Chapter XXV: Part I: Notes on Virginia (8)

It is difficult to determine on the standard by which the manners of a nation may be tried, whether _catholic_ or _particular_. It is more difficult for a native to bring to that standard the manners of his own nation, familiarized to him by habit. There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally it is not sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose to the worst of passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting one half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the _amor patriæ_ of the other. For if a slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labor for another; in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his individual endeavors to the evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their industry also is destroyed. For in a warm climate, no man will labor for himself who can make another labor for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labor. And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among possible events; that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest. But it is impossible to be temperate and to pursue this subject through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of history natural and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force their way into every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible, since the origin of the present revolution. The spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the auspices of heaven, for a total emancipation, and that this is disposed, in the order of events, to be with the consent of the masters, rather than by their extirpation.

QUERY XIX.

_The present state of manufactures, commerce, interior and exterior trade?_

We never had an interior trade of any importance. Our exterior commerce has suffered very much from the beginning of the present contest. During this time we have manufactured within our families the most necessary articles of clothing. Those of cotton will bear some comparison with the same kinds of manufacture in Europe; but those of wool, flax and hemp are very coarse, unsightly, and unpleasant; and such is our attachment to agriculture, and such our preference for foreign manufactures, that be it wise or unwise, our people will certainly return as soon as they can, to the raising raw materials, and exchanging them for finer manufactures than they are able to execute themselves.

The political economists of Europe have established it as a principle, that every State should endeavor to manufacture for itself; and this principle, like many others, we transfer to America, without calculating the difference of circumstance which should often produce a difference of result. In Europe the lands are either cultivated, or locked up against the cultivator. Manufacture must therefore be resorted to of necessity not of choice to support the surplus of their people. But we have an immensity of land courting the industry of the husbandman. Is it best then that all our citizens should be employed in its improvement, or that one half should be called off from that to exercise manufactures and handicraft arts for the other? Those who labor in the earth are the chosen people of God, if ever He had a chosen people, whose breasts He has made His peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue. It is the focus in which he keeps alive that sacred fire, which otherwise might escape from the face of the earth. Corruption of morals in the mass of cultivators is a phenomenon of which no age nor nation has furnished an example. It is the mark set on those, who, not looking up to heaven, to their own soil and industry, as does the husbandman, for their subsistence, depend for it on casualties and caprice of customers. Dependence begets subservience and venality, suffocates the germ of virtue, and prepares fit tools for the designs of ambition. This, the natural progress and consequence of the arts, has sometimes perhaps been retarded by accidental circumstances; but, generally speaking, the proportion which the aggregate of the other classes of citizens bears in any State to that of its husbandmen, is the proportion of its unsound to its healthy parts, and is a good enough barometer whereby to measure its degree of corruption. While we have land to labor then, let us never wish to see our citizens occupied at a workbench, or twirling a distaff. Carpenters, masons, smiths, are wanting in husbandry; but, for the general operations of manufacture, let our workshops remain in Europe. It is better to carry provisions and materials to workmen there, than bring them to the provisions and materials, and with them their manners and principles. The loss by the transportation of commodities across the Atlantic will be made up in happiness and permanence of government. The mobs of great cities add just so much to the support of pure government, as sores do to the strength of the human body. It is the manners and spirit of a people which preserve a republic in vigor. A degeneracy in these is a canker which soon eats to the heart of its laws and constitution.

QUERY XX.

_A notice of the commercial productions particular to the State, and of those objects which the inhabitants are obliged to get from Europe and from other parts of the world?_

Before the present war we exported, _communibus annis_, according to the best information I can get, nearly as follows:

+----------------------+----------------+----------+----------------+
| Articles. | Quantity. |Dollars. | Amount in |
| | | | Dollars. |
+----------------------+----------------+----------+----------------+
|Tobacco | 55.000 hhds of | at 30d. | |
| | 1,000 lbs. |per hhd. | $1,650,000 |
| | | | |
|Wheat |800,000 bushels.|at 5-6d. | |
| | |per bush. | 666,666⅔ |
| | | | |
|Indian corn |600,000 " |at ⅓d. | |
| | |per bush. | 200,000 |
| | | | |
|Shipping | ........ | .... | 100,000 |
| | | | |
|Masts, planks, }| | | |
|scantling, shingles, }| ........ | .... | 66,666⅔ |
|staves }| | | |
| | | | |
|Tar, pitch, turpentine| 30,000 barrels.|at 1⅓d. | |
| | |per bbl. | 40,000 |
| | | | |
|Peltry, viz., skins }| | | |
|of deer, beavers, }|180 hhds. of | | |
|otters, musk rats, }|600 lbs. |at 5-12d. | |
|raccoons,foxes }| |per lb. | 42,000 |
| | | | |
|Pork | 4,000 barrels.|at 10d. | |
| | |per bbl. | 40,000 |
| | | | |
|Flax-seed, hemp, | | | |
|cotton | ........ | .... | 8,000 |
| | | | |
|Pit coal, pig iron | ........ | .... | 6,666⅔ |
| | | | |
|Peas | 5,000 bushels.|at ⅔d. | |
| | |per bush. | 3,333⅓ |
|Beef | 1,000 barrels.|at 3⅓d. | |
| | |per bbl. | 3,333⅓ |
| | | | |
|Sturgeon, white shad, | | | |
|herring | ........ | .... | 3,333⅓ |
| | | | |
|Brandy from peaches }| ........ | .... | 1,666⅔ |
|and apples, and }| | | |
|whiskey }| | | |
| | | | |
|Horses | ........ | .... | 1,666⅔ |
| +----------------+----------+----------------+
| | ........ | .... |[64]$2,833,333⅓ |
+----------------------+----------------+----------+----------------+

