alarmingly in our growing crops. Everything is in distress for the want of rain.

Present me respectfully to Mrs. Monroe, and accept yourself assurances of my constant and affectionate esteem.

TO M. JOHN SEVERIN VATER, PROFESSOR AT KONIGSBERG.

MONTICELLO, May 11, 1811.

SIR,--Your favor of November 4, 1809, did not get to my hands till a twelvemonth after its date. Be pleased to accept my thanks for the publication your were pleased to send me. That for Dr. Barton I forwarded to him. His researches into the Indian languages of our continent being continued, I hope it will be in his power to make to you communications useful to the object you are pursuing. This will lessen to me the regret that my retirement into an interior part of the country, as well as my age and little intercourse with the world, will scarcely afford me opportunities of contributing to your information. It is extremely to be desired that your researches should receive every aid and encouragement. I have long considered the filiation of languages as the best proof we can ever obtain of the filiation of nations. With my best wishes for the success of your undertaking, accept the assurances of my high consideration and respect.

TO COUNT POTOCKI.

MONTICELLO, May 12, 1811.

SIR,--I have received your letter of August 19th, and with it the volume of chronology you were so kind as to send me, for which be pleased to accept my thanks. It presents a happy combination of sparse and unconnected facts, which, brought together and fitted to each other, forms a whole of symmetry as well as of system. It is as a gleam of light flashed over the dark abyss of times past. Nothing would be more flattering to me than to give aid to your inquiries as to this continent, and to weave its ancient history into the web of the old world; and with this view, to accept the invitation to a correspondence with you on the subject. But time tells me I am nearly done with the history of the world; that I am now far advanced in the last chapter of my own, and that its last verse will be read out ere a few letters could pass between St. Petersburg and Monticello. I shall serve you therefore more permanently, by bequeathing to you another correspondent, more able, more industrious, and more likely to continue in life than myself. Dr. Benjamin S. Barton, one of the Professors of the college of Philadelphia, is learned in the antiquities of this country, has employed much time and attention on researches into them, is active and punctual, and will, I think, better fulfil your wishes than any other person in the United States. If you will have the goodness to address a letter to him on the subject, with the inquiries you wish to make, he will, I am sure, set a just value on the correspondence proposed, for which I shall take care to prepare him, and in committing to better hands an honor which in earlier life I should have taken a pleasure in endeavoring to merit, I make a sacrifice of my own self-love, which is the strongest proof I can give you of the high respect and consideration of which I now tender you the assurance.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

MONTICELLO, July 3d, 1811.

DEAR SIR,--I have seen with very great concern the late address of Mr. Smith to the public. He has been very ill-advised, both personally and publicly. As far as I can judge from what I hear, the impression made is entirely unfavorable to him. Every man's own understanding readily answers all the facts and insinuations, one only excepted, and for that they look for explanations without any doubt that they will be satisfactory. What is Irving's case? I have answered the inquiries of several on this head, telling them at the same time what was really the truth, that the failure of my memory enabled me to give them rather conjectures than recollections. For in truth, I have but indistinct recollections of the case. I know that what was done was on a joint consultation between us, and I have no fear that what we did will not have been correct and cautious. What I retain of the case, on being reminded of some particulars, will reinstate the whole firmly in my remembrance, and enable me to state them to inquirers with correctness, which is the more important from the part I bore in them. I must therefore ask the favor of you to give me a short outline of the facts, which may correct as well as supply my own recollections. But who is to give an explanation to the public? not yourself, certainly. The Chief Magistrate cannot enter the arena of the newspapers. At least the occasion should be of a much higher order. I imagine there is some pen at Washington competent to it. Perhaps the best form would be that of some one personating the friend of Irving, some one apparently from the North. Nothing labored is requisite. A short and simple statement of the case will, I am sure, satisfy the public. We are in the midst of a so-so harvest, probably one-third short of the last. We had a very fine rain on Saturday last. Ever affectionately yours.

TO MR. BARLOW.

MONTICELLO, July 22, 1811.

