Chapter XXXVII: The End of the War (1)

On the morning of the 15th of May, I arrived at Vereeniging with some of the Free State delegates. The others were already there, together with the thirty Transvaal delegates, Commandant-General Louis Botha and General De la Rey. In addition to the above, the following had also arrived: Vice-State President Burger, States-President Steyn, the members of the two Governments, and General J.C. Smuts (from Cape Colony).

I was exceedingly sorry to find that President Steyn was seriously ill. For the last six weeks he had been in the doctor's hands; and, since his arrival at Pretoria, had been under the care of Dr. Van der Merwe, of Krugersdorp. This physician said that serious consequences might ensue if his patient were to attend our meetings, and advised him to go to his home at Krugersdorp, where he could be properly nursed. It was sad for us to receive this news immediately we arrived. We asked ourselves what we should do without the President at our meetings? At this moment he seemed more indispensable to us than ever before.

President Steyn was a statesman in the best sense of the word. He had gained the respect and even the affection of us all. Of him, if of any man, it may be said that he never swerved from his duty to his country. No task was too great for him, no burden too heavy, if thereby he could serve his people. Whatever hardships he had endured, he had never been known to complain--he would endure anything for us. He had fought in our cause until he could fight no longer, until sickness laid him low; and he was worn out, and weak as a child. _Weak_, did I say? Yes! but only in the body--his mind was still as strong, as brave, as clear as ever.

And thus it was that President Steyn was only able to be present on two occasions at our meetings; for, on the 29th of May--before the National Representatives had come to any decision--he went with Dr. Van der Merwe to Krugersdorp.

As I write these lines--six months after the meetings at Vereeniging--and think that during all the intervening time he has been lying on a bed of sickness--I am cheered by the news which I received in Holland that hopes are now entertained of his ultimate recovery.

The National Representatives began their important deliberations on the morning of the 13th of May, 1902.

For three days we discussed the condition of our country, and then proceeded with Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner to Pretoria. This Commission was composed of Commandant-General L. Botha, Commander-in-Chief C.R. de Wet, Vice-Commandant-General J.H. De la Rey, Vice-Commander-in-Chief Judge J.B.M. Hertzog, and States-Procureur J.C. Smuts.

The negotiations with the representatives of the British Government continued from the 18th to the 29th of May; and upon their conclusion the Commission communicated to the National Representatives the terms on which England was prepared to conclude peace.

On May the 31st we decided to accept the proposals of the English Government.[110] The Independence of the two Republics was at an end!

I will not attempt to describe the struggle it cost us to accept these proposals. Suffice it to say that when it was over, it had left its mark on every face.

There were sixty of us there, and each in turn must answer Yes or No. It was an ultimatum--this proposal of England's.

What were we to do? To continue the struggle meant extermination. Already our women and children were dying by the thousand, and starvation was knocking at the door--and knocking loudly!

In certain districts, such as Boshof and Hoopstad, it was still possible to prolong the war, as was also the case in the districts of Generals Brand and Nieuwouwdt, where the sheep and oxen, which had been captured from the enemy, provided an ample supply of food. But from the last-named districts all the women and children had departed, leaving the burghers free to wander at will in search of food--to Boshof, to Hoopstad, and even into the Colony.

In other parts of the Free State things were very different. In the north-eastern and northern districts--for instance, in Ladybrand, Winburg, Kroonstad, Heilbron, Bethlehem, Harrismith and Vrede--there were still many families, and these could not be sent to Boshof or to Hoopstad or to the Colony. And when, reduced to dire want, the commandos should be obliged to abandon these districts, their wives and families would have to be left behind--to starve!

The condition of affairs in the Transvaal was no better. We Free-Staters had thought--and I, for one, had supported the view at Vereeniging--that, before sacrificing our independence, we ought to tell the owners of these farms, where there were still women and children, to go and surrender with their families, and thus save them from starvation. But we soon realized that such a course was not practicable--it would involve the loss of too many burghers.

Moreover, even if, by some such scheme as this, we had succeeded in saving the women, we, who remained in the field, would still have been exposed to the dangers of starvation, for many of us, having no horses, could not have left want behind us, by removing to Cape Colony or some other equally prosperous region.

In the large eastern divisions of the Transvaal also, there were many burghers without horses, while the poor jaded creatures that remained were far too feeble and exhausted to carry their masters into Cape Colony, without the certainty of being captured by the enemy.