In the year 1758 we exported seventy thousand hogsheads of tobacco, which was the greatest quantity ever produced in this country in one year. But its culture was fast declining at the commencement of this war and that of wheat taken its place; and it must continue to decline on the return of peace. I suspect that the change in the temperature of our climate has become sensible to that plant, which to be good, requires an extraordinary degree of heat. But it requires still more indispensably an uncommon fertility of soil; and the price which it commands at market will not enable the planter to produce this by manure. Was the supply still to depend on Virginia and Maryland alone as its culture becomes more difficult, the price would rise so as to enable the planter to surmount those difficulties and to live. But the western country on the Mississippi, and the midlands of Georgia, having fresh and fertile lands in abundance, and a hotter sun, will be able to undersell these two States, and will oblige them to abandon the raising of tobacco altogether. And a happy obligation for them it will be. It is a culture productive of infinite wretchedness. Those employed in it are in a continual state of exertion beyond the power of nature to support. Little food of any kind is raised by them; so that the men and animals on these farms are badly fed, and the earth is rapidly impoverished. The cultivation of wheat is the reverse in every circumstance. Besides clothing the earth with herbage, and preserving its fertility, it feeds the laborers plentifully, requires from them only a moderate toil, except in the season of harvest, raises great numbers of animals for food and service, and diffuses plenty and happiness among the whole. We find it easier to make an hundred bushels of wheat than a thousand weight of tobacco, and they are worth more when made. The weavil indeed is a formidable obstacle to the cultivation of this grain with us. But principles are already known which must lead to a remedy. Thus a certain degree of heat, to wit, that of the common air in summer, is necessary to hatch the eggs. If subterranean granaries, or others, therefore, can be contrived below that temperature, the evil will be cured by cold. A degree of heat beyond that which hatches the egg we know will kill it. But in aiming at this we easily run into that which produced putrefaction. To produce putrefaction, however, three agents are requisite, heat, moisture, and the external air. If the absence of any one of these be secured, the other two may safely be admitted. Heat is the one we want. Moisture then, or external air, must be excluded. The former has been done by exposing the grain in kilns to the action of fire, which produces heat, and extracts moisture at the same time; the latter, by putting the grain into hogsheads, covering it with a coating of lime, and heading it up. In this situation its bulk produced a heat sufficient to kill the eggs; the moisture is suffered to remain indeed, but the external air is excluded. A nicer operation yet has been attempted; that is, to produce an intermediate temperature of heat between that which kills the egg, and that which produces putrefaction. The threshing the grain as soon as it is cut, and laying it in its chaff in large heaps, has been found very nearly to hit this temperature, though not perfectly, nor always. The heap generates heat sufficient to kill most of the eggs, whilst the chaff commonly restrains it from rising into putrefaction. But all these methods abridge too much the quantity which the farmer can manage, and enable other countries to undersell him, which are not infested with this insect. There is still a desideratum then to give with us decisive triumph to this branch of agriculture over that of tobacco. The culture of wheat by enlarging our pasture, will render the Arabian horse an article of very considerable profit. Experience has shown that ours is the particular climate of America where he may be raised without degeneracy. Southwardly the heat of the sun occasions a deficiency of pasture, and northwardly the winters are too cold for the short and fine hair, the particular sensibility and constitution of that race. Animals transplanted into unfriendly climates, either change their nature and acquire new senses against the new difficulties in which they are placed, or they multiply poorly and become extinct. A good foundation is laid for their propagation here by our possessing already great numbers of horses of that blood, and by a decided taste and preference for them established among the people. Their patience of heat without injury, their superior wind, fit them better in this and the more southern climates even for the drudgeries of the plough and wagon. Northwardly they will become an object only to persons of taste and fortune, for the saddle and light carriages. To those, and for these uses, their fleetness and beauty will recommend them. Besides these there will be other valuable substitutes when the cultivation of tobacco shall be discontinued such as cotton in the eastern parts of the State, and hemp and flax in the western.

It is not easy to say what are the articles either of necessity, comfort, or luxury, which we cannot raise, and which we therefore shall be under a necessity of importing from abroad, as everything hardier than the olive, and as hardy as the fig, may be raised here in the open air. Sugar, coffee and tea, indeed, are not between these limits; and habit having placed them among the necessaries of life with the wealthy part of our citizens, as long as these habits remain we must go for them to those countries which are able to furnish them.

FOOTNOTE:

[64] This sum is equal to £850,000; Virginia money, 607,142
guineas.

QUERY XXI.

_The weights, measures and the currency of the hard money? Some details relating to exchange with Europe?_

Our weights and measures are the same which are fixed by acts of parliament in England. How it has happened that in this as well as the other American States the nominal value of coin was made to differ from what it was in the country we had left, and to differ among ourselves too, I am not able to say with certainty. I find that in 1631 our house of burgesses desired of the privy council in England, a coin debased to twenty-five per cent.; that in 1645 they forbid dealing by barter for tobacco, and established the Spanish piece of eight at six shillings, as the standard of their currency; that in 1655 they changed it to five shillings sterling. In 1680 they sent an address to the king, in consequence of which, by proclamation in 1683, he fixed the value of French crowns, rix dollars, and pieces of eight, at six shillings, and the coin of New England at one shilling. That in 1710, 1714, 1727, and 1762, other regulations were made, which will be better presented to the eye stated in the form of a table as follows:

-------------------------------------+-----+--------+-------+-------
| 1710| 1714. | 1797. | 1762.
-------------------------------------+-----+--------+-------+-------
| | | |
Guineas | .. |26s. | |
| | | |
British gold coin not milled, gold | | | |
coin of Spain and France, chequins, | | | |
Arabian gold, moidores of Portugal | .. |5s. dwt.| |
| | | |
Coined gold of the empire | .. |5s. dwt.| .. |4s. 3d.
| | | | dwt.
English milled silver money, in | | | |
proportion to the crown, at | .. |5s. 10d.|6s. 3d.|
| | | |
Pieces of eight of Mexico, Seville | | | |
& Pillar, ducatoons of Flanders, | | | |
French ecus, or silver Louis, |3¾d. | .. |4d. |
crusados of Portugal | dwt.| | dwt. |
| | | |
Peru pieces, cross dollars, and old |3½d. | .. |3¾d. |
rix dollars of the empire | dwt.| | dwt. |
| | | |
Old British silver not milled | .. |3¾d. | |
| | dwt. | |
-------------------------------------+-----+--------+-------+-------