DEAR SIR,--I had not supposed a letter would still find you at Washington. Yours by late post tells me otherwise. Those of May 2d and 15th had been received in due time. With respect to my books, lodged at the President's house, if you should see Mr. Coles, the President's Secretary, and be so good as to mention it, he will be so kind as to have them put on board some vessel bound to Richmond, addressed to the care of Gibson & Jefferson there, whom he knows. Your doubts whether any good can be effected with the emperor of France are too well grounded. He has understanding enough, but it is confined to particular lines. Of the principles and advantages of commerce he appears to be ignorant, and his domineering temper deafens him moreover to the dictates of interest, of honor and of morality. A nation like ours, recognizing no arrogance of language or conduct, can never enjoy the favor of such a character. The impression, too, which our public has been made to receive from the different styles of correspondence used by two of our foreign agents, has increased the difficulties of steering between the bristling pride of the two parties. It seems to point out the Quaker style of plain reason, void of offence:--the suppression of all passion, and chaste language of good sense. Heaven prosper your endeavors for our good, and preserve you in health and happiness.

TO COLONEL DUANE.

MONTICELLO, July 25, 1811.

DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 5th, with the volume of Montesquieu accompanying it, came to hand in due time; the latter indeed in lucky time, as, enclosing it by the return of post, I was enabled to get it into Mr. Warden's hands before his departure, for a friend abroad to whom it will be a most acceptable offering. Of the residue of the copies I asked, I would wish to receive one well bound for my own library, the others in boards as that before sent. One of these in boards may come to me by post, for use until the others are received, which I would prefer having sent by water, as vessels depart almost daily from Philadelphia for Richmond. Messrs. Gibson & Jefferson of that place will receive and forward the packet to me. Add to it, if you please, a copy of Franklin's works, bound, and send me by post a note of the amount of the whole, and of my newspaper account, which has been suffered to run in arrear by the difficulty of remitting small and fractional sums to a distance, from a canton having only its local money, and little commercial intercourse beyond its own limits.

I learnt with sincere regret that my former letters had given you pain. Nothing could be further from their intention. What I had said and done was from the most friendly dispositions towards yourself, and from a zeal for maintaining the republican ascendency. Federalism, stripped as it now nearly is, of its landed and laboring support, is monarchism and Anglicism, and whenever our own dissensions shall let these in upon us, the last ray of free government closes on the horizon of the world. I have been lately reading Komarzewski's coup d'œil on the history of Poland. Though without any charms of style or composition, it gives a lesson which all our countrymen should study; the example of a country erased from the map of the world by the dissensions of its own citizens. The papers of every day read them the counter lesson of the impossibility of subduing a people acting with an undivided will. Spain, under all her disadvantages, physical and mental, is an encouraging example of this. She proves too, another truth not less valuable, that a people having no king to sell them for a mess of pottage for himself, no shackles to restrain their powers of self-defence, find resources within themselves equal to every trial. This we did during the revolutionary war, and this we can do again, let who will attack us, if we act heartily with one another. This is my creed. To the principles of union I sacrifice all minor differences of opinion. These, like differences of face, are a law of our nature, and should be viewed with the same tolerance. The clouds which have appeared for some time to be gathering around us, have given me anxiety lest an enemy, always on the watch, always prompt and firm, and acting in well-disciplined phalanx, should find an opening to dissipate hopes, with the loss of which I would wish that of life itself. To myself personally the sufferings would be short. The powers of life have declined with me more in the last six months than in as many preceding years. A rheumatic indisposition, under which your letter found me, has caused this delay in acknowledging its receipt, and in the expressions of regret that I had inadvertently said or done anything which had given you uneasiness. I pray you to be assured that no unkind motive directed me, and that my sentiments of friendship and respect continue the same.

TO MR. OGILVIE.