Our forces were now only twenty thousand in all, of which the Transvaal supplied ten thousand, the Free State six thousand, while the remainder came from Cape Colony. But our numerical weakness would not in itself have caused us to abandon the struggle had we but received encouraging news from the Colony. But alas! reports which we received from there left us no room for hope.

No room for hope! that was the message of Vereeniging--a message which struck a chill in every heart. One after another we painted the destitution, the misery of our districts, and each picture was more gloomy than the last. At length the moment of decision came, and what course remained open to us? This only--to resign ourselves to our fate, intolerable though it appeared, to accept the British proposal, and to lay down our arms.

Most bitter of all was the thought that we must abandon our brethren in Cape Colony and in Natal, who had thrown in their lot with ours. And many a sleepless night has this caused me. But we could not help ourselves. There was nothing else to do.

And as things have turned out, may we not hope that the Cape and Natal Governments, following in the wake of the British Nation, will soon understand that the wiser course is to forgive and forget, and to grant as comprehensive an amnesty as possible? It is surely not unjust to expect this of these Governments, when one remembers that whatever the Colonists may have done, must be ascribed to the tie that binds them to us--the closest of all ties--that of blood.

It is now for the two Governments to strive to realize the situation, and then, by granting a general amnesty, to promote, as far as in them lies, the true progress of South Africa.

* * * * *

On the evening of the 31st of May, 1902, the members of the Government of both Republics met Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner, in the former's house, at Pretoria.

It was there that the Treaty of Peace--the British Proposal which the National Representatives had accepted--was now to be signed.

It was a never-to-be-forgotten evening. In the space of a few short minutes that was done which could never be undone. A decision arrived at in a meeting could always be taken into reconsideration, but a document solemnly signed, as on that night, by two parties, bound them both for ever.

Every one of us who put his name to that document knew that he was in honour bound to act in accordance with it. It was a bitter moment, but not so bitter as when, earlier on the same day, the National Representatives had come to the decision that the fatal step must be taken.

On the 2nd June, 1902, the Representatives left Vereeniging, and returned every man to his own commando. It was now their sad duty to tell their brave and patient burghers that the independence which they cherished so dearly was gone, and to prepare them to surrender their arms at the appointed places.

I left Pretoria on the 3rd of June with General Elliott, who had to accompany me to the various centres to receive the burghers' arms.

On the 5th of June the first commando laid down their weapons near Vredefort. To every man there, as to myself, this surrender was no more and no less than the sacrifice of our independence. I have often been present at the death-bed and at the burial of those who have been nearest to my heart--father, mother, brother and friend--but the grief which I felt on those occasions was not to be compared with what I now underwent at the burial of my Nation!

It was at Reitz that the commandos of Vrede, Harrismith, Heilbron and Bethlehem laid down their arms. Accordingly I went there on the 7th of June, and again had to be a spectator of what I fain would never have witnessed. Had I then to go on from commando to commando, to undergo everywhere the martyrdom of beholding ceaseless surrenders? No! I had had enough, and could bear no more. I decided, therefore, to visit all the other commandos, in order to acquaint the burghers with what had taken place, and to explain to them why we, however unsatisfactory the Peace Proposal was, had felt bound to accept it, and then to leave each commando before the men handed over their arms to General Elliott. Everywhere I found the men utterly despondent and dissatisfied.

The whole miserable business came to an end on the 16th of June, when the burghers who had fought under Generals Nieuwouwdt and Brand, laid down their arms--the Nation had submitted to its fate!

There was nothing left for us now but to hope that the Power which had conquered us, the Power to which we were compelled to submit, though it cut us to the heart to do so, and which, by the surrender of our arms, we had accepted as our Ruler, would draw us nearer and ever nearer by the strong cords of love.

* * * * *

To my Nation I address one last word.

Be loyal to the new Government! Loyalty pays best in the end. Loyalty alone is worthy of a Nation which has shed its blood for Freedom!

[Footnote 110: A complete report of the various proceedings in connexion with the conclusion of peace will be found in the Appendix of this book.]

CORRESPONDENCE

A LETTER FROM THE STATES-SECRETARY OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC TO THE BRITISH AGENT AT PRETORIA

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
PRETORIA, _9th October, 1899_.