The first symptom of the depreciation of our present paper money, was that of silver dollars selling at six shillings, which had before been worth but five shilling and ninepence. The assembly thereupon raised them by law to six shillings. As the dollar is now likely to become the money-unit of America, as it passes at this rate in some of our sister States, and as it facilitates their computation in pounds and shillings, &c., converso, this seems to be more convenient than its former denomination. But as this particular coin now stands higher than any other in the proportion of one hundred and thirty-three and a half to one hundred and twenty-five, or sixteen to fifteen, it will be necessary to raise the others in proportion.

QUERY XXII.

_The public Income and expenses?_

The nominal amount of these varying constantly and rapidly, with the constant and rapid depreciation of our paper money, it becomes impracticable to say what they are. We find ourselves cheated in every essay by the depreciation intervening between the declaration of the tax and its actual receipt. It will therefore be more satisfactory to consider what our income may be when we shall find means of collecting what our people may spare. I should estimate the whole taxable property of this State at an hundred millions of dollars, or thirty millions of pounds, our money. One per cent. on this, compared with anything we ever yet paid, would be deemed a very heavy tax. Yet I think that those who manage well, and use reasonable economy, could pay one and a half per cent., and maintain their household comfortably in the meantime, without aliening any part of their principal, and that the people would submit to this willingly for the purpose of supporting their present contest. We may say, then, that we could raise, from one million to one million and a half of dollars annually, that is from three hundred to four hundred and fifty thousand pounds, Virginia money.

Of our expenses it is equally difficult to give an exact state, and for the same reason. They are mostly stated in paper money, which varying continually, the legislature endeavors at every session, by new corrections, to adapt the nominal sums to the value it is wished they would bear. I will state them, therefore, in real coin, at the point at which they endeavor to keep them:

Dollars.
The annual expenses of the general assembly are about 20,000
The governor 3,333⅓
The council of state 10,666⅔
Their clerks 1,166⅔
Eleven judges 11,000
The clerk of the chancery 666⅔
The attorney general 1,000
Three auditors and a solicitor 5,333⅓
Their clerks 2,000
The treasurer 2,000
His clerks 2,000
The keeper of the public jail 1,000
The public printer 1,666⅔
Clerks of the inferior courts 43,333⅓
Public levy; this is chiefly for the expenses of
criminal justice 40,000
County levy, for bridges, court-houses, prisons, &c. 40,000
Members of Congress 7,000
Quota of the federal civil list, supposed one-sixth
of about $78,000 13,000
Expenses of collecting, six per cent. on the above 12,310
The clergy receive only voluntary contributions;
suppose them on an average one-eighth of a dollar
a tythe on 200,000 tythes 25,000
Contingencies, to make round numbers not far from truth 7,523⅓
---------
$250,000

or 53,571 guineas. This estimate is exclusive of the military expense. That varies with the force actually employed, and in time of peace will probably be little or nothing. It is exclusive also of the public debts, which are growing while I am writing, and cannot therefore be now fixed. So it is of the maintenance of the poor, which being merely a matter of charity cannot be deemed expended in the administration of government. And if we strike out the $25,000 for the services of the clergy, which neither makes part of that administration, more than what is paid to physicians, or lawyers, and being voluntary, is either much or nothing as every one pleases, it leaves $225,000, equal to 48,208 guineas, the real cost of the apparatus of government with us. This divided among the actual inhabitants of our country, comes to about two-fifths of a dollar, twenty-one pence sterling, or forty-two sols, the price which each pays annually for the protection of the residue of his property, and the other advantages of a free government. The public revenues of Great Britain divided in like manner on its inhabitants would be sixteen times greater. Deducting even the double of the expenses of government, as before estimated, from the million and a half of dollars which we before supposed might be annually paid without distress, we may conclude that this State can contribute one million of dollars annually towards supporting the federal army, paying the federal debt, building a federal navy, or opening roads, clearing rivers, forming safe ports, and other useful works.