MONTICELLO, August 4, 1811.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of May 24th was very long on its passage to me. It gave us all pleasure to learn from yourself the progress of your peregrination, and your prospect of approaching rest for awhile, among our Western brethren--of "rest for the body some, none for the mind." So that action is said to be all its joy; and we have no more remarkable proof of it than in yourself. The newspapers have kept us informed of the splendid course you have run, and of the flattering impressions made on the public mind, and which must have been so grateful to yourself. The new intellectual feast you are preparing for them in your Western retirement, will excite new appetites, and will be hailed like the returning sun, when he re-appears in the East. Your peripatetic enterprise, when first made known to us, alarmed our apprehensions for you, lest the taste of the times, and of our country, should not be up to the revival of this classical experiment. Much to their credit, however, unshackled by the prejudices which chain down the minds of the common mass of Europe, the experiment has proved that, where thought is free in its range, we need never fear to hazard what is good in itself. This sample of the American mind is an additional item for the flattering picture your letter presents of our situation, and our prospects. I firmly believe in them all; and that human nature has never looked forward, under circumstances so auspicious, either for the sum of happiness, or the spread of surface provided to receive it. Very contrary opinions are inculcated in Europe, and in England especially, where I much doubt if you would be tolerated in presenting the views you propose. The English have been a wise, a virtuous and truly estimable people. But commerce and a corrupt government have rotted them to the core. Every generous, nay, every just sentiment, is absorbed in the thirst for gold. I speak of their cities, which we may certainly pronounce to be ripe for despotism, and fitted for no other government. Whether the leaven of the agricultural body is sufficient to regenerate the residuary mass, and maintain it in a sound state, under any reformation of government, may well be doubted. Nations, like individuals, wish to enjoy a fair reputation. It is therefore desirable for us that the slanders on our country, disseminated by hired or prejudiced travellers, should be corrected; but politics, like religion, hold up the torches of martyrdom to the reformers of error. Nor is it in the theatre of Ephesus alone that tumults have been excited when the crafts were in danger. You must be cautious, therefore, in telling unacceptable truths beyond the water. You wish me to suggest any subject which occurs to myself as fit for the rostrum. But your own selection has proved you would have been aided by no counsel, and that you can best judge of the topics which open to your own mind a field for development, and promise to your hearers instruction better adapted to the useful purposes of society, than the weekly disquisitions of their hired instructors. All the efforts of these people are directed to the maintenance of the artificial structure of their craft, viewing but as a subordinate concern the inculcation of morality. If we will be but Christians, according to their schemes of Christianity, they will compound good-naturedly with our immoralities.

Cannot your circuit be so shaped as to lead you through our neighborhood on your return? It would give us all great pleasure to see you, if it be only _en passant_, for after such a survey of varied country, we cannot flatter ourselves that ours would be the selected residence. But whether you can visit us or not, I shall always be happy to hear from you, and to know that you succeed in whatever you undertake. With these assurances accept those of great esteem and respect from myself and all the members of my family.

P. S. Since writing the above, an interesting subject occurs. What would you think of a discourse on the benefit of the union and miseries which would follow a separation of the States, to be exemplified in the eternal and wasting wars of Europe, in the pillage and profligacy to which these lead, and the abject oppression and degradation to which they reduce its inhabitants? Painted by your vivid pencil, what could make deeper impressions, and what impressions could come more home to our concerns, or kindle a livelier sense of our present blessings?

TO JUDGE STEWART.

MONTICELLO, August 8, 1811.

DEAR SIR,--I ask the favor of you to purchase for me as much fresh timothy seed as the enclosed bill will pay for, pack and forward, and that you will have the goodness to direct it to be lodged at Mr. Leitch's store in Charlottesville by the waggoner who brings it. You see how bold your indulgencies make me in intruding on your kindness.

I do not know that the government means to make known what has passed between them and Foster before the meeting of Congress; but in the meantime individuals, who are in the way, think they have a right to fish it out, and in this way the sum of it has become known. Great Britain has certainly come forward and declared to our government by an official paper, that the conduct of France towards her during this war has obliged her to take possession of the ocean, and to determine that no commerce shall be carried on with the nations connected with France; that, however, she is disposed to relax in this determination so far as to permit the commerce which may be carried on through the British ports. I have, for three or four years, been confident that, knowing that her own resources were not adequate to the maintenance of her present navy, she meant with it to claim the conquest of the ocean, and to permit no nation to navigate it, but on payment of a tribute for the maintenance of the fleet necessary to secure that dominion. A thousand circumstances brought together left me without a doubt that that policy directed all her conduct, although not avowed. This is the first time she has thrown off the mask. The answer and conduct of the government have been what they ought to have been, and Congress is called a little earlier, to be ready to act on the receipt of the reply, for which time has been given.

God bless you. From yours affectionately.

TO GENERAL DEARBORNE.

POPLAR FOREST, August 14, 1811.