SIR,--

The Government of the South African Republic feel themselves
compelled to again refer the Government of Her Majesty, the Queen
of Great Britain, to the London Convention of 1884, concluded
between this Republic and the United Kingdom, which in Article XIV.
guarantees certain specified rights to the white inhabitants of
this Republic, to wit:--

"All those who, although not born in this Country, yet abide by the
laws of the South African Republic, (_a_) shall have full freedom
to come with their families into, to travel in, or to reside in any
part of the South African Republic; (_b_) shall be entitled to hold
in possession their houses, factories or warehouses, shops, and
allotments, either on hire or as their own property; (_c_) may
transact their business, either in person or through agents, to
their own satisfaction; (_d_) shall not be subjected to any other
general or local taxation--with regard to their families or
properties, or their commerce or trade--than those which shall be
laid on the burghers of the said Republics."

Our Government wishes also to draw attention to the fact that the
above-mentioned rights are the only ones which Her Majesty's
Government, in the above-mentioned Convention, has stipulated for
the foreign inhabitants in this Republic, and that only
contravention of these rights can give the British Government the
right of diplomatic intervention; whereas, further, the adjustment
of all other questions concerning the position, or the rights, of
the foreign inhabitants under the said Convention is vested in the
Government and National Representatives of the South African
Republic; among the questions the adjustment of which comes
exclusively under the authority of the Government and the
Volksraad, are those of the Franchise and representation in this
Republic.

Although, therefore, the exclusive right of this Franchise and
representation is indisputable, our Government has approved of
discussing in a friendly way the Franchise and the representation
with Her Majesty's Government; without, however, acknowledging by
so doing any right thereto on the side of Her Majesty's Government.
Our Government has also, by the wording of the already existing
Voting Law, and the decision concerning the representation, always
kept this friendly consultation in view.

On the side of Her Majesty's Government, however, the friendly
manner of these consultations has made way for a more threatening
tone; and the minds of the people of this Republic, and of the
whole population of South Africa, have been brought into a state of
apprehension; and a state of unusual tension has been created by
the action of Her Majesty's Government, in no longer abiding by the
laws concerning the voting right, and the decision concerning the
representation of this Republic; and lastly, as is expressed in
your letter of the 25th of September, 1899, in breaking off all
friendly communication, giving us to understand that Her Majesty's
Government were about to formulate their own proposals for final
arrangement. Our Government can see in the before-mentioned
notification nothing less than a new violation of the Convention of
1884, which does not reserve to Her Majesty's Government the right
of a one-sided adjustment of a question which belongs exclusively
to the inner policy of our Government, and has been already settled
by them.

On the grounds of the tension, the considerable loss arising
therefrom, and the interruption of business in general, which is
caused by the correspondence on the Franchise and the
representation of this Republic, Her Majesty's Government has not
long ago insisted on a speedy adjustment, and finally, through your
intervention, insisted on an answer--within forty-eight
hours--(later on somewhat amended)--to your Memorandum of the 12th
of September, which was answered by the Memorandum of our
Government of the 15th of September, and by the Memorandum of the
25th of September, 1899; on which other friendly negotiations were
interrupted, and our Government received notice that the proposal
for final arrangement would be made within a short time; but
although these promises were repeated, no such proposal has as yet
reached our Government. When the friendly correspondence was still
going on, a great increase of troops was made by Her Majesty's
Government, which troops were drawn up in the neighbourhood of the
frontiers of our Republic. Taking into consideration certain events
in the history of our Republic, which events need not here be
recited, our Government found themselves compelled to look upon the
Army in the neighbourhood of the frontier as a threat to the
independence of the South African Republic, because they were not
aware of any circumstances which could justify the presence of such
a force in South Africa and in the neighbourhood of their frontier.

In answer to a question concerning this, addressed to His
Excellency the High Commissioner, our Government received, to their
great astonishment, the covert accusation that from the State of
the Republic an attack on Her Majesty's Colonies was being
arranged, and also a mysterious hint of coming possibilities, by
which our Government were strengthened in their suspicion, that the
independence of the Republic was threatened.