To this estimate of our abilities, let me add a word as to the application of them. If, when cleared of the present contest, and of the debts with which that will charge us, we come to measure force hereafter with any European power. Such events are devoutly to be deprecated. Young as we are, and with such a country before us to fill with people and with happiness, we should point in that direction the whole generative force of nature, wasting none of it in efforts of mutual destruction. It should be our endeavor to cultivate the peace and friendship of every nation, even of that which has injured us most, when we shall have carried our point against her. Our interest will be to throw open the doors of commerce, and to knock off all its shackles, giving perfect freedom to all persons for the vent of whatever they may chose to bring into our ports, and asking the same in theirs. Never was so much false arithmetic employed on any subject, as that which has been employed to persuade nations that it is their interest to go to war. Were the money which it has cost to gain, at the close of a long war, a little town, or a little territory, the right to cut wood here, or to catch fish there, expended in improving what they already possess, in making roads, opening rivers, building ports, improving the arts, and finding employment for their idle poor, it would render them much stronger, much wealthier and happier. This I hope will be our wisdom. And, perhaps, to remove as much as possible the occasions of making war, it might be better for us to abandon the ocean altogether, that being the element whereon we shall be principally exposed to jostle with other nations; to leave to others to bring what we shall want, and to carry what we can spare. This would make us invulnerable to Europe, by offering none of our property to their prize, and would turn all our citizens to the cultivation of the earth; and, I repeat it again, cultivators of the earth are the most virtuous and independent citizens. It might be time enough to seek employment for them at sea, when the land no longer offers it. But the actual habits of our countrymen attach them to commerce. They will exercise it for themselves. Wars then must sometimes be our lot; and all the wise can do, will be to avoid that half of them which would be produced by our own follies and our own acts of injustice; and to make for the other half the best preparations we can. Of what nature should these be? A land army would be useless for offence, and not the best nor safest instrument of defence. For either of these purposes, the sea is the field on which we should meet an European enemy. On that element it is necessary we should possess some power. To aim at such a navy as the greater nations of Europe possess, would be a foolish and wicked waste of the energies of our countrymen. It would be to pull on our own heads that load of military expense which makes the European laborer go supperless to bed, and moistens his bread with the sweat of his brows. It will be enough if we enable ourselves to prevent insults from those nations of Europe which are weak on the sea, because circumstances exist, which render even the stronger ones weak as to us. Providence has placed their richest and most defenceless possessions at our door; has obliged their most precious commerce to pass, as it were, in review before us. To protect this, or to assail, a small part only of their naval force will ever be risked across the Atlantic. The dangers to which the elements expose them here are too well known, and the greater dangers to which they would be exposed at home were any general calamity to involve their whole fleet. They can attack us by detachment only; and it will suffice to make ourselves equal to what they may detach. Even a smaller force than they may detach will be rendered equal or superior by the quickness with which any check may be repaired with us, while losses with them will be irreparable till too late. A small naval force then is sufficient for us, and a small one is necessary. What this should be, I will not undertake to say. I will only say, it should by no means be so great as we are able to make it. Suppose the million of dollars, or three hundred thousand pounds, which Virginia could annually spare without distress, to be applied to the creating a navy. A single year's contribution would build, equip, man, and send to sea a force which should carry three hundred guns. The rest of the confederacy, exerting themselves in the same proportion, would equip in the same time fifteen hundred guns more. So that one year's contributions would set up a navy of eighteen hundred guns. The British ships of the line average seventy-six guns; their frigates thirty-eight. Eighteen hundred guns then would form a fleet of thirty ships, eighteen of which might be of the line, and twelve frigates. Allowing eight men, the British average, for every gun, their annual expense, including subsistence, clothing, pay, and ordinary repairs, would be about $1,280 for every gun, or $2,304,000 for the whole. I state this only as one year's possible exertion, without deciding whether more or less than a year's exertion should be thus applied.

The value of our lands and slaves, taken conjunctly, doubles in about twenty years. This arises from the multiplication of our slaves, from the extension of culture, and increased demand for lands. The amount of what may be raised will of course rise in the same proportion.

QUERY XXIII.

_The histories of the State, the memorials published in its name in the time of its being a colony, and the pamphlets relating to its interior or exterior affairs present or ancient?_

Captain Smith, who next to Sir Walter Raleigh may be considered as the founder of our colony, has written its history, from the first adventures to it, till the year 1624. He was a member of the council, and afterwards president of the colony; and to his efforts principally may be ascribed its support against the opposition of the natives. He was honest, sensible, and well informed; but his style is barbarous and uncouth. His history, however, is almost the only source from which we derive any knowledge of the infancy of our State.

The reverend William Stith, a native of Virginia, and president of its college, has also written the history of the same period, in a large octavo volume of small print. He was a man of classical learning, and very exact, but of no taste in style. He is inelegant, therefore, and his details often too minute to be tolerable, even to a native of the country, whose history he writes.

Beverley, a native also, has run into the other extreme, he has comprised our history from the first propositions of Sir Walter Raleigh to the year 1700, in the hundredth part of the space which Stith employs for the fourth part of the period.

Sir Walter Keith has taken it up at its earliest period, and continued it to the year 1725. He is agreeable enough in style, and passes over events of little importance. Of course he is short and would be preferred by a foreigner.

During the regal government, some contest arose on the exaction of an illegal fee by governor Dinwiddie, and doubtless there were others on other occasions not at present recollected. It is supposed that these are not sufficiently interesting to a foreigner to merit a detail.

The petition of the council and burgesses of Virginia to the king, their memorials to the lords, and remonstrance to the commons in the year 1764, began the present contest; and these having proved ineffectual to prevent the passage of the stamp-act, the resolutions of the house of burgesses of 1765 were passed declaring the independence of the people of Virginia of the parliament of Great Britain, in matters of taxation. From that time till the declaration of independence by Congress in 1776, their journals are filled with assertions of the public rights.

The pamphlets published in this State on the controverted question, were:

1766, An Inquiry into the rights of the British Colonies, by
Richard Bland.

1769, The Monitor's Letters, by Dr. Arthur Lee.

1774, A summary View of the rights of British America.[65]

1774, Considerations, &c., by Robert Carter Nicholas.

Since the declaration of independence this State has had no controversy with any other, except with that of Pennsylvania, on their common boundary. Some papers on this subject passed between the executive and legislative bodies of the two States, the result of which was a happy accommodation of their rights.

To this account of our historians, memorials, and pamphlets, it may not be unuseful to add a chronological catalogue of American state-papers, as far as I have been able to collect their titles. It is far from being either complete or correct. Where the title alone, and not the paper itself, has come under my observation, I cannot answer for the exactness of the date. Sometimes I have not been able to find any date at all, and sometimes have not been satisfied that such a paper exists. An extensive collection of papers of this description has been for some time in a course of preparation by a gentleman[66] fully equal to the task, and from whom, therefore, we may hope ere long to receive it. In the meantime accept this as the result of my labors, and as closing the tedious detail which you have so undesignedly drawn upon yourself.

Pro Johanne Caboto et filiis suis super terra 1496, Mar. 5.
incognita investiganda 12. Ry. 595. 3. Hakl. 4. 11. H. 7.
2. Mem. A. 409.