DEAR GENERAL AND FRIEND,-- * * * * *

I am happy to learn that your own health is good, and I hope it will long continue so. The friends we left behind us have fallen out by the way. I sincerely lament it, because I sincerely esteem them all, and because it multiplies schisms where harmony is safety. As far as I have been able to judge, however, it has made no sensible impression against the government. Those who were murmuring before are a little louder now; but the mass of our citizens is firm and unshaken. It furnishes, as an incident, another proof that they are perfectly equal to the purposes of self-government, and that we have nothing to fear for its stability. The spirit, indeed, which manifests itself among the tories of your quarter, although I believe there is a majority there sufficient to keep it down in peaceable times, leaves me not without some disquietude. Should the determination of England, now formally expressed, to take possession of the ocean, and to suffer no commerce on it but through her ports, force a war upon us, I foresee a possibility of a separate treaty between her and your Essex men, on the principles of neutrality and commerce. Pickering here, and his nephew Williams there, can easily negotiate this. Such a lure to the quietists in our ranks with you, might recruit theirs to a majority. Yet, excluded as they would be from intercourse with the rest of the Union and of Europe, I scarcely see the gain they would propose to themselves, even for the moment. The defection would certainly disconcert the other States, but it could not ultimately endanger their safety. They are adequate, in all points, to a defensive war. However, I hope your majority, with the aid it is entitled to, will save us from this trial, to which I think it possible we are advancing. The death of George may come to our relief; but I fear the dominion of the sea is the insanity of the nation itself also. Perhaps, if some stroke of fortune were to rid us at the same time from the Mammoth of the land as well as the Leviathan of the ocean, the people of England might lose their fears, and recover their sober senses again. Tell my old friend, Governor Gerry, that I gave him glory for the rasping with which he rubbed down his herd of traitors. Let them have justice and protection against personal violence, but no favor. Powers and preëminences conferred on them are daggers put into the hands of assassins, to be plunged into our own bosoms in the moment the thrust can go home to the heart. Moderation can never reclaim them. They deem it timidity, and despise without fearing the tameness from which it flows. Backed by England, they never lose the hope that their day is to come, when the terrorism of their earlier power is to be merged in the more gratifying system of deportation and the guillotine. Being now _hors de combat_ myself, I resign to others these cares. A long attack of rheumatism has greatly enfeebled me, and warns me that they will not very long be within my ken. But you may have to meet the trial, and in the focus of its fury. God send you a safe deliverance, a happy issue out of all afflictions, personal and public, with long life, long health, and friends as sincerely attached as yours affectionately.

INDEX TO VOL. V.

ADAMS, JOHN--His relations with Jefferson, 559, 560.
Difference between his political opinions and Hamilton's, 559.

AGRICULTURE--The science of, 224.
Implement of, 226.
Products of, adapted to U. S., 314.

ALEXANDER, EMPEROR--Bust of, presented to Jefferson, 6.
His character, 7, 526.
His intervention in favor of neutral rights, 8.

ARMS--When loaned by Government, 168, 238, 240.

ASTRONOMY--Its application to navigation, 374.

BANKS--Excess of, 516.

BANK OF UNITED STATES--Question of its constitutionality, 412.

BARLOW, JOEL--His Columbiad, 238.
His History of U. S., 496.
His departure for Paris, 587.

BASTROP'S CASE--231.

BLOODWORTH--His bankruptcy, 49.

BONAPARTE--His great victories, 173.
His plans of conquest, 512.
His character, 601.

BOTTA, M.--His history of revolution, 527.

BRAZIL, EMPEROR OF--285.

BURR, AARON--His conspiracy, 24, 26, 28, 38, 40.
His accomplices, 34, 45, 60, 99, 305.
Efforts in Ohio to suppress conspiracy, 37.
His arrest and trial, 55, 57, 65, 66, 81, 84, 86, 95, 96, 98, 174.
His views and objects, 64, 128, 129, 130.
Federalists come to his rescue, 64, 65, 66, 67.
Proofs and witnesses against, 72, 78, 81, 95, 96, 109, 112, 190.
His forgeries, 86.
His acquittal, 187, 199.

CABINET, EXECUTIVE--Mode of transacting business in, 94.
Of Washington and Jefferson, 568, 569.