Billa signata anno 13. Henrici septimi. 3. 1498, Feb. 3.
Hakluyt's voiages 5. 13. H. 7.

De potestatibus ad terras incognitas 1502, Dec. 19.
investigandum. 13. Rymer. 37. 18. H. 7.

Commission de François I. à Jacques Cartier pour 1540, Oct. 17.
l'establissement du Canada. L'Escarbot. 397. 2.
Mem. Am. 416.

An act against the exaction of money, or any 1548, 2. E. 6.
other thing, by any officer for license to
traffique into Iseland and New-found-land,
made in An. 2. Edwardi sexti. 3. Hakl. 131.

The letters-patent granted by her Majestie 1578, June 11.
to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, knight, for the 20. El.
inhabiting and planting of our people in
America. 3. Hakl. 135.

Letters-patent of Queen Elizabeth to Adrian 1583, Feb. 6.
Gilbert and others, to discover the northwest
passage to China. 3. Hakl. 96.

The letters-patent granted by the Queen's 1584, Mar. 25.
majestie to M. Walter Raleigh, now knight, 26 El.
for the discovering and planting of new lands
and countries, to continue the space of six
years and no more. 3. Hakl. 243.

An assignment by Sir Walter Raleigh for Mar. 7.
continuing the action of inhabiting and 31. El.
planting his people in Virginia. Hakl. 1st.
ed. publ. in 1589. p. 815.

Lettres de Lieutenant General de l'Acadie et 1603, Nov. 8.
pays circonvoisins pour le Sieur de Monts.
L'Escarbot. 417.

Letters-patent to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George 1606, Apr. 10.
Somers and others of America. Stith. Apend. 4. Jac. 1.
No. 1.

An ordinance and constitution enlarging the 1607, Mar. 9.
council of the two colonies in Virginia and 4. Jac. 1.
America, and augmenting their authority, M.S.

The second charter to the treasurer and 1609, May 23.
company for Virginia, erecting them into a 7. Jac. 1.
body politick. Stith. Ap. 2.

Letters-patents to the E. of Northampton, 1610, April 10.
granting part of the island of Newfoundland. Jac. 1.
1. Harris. 861.

A third charter to the treasurer and company 1611, Mar. 12.
for Virginia. Stith. Ap. 3. 9. Jac. 1.

A commission to Sir Walter Raleigh. Qu. 1617. Jac. 1.

Commissio specialis concernens le garbling 1620. Apr. 7.
herbæ Nocotianæ. 17. Rym. 190. 18. Jac. 1.

A proclamation for restraint of the disordered 1620. June 29.
trading of tobacco. 17. Rym. 233. 18. Jac. 1.

A grant of New-England to the council of 1620. Nov. 3.
Plymouth. Jac. 1.

An ordinance and constitution of the treasurer, 1621, July 24.
council and company in England, for a council Jac. 1.
of state and general assembly in Virginia.
Stith. Ap. 4.

A grant of Nova Scotia to Sir William Alexander. 1621, Sep. 10.
2. Mem. de l'Amerique. 193. 20 Jac. 1.

A proclamation prohibiting interloping and 1622, Nov. 6.
disorderly trading to New England in America. 20 Jac. 1.
17. Rym. 416.

De commissione speciali Willelmo Jones militi 1623, May 9.
directa. 17. Rym. 490. 21 Jac. 1.

A grant to Sir Edmund Ployden, of New Albion. 1623.
Mentioned in Smith's examination. 82.

De commissione Henrico vicecomiti Mandevill 1624, July 15.
et aliis. 17. Rym. 609. 22. Jac. 1.

De commissione speciali concernenti 1624, Aug. 26.
gubernationem in Virginia. 17. Rym. 618. 22 Jac. 1.

A proclamation concerning tobacco. 17. Rym. 1624, Sep. 29.
621. 22 Jac. 1.

De concessione demiss, Edwardo Ditchfield et 1624, Nov. 9.
aliis. 17. Rym. 633. 22 Jac. 1.

A proclamation for the utter prohibiting the 1625, Mar. 2.
importation and use of all tobacco which is 22 Jac. 1.
not of the proper growth of the colony of
Virginia and the Somer islands, or one of
them. 17. Rym. 668.

De commissione directa Georgio Yardeley militi 1625, Mar. 4.
et aliis. 18. Rym. 311. 1 Car. 1.

Proclamatio de herba Nicotianâ. 18. Rym. 19. 1625, Apr. 9.
1 Car. 1.

A proclamation for settlinge the plantation 1625, May 13.
of Virginia. 18. Rym. 72. 1 Car. 1.

A grant of the soil, barony, and domains of 1625, July 12.
Nova Scotia to Sir Wm. Alexander of Minstrie.
2. Mem. Am. 226.

Commissio directa a Johanni Wolstenholme 1626, Jan. 31.
militi et aliis. 18. Rym. 831. 2 Car. 1.

A proclamation touching tobacco. Rym. 848. 1626, Feb. 17.
2 Car. 1.

A grant of Massachusetts bay by the council of 1627, Mar. 19.
Plymouth to Sir Henry Roswell and others. qu? 2 Car. 1.

De concessione commissionis specialis 1627, Mar. 26.
proconcilio in Virginia. 18. Rym. 980. 3 Car. 1.

De proclamatione de signatione de tobacco. 1627, Mar. 30.
18. Rym. 886. 3 Car. 1.

De proclamatione pro ordinatione de tobacco. 1627, Aug. 9.
18. Rym. 920. 3 Car. 1.

A confirmation of the grant of Massachusetts 1628, Mar. 4.
bay by the crown. 3 Car. 1.

The capitulation of Quebec. Champlain pert. 1629, Aug. 19.
2. 216. 2. Mem. Am. 489.

A proclamation concerning tobacco. 19. Rym. 1630, Jan. 6.
235. 5 Car. 1.

Conveyance of Nova Scotia (Port-royal excepted) 1630, April 30.
by Sir William Alexander to Sir Claude St.
Etienne Lord of la Tour and of Uarre and to
his son Sir Charles de St. Etienne Lord of St.
Denniscourt, on condition that they continue
subjects to the king of Scotland under the
great seal of Scotland.

A proclamation forbidding the disorderly 1630-31, Nov.
trading with the savages in New England 24. 6 Car. 1.
in America, especially the furnishing the
natives in those and other parts of America
by the English with weapons and habiliments
of warre. 19. Ry. 210. 3. Rushw. 82.

A proclamation prohibiting the selling arms, 1630, Dec. 5.
&c. to the savages in America. Mentioned 3. 6 Car. 1.
Rushw. 75.

A grant of Connecticut by the council of 1630, Car. 1.
Plymouth to the E. of Warwick.

A confirmation by the crown of the grant 1630, Car. 1.
of Connecticut [said to be in the petty-bag
office in England.]

A conveiance of Connecticut by the E. of 1631, Mar. 19.
Warwick to Lord Say, and Seal, and others. 6 Car. 1.
Smith's examination, Appendix No. 1.

A special commission to Edward, Earle of 1631, June 27.
Dorsett, and others, for the better plantation 7 Car. 1.
of the colony of Virginia. 19. Ry. 301.

Litere continentes promissionem regis ad 1632, June 29.
tradenum castrum et habitationem de Kebec in 7 Car. 1.
Canada ad regem Francorum. 19. Ry. 303.

Traité entre le roy Louis XIII. et Charles 1632, Mar. 29.
roi d'Angleterre pour la restitution de la 8 Car. 1.
nouvelle France, la Cadie et Canada et des
navires et merchandises pris de part et
d'autre. Fait a St. Germain. 19. Ry. 361. 2.
Mem. Am. 5.

A grant of Maryland to Cæcilius Calvert, 1632, June 20.
baron of Baltimore in Ireland. 8 Car. 1.

A petition of the planters of Virginia against 1633, July 3.
the grant to lord Baltimore. 9 Car. 1.

Order of council upon the dispute between the 1633, July 3.
Virginia planters and lord Baltimore, Votes
of repres. Pennsylvania. V.

A proclamation to prevent abuses growing by 1633, Aug. 13.
the unordered retailing of tobacco. Mentioned 9 Car. 1.
3. Rushw. 191.

A special commission to Thomas Young to search, 1633, Sept. 23.
discover and find out what ports are not yet 9 Car. 1.
inhabited in Virginia and America and other
parts thereunto adjoining. 19. Ry. 472.

A proclamation for preventing of the abuses 1633, Oct. 13.
growing by the unordered retailing of tobacco. 9 Car. 1.
19. Ry. 474.

A proclamation restraining the abusive venting 1633. Mar. 13.
of tobacco. 19. Rym. 522. Car. 1.

A proclamation concerning the landing of 1634, May 19.
tobacco, and also forbidding the planting 10 Car. 1.
thereof in the king's dominions. 19. Ry. 553.

A commission to the Archbishop of Canterbury 1634, Car. 1.
and 11 others, for governing the American
colonies.

A commission concerning tobacco. M.S. 1634, June 19.
10 Car. 1.

A commission from Lord Say, and Seal, and 1635, July 18.
others, to John Winthrop to be governor of 11 Car. 1.
Connecticut. Smith's App.

A grant to Duke Hamilton. 1635, Car. 1.

De commissione speciali Johanni Harvey militi 1636, Apr. 2.
to pro meliori regemine coloniae in Virginia. 12 Car. 1.
20. Ry. 3.

A proclamation concerning tobacco. Title in 1637, Mar. 14.
3. Rush. 617. Car. 1.

De commissione speciali Georgio domino Goring 1636-7, Mar.
et aliis concessâ concernente venditionem de 16. 12 Car. 1.
tobacco absque licentiâ regiâ. 20. Ry. 116.

A proclamation against disorderly transporting 1637, Apr. 30.
his Majesty's subjects to the plantations 13 Car. 1.
within the parts of America. 20. Ry. 143. 3.
Rush. 409.

An order of the privy council to stay 8 ships 1637, May 1.
now in the Thames from going to New England. 13 Car. 1.
3. Rush. 409.

A warrant of the Lord Admiral to stop 1637, Car. 1.
unconformable ministers from going beyond
the sea. 3. Rush. 410.

Order of council upon Claiborne's 1638, Apr. 4.
petition against Lord Baltimore. Votes of Car. 1.
representatives of Pennsylvania, vi.

An order of the king and council that the 1638, Apr. 6.
attorney general draw up a proclamation to 14 Car. 1.
prohibit transportation of passengers to New
England without license. 3. Rush. 718.

A proclamation to restrain the transporting 1638, May 1.
of passengers and provisions to New England 14 Car. 1.
without license. 20. Ry. 223.

A proclamation concerning tobacco. Title 4. 1639, Mar. 25.
Rush. 1060. Car. 1.

A proclamation declaring his majesty's pleasure 1639, Aug. 19.
to continue his commission and letters patents 15 Car. 1.
for licensing retailers of tobacco. 20. Ry.
348.

De commissione speciali Henrico Ashton 1639, Dec. 16.
armigero ét aliis ad amovendum Henricum Hawley 15 Car. 1.
gubernatorem de Barbadoes. 20. Rym. 357.

A proclamation concerning retailers of tobacco. 1639, Car. 1.
4. Rush. 966.

De constitutione gubernatoris et concilii 1641, Aug. 9.
pro Virginia. 20. Ry. 484. 17 Car. 1.

Articles of union and confederacy entered 1643, Car. 1.
into by Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut
and New-haven. 1. Neale. 223.