CHESAPEAKE, THE--Capture of, 113, 114.
Executive action relative to, 116, 118, 120, 122, 123, 126, 131.
Preparations for war, 120, 122, 123, 126, 127, 132, 146.

CHESAPEAKE BAY--Defence of mouth of, 180.

CHINA--Chinese mandarin relieved from Embargo, 325.

CLAIBORNE, GOV.--Wounded in duel, 137.

CLAY, HENRY--His opposition to Jefferson, 183.

CLIMATE--Changes of, in U. S., 487.

COLLEGES--How should be arranged, 521.

COLONIZATION--Of negroes, 564.

COMMERCE--Impulse to, by Embargo, 441.
Coasting and carrying trade, 505.

CONTRACTS--Should not be given to members of legislature, 50.

CUBA--Acquisition of, 444.

DEARBORNE, GEN.--Urged by Mr. Jefferson to continue in office, 295.

DEBT--Evils of National debt, 477.

DECIUS--His false statements, 20.

DELAWARE RIVER--Defense of, against English, 244.

DESERTERS--Should not be enlisted, 173.

DICKINSON, JOHN--His death, 249.

DRAWBACKS--426.

DUANE, WILLIAM--His opposition to Madison's administration, 590.
His embarrassments, 574, 590.

EDITORS--Their duties, 591.

EDUCATION--225.
Plan of popular education, 525.

EMBARGO, THE--227, 252, 299.
War preferable to continuance of, 258.
Our citizens allowed to withdraw property from foreign countries, 259.
Draft of law by Gallatin, 267.
Measures to enforce, 271, 272, 297, 336, 341, 343, 352, 359.
Its operation, 275.
Cases arising under, 277.
When to be suspended, 279.
Evasions of, 286, 287, 290, 297, 317, 334, 335, 336, 340, 413.
Construction of, 287, 290, 292, 307, 317, 324, 327, 344, 346, 355, 398.
Resistance to, in Massachusetts, 341, 343, 347, 384, 424.
Cases arising under, 292, 307, 317, 324, 327, 344, 346, 355, 363, 368,
369, 370, 375, 382, 386, 387, 396, 399, 405, 418.
Its unpopularity in the east, 293, 384.
Its popularity elsewhere, 296, 384.
Bonaparte's position relative to, 370.
War the only alternative, 384, 387.
Views in Congress relative to, 404.
A temporary measure, 410.
Action of Congress relative to, 419, 421, 424.
Repeal of, 433, 529.

ENGLAND--Treaty with, objectionable, 52.
Its ratification suspended, 54.
Hostilities commenced by, 113, 117, 118, 123, 131, 134, 139.
Hull retires from Hampton Roads, 135.
Probability of war with, 134, 135, 139, 189, 197, 211, 215, 266.
Relative to certain captives, 142.
The conduct of the English in our waters, 143, 145, 195, 196.
Relations with, during this quasi state of war, 151, 155, 167, 170, 174,
191, 202.
Notice to our merchant vessels of danger of war, 184, 185, 186, 194.
Her violations of maritime law, 200, 468, 501, 511, 551.
Her orders in council, 442.
Repeal of, 443.
Relations of peace restored, 455.
Domination on the Ocean, 530.
Condition of, 552, 557.
Relations with, 556.
War with, inevitable, 464.
Character of Kings of, 514.

ENLISTMENTS--When binding on infants, 282, 372.

EUROPE--Not to be permitted to interfere in American affairs, 381.
Condition of, 511.
Insignificancy of Kings of, 514.

EXECUTIVE--Question between a single and plural executive, 449, 567, 581.
Executives should be removable, 569.

FEDERALISTS--Their disorganization as a party, 101.
Their conduct in reference to Embargo, 304.
Their bitterness of feeling, 608.

FLORIDAS, THE--Necessity of their acquisition, 18.

FRANCE--Views of her revolution, 133, 582.
Our relations with, 266.
War with England, 214.
Berlin and Milan decrees, 444.

FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN--His last autobiography, 540.

GALLATIN, ALBERT--His character, 574.
Jefferson dissuades him from leaving Madison's cabinet, 477.
False imputations against, 593, 594.
His views on U. S. Bank, 595.

GOVERNMENT--Best works on, 91.

GUN-BOATS--As means of defence, 41, 42, 202, 228, 234, 316.
Improvements in, 189.