Deed from George Fenwick to the old Connecticut 1644, Car. 1.
jurisdiction.

An ordinance of the lords and commons assembled
in parliament, for exempting from custom and
imposition all commodities exported for, or
imported from New England, which has been
very prosperous and without any public charge
to this State, and is likely to prove very
happy for the propagation of the gospel in
those parts. Tit. in Amer, library 90. 5. No
date. But seems by the neighbouring articles
to have been in 1644.

An act for charging of tobacco brought from 1644, June 20.
New England with custom and excise. Title in Car. 2.
American library. 99. 8.

An act for the advancing and regulating the 1644, Aug. 1.
trade of this commonwealth. Tit. in Amer. Car. 2.
libr. 99. 9.

Grant of the Northern neck of Virginia to Sep. 18.
Lord Hopton, Lord Jermyn, Lord Culpepper, 1 Car. 2.
Sir John Berkley, Sir William Moreton, Sir
Dudley Wyatt, and Thomas Culpepper.

An act prohibiting trade with the Barbadoes, 1650, Oct. 3.
Virginia, Bermudas and Antego Scobell's Acts. 2 Car. 2.
1027.

A declaration of Lord Willoughby, governor 1650, Car. 2.
of Barbadoes, and of his council, against an
act of parliament of 3d of October, 1650. 4.
Polit. register. 2. cited from 4 Neal. hist.
of the Puritans. App. No. 12 but not there.

A final settlement of boundaries between the 1650, Car. 2.
Dutch New Netherlands and Connecticut.

Instructions for Captain Robert Dennis, Mr. 1651, Sept. 26.
Richard Bennet, Mr. Thomas Stagge, and Captain 3 Car. 2.
William Claibourn, appointed commissioners for
the reducing of Virginia and the inhabitants
thereof to their due obedience to the
commonwealth of England. 1 Thurloe's state
papers, 197.

An act for increase of shipping and 1651, Oct. 9.
encouragement of the navigation of this 8 Car. 2.
nation. Scobell's acts, 1449.

Articles agreed on and concluded at James citie 1651-2, Mar.
in Virginia for the surrendering and settling 12. 4 Car. 2.
of that plantation under the obedience and
government of the commonwealth of England, by
the commissioners of the council of state,
by authoritie of the parliament of England,
and by the grand assembly of the governor,
council, and burgesse of that state. M.S.
[Ante. p. 206.]

An act of indempnitie made at the surrender 1651, Mar.
of the country [of Virginia.] [Ante p. 206.] 12. 4 Car. 1.

Capitulation de Port Royal. Mem. Am. 507. 1654, Aug. 16.

A proclamation of the protector relating to 1655, Car. 2.
Jamaica. 3 Thurl. 75.

The protector to the commissioners of Maryland. 1655, Sep. 26.
A letter. 4 Thurl. 55. 7 Car. 2.

An instrument made at the council of Jamaica, 1655, Oct. 8.
Oct. 8, 1655, for the better carrying on of 7 Car. 2.
affairs there. 4 Thurl. 17.

Treaty of Westminster between France and 1655, Nov. 3.
England. 6. corps diplom. part 2. p. 121. 2
Mem. Am. 10.

The assembly at Barbadoes to the protector. 1656, Mar. 27.
4 Thurl. 651. 8 Car. 2.

A grant by Cromwell to Sir Charles de Saint 1656, Aug. 9.
Etienne, a baron of Scotland, Crowne and
Temple. A French translation of it. 2 Mem.
Am. 511.

A paper concerning the advancement of trade, 1656, Car. 2.
5 Thurl. 80.

A brief narration of the English rights to 1656, Car. 2.
the Northern parts of America. 5 Thurl. 81.

Mr. R. Bennet and Mr. S. Matthew to Secretary 1656, Oct. 12.
Thurlow. 5 Thurl. 482. 8 Car. 2.

Objections against the Lord Baltimore's patent, 1656, Oct. 10.
and reasons why the government of Maryland 8 Car. 2.
should not be put into his hands. 5 Thurl. 482.

A paper relating to Maryland. 5 Thurl. 483. 1656, Oct. 10.
8 Car. 2.

A breviet of the proceedings of the lord 1656, Oct. 10.
Baltimore and his officers and compliers 8 Car. 2.
in Maryland, against the authority of the
parliament of the commonwealth of England
and against his highness the lord protector's
authority, laws and government 5 Thurl. 486.

The assembly of Virginia to secretary Thurlow. 1656, Oct. 15.
5 Thurl. 497. 8 Car. 2.

The governor of Barbadoes to the protector. 1657, Apr. 4.
6 Thurl. 69. 9 Car. 2.

Petition of the general court at Hartford 1661, Car. 2.
upon Connecticut for charter. Smith's exam.
App. 4.

Charter of the colony of Connecticut. Smith's 1662, Apr. 23.
exam. App. 6. 14 Car. 2.

The first charter granted by Charles II. to 1662-2, Mar. 24.
the proprietaries of Carolina, to wit, to Apr. 4. 15 C. 2.
the Earl of Clarendon, Duke of Albemarle,
Lord Craven, Lord Berkeley, Lord Ashley, Sir
George Carteret, Sir William Berkeley, and
Sir John Colleton. 4 Mem. Am. 554.

The concessions and agreement of the lords 1664, Feb. 10.
proprietors of the province of New Cæsarea,
or New Jersey, to and with all and every of
the adventurers and all such as shall settle
or plant there. Smith's New Jersey. App. 1.

A grant of the colony of New York to the Duke 1664. Mar. 12.
of York. 20 Car. 2.

A commission to Colonel Nichols and others 1664, Apr. 26.
to settle disputes in New England. Hutch. 16 Car. 2.
Hist. Mass. Bay, App. 537.

The commission to Sir Robert Carre and others 1664, Apr. 26.
to put the Duke of York in possession of
New York, New Jersey, and all other lands
thereunto appertaining.

Sir Robert Carre and others proclamation to
the inhabitants of New York, New Jersey, &c.
Smith's N. J. 36.

Deeds of lease and release of New Jersey by 1664, June 23.
the Duke of York to Lord Berkeley and Sir 24. 16 Car. 2.
George Carteret.

A conveiance of the Delaware counties to
William Penn.

Letters between Stuyvesant and Colonel Nichols 1664, Aug.
on the English right. Smith's N. J. 37-42. 19-29, 20-30,
24.
Aug. 25.
Sept. 4.

Treaty between the English and Dutch for the 1664, Aug. 27.
surrender of the New Netherlands. Sm. N. J.
42.

Nicoll's commission to Sir Robert Carre to Sept. 3.
reduce the Dutch on Delaware bay. Sm. N. J.
47.

Instructions to Sir Robert Carre for reducing
of Delaware bay and settling the people there
under his majesty's obedience. Sm. N. J. 47.

Articles of capitulation between Sir Robert 1664, Oct. 1.
Carre and the Dutch and Swedes on Delaware
bay and Delaware river. Sm. N. J. 49.

The determination of the commissioners of 1664, Dec. 1.
the boundary between the Duke of York and 16 Car. 2.
Connecticut. Sm. Ex. Ap. 9.

The New Haven case. Smith's Ex. Ap. 20. 1664.

The second charter granted by Charles II. 1665, June 13.
to the same proprietors of Carolina. 4. Mem. 24. 17 Car. 2.
Am. 586.

Declaration de guerre par la France contre 1666, Jan. 26.
l'Angleterre. 3 Mem. Am. 123.

Declaration of war by the king of England 1666, Feb. 9.
against the king of France. 17 Car. 2.

The treaty of peace between France and England 1667, July 31.
made at Breda. 7 Corps, Dipl. part 1. p. 51
2. Mem. Am. 32.

The treaty of peace and alliance between 1667, July 31.
England and the United Provinces made at
Breda. 7. Cor. Dip. p. 1. d. 44. 2. Mem. Am.
40.

Acte de la cession de l'Acadie au roi de 1667-8, Feb.
France. 2. Mem. Am. 40. 17.

Directions from the governor and council 1668, April 21.
of New York for a better settlement of the
government on Delaware. Sm. N. J. 51.

Lovelace's order for customs at the Hoarkills. 1668.
Sm. N. J. 55.

A confirmation of the grant of the northern 16-- May 8.
neck of Virginia to the Earl of St. Albans, 21 Car. 2.
Lord Berkeley, Sir William Moreton and John
Tretheway.

Incorporation of the town of Newcastle or 1672.
Amstell.

A demise of the colony of Virginia to the 1673, Feb. 25.
Earl of Arlington and Lord Culpepper for 31 25 Car. 2.
years. M.S.

Treaty at London between king Charles II. 1673-4.
and the Dutch. Article VI.

Remonstrance against the two grants of Charles
II. of Northern and Southern Virginia. Mentd.
Beverley 65.

Sir George Carteret's instructions to Governor 1674, July 13.
Carteret.

Governor Andros's proclamation on taking 1674, Nov. 9.
possession of Newcastle for the Duke of York.
Sm. N. J. 78.

A proclamation for prohibiting the importation 1675, Oct. 1.
of commodities of Europe into any of his 27 Car. 2.
majesty's plantations in Africa, Asia, or
America, which were not laden in England;
and for putting all other laws relating to
the trade of the plantations in effectual
execution.

The concessions and agreements of the 1676 Mar. 3.
proprietors, freeholders and inhabitants of
the province of West New Jersey in America.
Sm. N. J. App. 2.

A deed quintipartite for the division of New 1676, July 1.
Jersey.

Letter from the proprietors of New Jersey to 1676, Aug. 18.
Richard Hartshorne. Sm. N. J. 80.

Proprietors instructions to James Wasse and
Richard Hartshorne. Sm. N. J. 83.

The charter of king Charles II. to his subjects 1676, Oct. 10.
of Virginia. M.S. 28 Car. 2.

Cautionary epistle from the trustees of 1676.
Byllinge's part of New Jersey. Sm. N. J. 84.

Indian deed for the lands between Rankokas 1677, Sept. 10.
creek and Timber creek, in New Jersey.

Indian deed for lands from Oldman's creek to 1677, Sept. 27.
Timber creek, in New Jersey.

Indian deed for the lands from Rankokos creek 1677, Oct. 10.
to Assunpink creek, in New Jersey.

The will of Sir George Carteret, sole 1678, Dec. 5.
proprietor of East Jersey ordering the same
to be sold.

An order of the king in council for the 1680, Feb. 16.
better encouragement of all his majesty's
subjects in their trade to his majesty's
plantations, and for the better information
of all his majesty's loving subjects in these
matters--Lond. Gaz. No. 1596. Title in Amer.
library. 134. 6.

Arguments against the customs demanded in 1680.
New West Jersey by the governor of New York,
addressed to the Duke's commissioners. Sm.
N. J. 117.

Extracts of proceedings of the committee of 1680, June 14.
trade and plantations; copies of letters, 23. 25. Oct. 16.
reports, &c., between the board of trade, Mr. Nov. 4. 8. 11.
Penn, Lord Baltimore and Sir John Werden, 18. 20. 23.
in the behalf of the Duke of York and the Dec. 16.
settlement of the Pennsylvania boundaries by 1680-1, Jan. 15.
the L. C. J. North. Votes of Repr. Pennsyl. 22. Feb. 24.
vii.-xiii.

A grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn. 1681, Mar. 4.
Votes of Represen. Pennsyl. xviii. Car. 2.

The king's declaration to the inhabitants 1681, Apr. 2.
and planters of the province of Pennsylvania.
Vo. Repr. Penn. xxiv.