HAMILTON, ALEXANDER--Difference between his political principles and J.
Adams', 559.

HARPER'S FERRY--The scenery there, 446.

HISTORY, NATURAL--Fossil remains, 46, 219, 220, 261, 310, 467.

HOLLAND, KING OF--Congratulations on his accession to the throne, 47.

HUMBOLDT, BARON DE--His work on Spain, 435.

HUNDREDS--Division of counties into, 525.

IMPRESSMENT--Efforts to suppress by treaty, 55, 63.
Refusal to sign treaty not providing for suppression of, 56, 63.

INCORPORATION--The power of, not granted by constitution, 412.

INDIANS--Improvement of, 212, 278, 302.
Their languages, 6, 469, 599.
Best articles of trade with, 44.
Relations with, 162, 184, 330, 348, 350.
Danger of war with, 175.
Policy towards, in a war with England, 176, 276, 348.
Trade with, 269.
General policy towards, 348, 350.
How to proceed in case of murders by, 354.
Settlement of boundaries with Kickapoos, 400.
Efforts to prevent the use of spirituous liquors by, 407.
Best mode of civilizing, 440.
Efforts to civilize, 484.

IRVING'S CASE--600.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS--Efforts to alienate his cabinet from him, 23.
His retirement at end of second term, 62, 88.
Calumnies against, 80, 264, 503, 504.
Resigns Presidency of American Philosophical Society, 392.
Is re-elected, 40, 494.
Refuses all presents while President, 392.
Resolution to retire at end of second term, 407.
Reception of, by people, on his retirement, 431.
His pleasure at retiring, 432.
Letter to people of Albemarle at end of Presidential term, 439.
All prosecutions for libels against him dismissed, 452.
Franking privilege allowed him, 453.
His writings, 465.
Relations with Hamilton, 496.
His habits, 508, 558.
Made member of Royal Institute of Amsterdam, 517.
Relations with Adams, 559, 560.

JUDICIARY--Always federal, 549.

LATROBE, MR.--Relations with Jefferson, 578.

LANDS, PUBLIC--Intrusions on, 382.

LAWS--Rules for construing, by executive, 158.
Degeneracy of law, 524.
Some cases above law, 542.
Law of New England not common law, 550.

LAWYERS--Of New England not good common law lawyers, 547.

LEWIS, GOV.--His papers, 480.

LIBRARIES, PUBLIC--Benefit of, 448.

LOGWOOD, THOMAS--Pardon of, 385.

LOUIS XVI.--His character, 423.

LOUISIANA--Boundaries of, 110, 178.

MADISON, JAMES--Divisions in his cabinet, 509, 589, 596, 598, 600, 607.

MAIL--Robberies of, 406.

MANUFACTURES--Impulse to from embargo, 415, 456.
How far should be protected, 415, 417, 440.
Condition of, in U. S., 583.

MARSHALL, JOHN--His life of Washington, 476.
Notes on, by Jefferson, 476.

MARQUE, LETTERS OF--Their character, 273.

MEDICINE--Views of science of, 105.

METEORIC STONES--245.

MILITIA--Organization of, 16, 76.
Called out to defend Norfolk and Hampton, 118, 138.
Disbanded, 143.
Militia of Ohio, 206.
When to be called out, 409.

MINES--Rent of Indiana lead mines, 207, 210.
Silver mines of La Platte, 246.

MINTS--Appointment of assistant engraver to, 61.

MIRANDA'S EXPEDITION--Not countenanced by our government, 476.

MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY--British claims in, 274.

MONROE, JAMES--His relations to Madison's administration, 247, 482.
Offered government of Orleans or Louisiana, 11.
Explanations in relation to English treaty, 254.

MONTESQUIEU'S SPIRIT OF LAWS--Commentary on, 525, 539, 566.

MOOSE ISLAND--Within jurisdiction of U. States, 317.

MUSEUM--Foundation of one at Williamsburg, 79.

NEGROES--Their capacity relative to white races, 429, 475.

NEUTRALITY--No breach of, to assist vessels in distress, 35.
Invasions of, by France and England, 217.
Frauds on our flag, 223, 250.
We determine to side with the party which shall respect our neutrality, 258.
What the rights of neutral vessels, 425, 426.
Wisdom of our neutral policy, 585.

NICHOLAS, WILSON C.--Sent on special mission to France, 3.
Declines it, 5.
Mr. Jefferson wishes him to take leadership of House of Representatives, 48.

OFFICES--Should not be given to relations, 90, 498.
Principles on which conferred, 136.

ORLEANS, NEW--Claim to public common, 26.
Scheme for defence of, 36, 46.
Public property there, 251.
Canal at, 288, 306, 318, 321.
Title to Batture, 291, 319, 518, 519, 536, 545, 546, 548.
Conspiracies against U. States, 378.

ORLEANS, TERRITORY OF--Discontents in, 29, 32.

PATENTS--Interpretation of patent law, 75.
What should be duration of, 75, 76.

PLOUGHS--Improved model of, 313.

POLAND--Partition of, 603.

POLYGRAPH, THE--Its value, 17.

PRESIDENT--Presidential tour objectionable, 102.
Not bound to obey subpœna duces tecum, 103, 191.
Cannot present memorial to Congress from State legislature, 203.
Candidates for Presidency in 1808, 247, 321.

PRINTING--Extension of, in U. States, 475.

PRESS--Liberty of, 43.
Its falsehoods, 92.
Its license, 362.

QUAKERS--Their English affinities, 492, 494.

QUARANTINE--Views on, 193.

RANDOLPH, JOHN--Turns against Jefferson's administration, 9.

RANDOLPH, T. J.--Letter of advice to, 388.

RELIGION--President no right to prescribe day for prayer and fasting, 237.
Views on, 416, 471, 492.

REPUBLICAN PARTY--Split in, 9, 121, 204.
Massachusetts Republicanised, 14.
Increase of, 450.
Importance of union in, 577.

RICE--Upland, 393.

RITCHIE, THOMAS--Relations to Madison's administration, 596.

RIVERS--Rights of all nations inhabiting its banks to free navigation, 115.

RUSSIA--Emperor of, his character, and policy, 140.
Mission to, 329, 358, 360.
Negatived by Senate, 435.

SEAMEN--Employment of foreigners in Navy, 69, 70.

SECESSION--Not to be apprehended, 571.

SHEEP--Introduction of Merino breed, 479, 522.

SOUTH AMERICAN STATES--Revolt of, against Spain, 530, 584, 586.

SPAIN--Our relations with, 27, 164, 181, 211, 337, 367.
Questions of navigation and boundary with, 278, 294.
Plan to seize our territory in possession of, 337, 339.
Conquest of, by Spain, 442.
Defense against French, 603.

STATES--Sovereignty of, a high conservative feature in our government, 560.

TARIFF--On wines, 76.

TAXES--Of United States how imposed, 586.

TOMBIGBEE--Memorial from, 140.

TORPEDOES--Invented by Fulton, 165, 516.

TRUXTON, COMMODORE--Medal for, 300.

UNITED STATES--Condition of parties in Senate and House of Representatives, 5.
Relations with England, 12.
Political revolution of 1800, 256.
Conduct of, in relations with European powers, 472.
Prosperity of, 604.

VETERINARY COLLEGE--Policy of, 402.

VINCENNES--Loyalty of French inhabitants of, 240, 243.

VIRGINIA--Collection of laws of, 31.
Defence of seaboard and against English in 1807, 113, 117, 123, 131, 134,
139, 150, 166.
Her exertions in Revolutionary war, 461.
Revision of her Code, 459.

VOLUNTEERS--33, 51, 153, 158, 179, 423.
Construction of law relative to, 159.
Offers of, 408, 414, 423.

WAR--Prospect of, 214, 215, 437.
Preparations for, 58, 280, 283, 506.
Feeling of eastern States relative to, 488, 607.
Jefferson opposed to, 598.
(See France and England.)

WASHINGTON, GEN.--Mode of doing business in his cabinet, 510.

WASHINGTON CITY--Improvement of, 50.
Sale of certain city lots, 395.

WATERHOUSE, DR.--His appointment to Marine Hospital, 222.

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES--Improvements proposed, 235, 377.

WEST POINT--Complaint of Cadets of, 332.

WESTERN ROAD--The route of, 332, 333.

WIRT, WILLIAM--Urged by Mr. Jefferson to accept seat in Congress, 233.