As a measure of defence, they were, therefore, compelled to send a
body of burghers to the frontiers in order, if required, to be able
to resist such an eventuality. The unlawful interference of Her
Majesty's Government in the inner policy of our Republic, in
defiance of the London Convention of 1884, which interference
consisted in the exceptional strengthening of troops in the
neighbourhood of the Republic's borders, has thus created an
unbearable state of affairs, of which our Government--not only in
the interests of our Republic, but also in the interests of the
whole of South Africa,--feel it their duty to bring to an end as
speedily as possible, and consider themselves called upon to insist
emphatically and energetically on an immediate conclusion of this
condition of things, and to ask Her Majesty's Government to give
them the assurance (_a_) that all points of mutual difference shall
be adjusted by friendly arbitration, or by any other amicable way
that may be agreed upon between our Government and that of Her
Majesty; (_b_) that the troops on the frontiers of the Republic
shall be recalled at once, and that all reinforcements which, after
the 1st of June, 1899, have arrived in South Africa, shall be
removed within a time agreed upon with our Government,--with the
counter assurance and guarantee from our Government that no attack
on, or hostilities against, any part of the possessions of the
British Government shall be undertaken by the Republic during the
further negotiations within the time which shall be agreed upon by
the Government--our Government shall, in accordance with this, be
ready to call back the armed burghers of the Republic from the
frontiers; (_c_) that Her Majesty's troops, which are now on the
high sea, shall not be landed in any of the harbours of South
Africa.

Our Government has to insist on an immediate and favourable answer
on the above four points, and urgently requests Her Majesty's
Government to give an answer in this spirit before, or on,
Wednesday, October 11th, 1889, before 5 o'clock in the afternoon.
They wish to add further, that in case, against their expectations,
no satisfactory answer within this time should be received by them,
that they, to their great sorrow, would be obliged to look upon the
actions of Her Majesty's Government as a formal declaration of war,
for the consequences of which they do not consider themselves
responsible; and, in case further movements of troops should take
place within the above-mentioned time in the direction of our
borders, that our Government will be compelled to look upon this
also as a formal declaration of war.

I have the honour to be, etc.,
F.W. REITZ,
_State-Secretary._

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S TELEGRAMS:--

FROM MR. CHAMBERLAIN TO THE HIGH COMMISSIONER, SIR ALFRED MILNER.

(Sent 7.30 p.m. _10th October, 1899_)

"10th _October_, No. 7. The British Agent has, in answering the
demands of the Government of the South African Republic, to say
that, as the Government of the South African Republic have declared
in their dispatch, that they will look upon a refusal to consent to
their demands as a formal declaration of war, he has received
orders to demand his passport."

FROM MR. CHAMBERLAIN TO THE HIGH COMMISSIONER, SIR ALFRED MILNER.

(Sent 10.45 p.m. _10th October, 1899_)

"10th _October_, No. 8. The Government of Her Majesty has received
with great sorrow the determined demands of the Government of the
South African Republic contained in your telegram of the 9th of
October, No. 3. You will, as an answer to the Government of the
South African Republic, communicate to them that the conditions put
forward by the Government of the South African Republic are of such
a nature that the Government of Her Majesty cannot possibly think
of taking them into consideration."

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE TWO PRESIDENTS AND LORD SALISBURY

FROM THE STATES-PRESIDENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC AND THE ORANGE FREE STATE TO HIS EXCELLENCY LORD SALISBURY, LONDON.

"BLOEMFONTEIN, _5th March, 1900_.

"The blood and tears of the thousands who have suffered through
this war, and the prospect of all the moral and material ruin which
now threatens South Africa, render it necessary for both parties
carrying on the war to ask themselves calmly, and in the faith of
the Trinity, for what they are fighting and if the aims of both
justify all this horrible misery and devastation. On this account,
and with an eye to the assertion of several English Statesmen that
the war was begun and carried on with the determined end to
undermine Her Majesty's authority in South Africa, and to establish
in the whole of South Africa a Government independent of Her
Majesty's Government, we consider it our duty to declare that this
War was only commenced as a measure of defence and for the purpose
of obtaining a guarantee for the threatened independence of the
South African Republic, and was only continued in order to ensure
the indisputable independence of both Republics as Sovereign
International States, and to obtain the assurance that the subjects
of Her Majesty who have taken part with us in the war will not
suffer the least hurt either in their lives or their possessions.
On these conditions alone we demand, as in the past, to see peace
restored in South Africa, and an end made to the wrong that now
exists there. But if Her Majesty's Government has decided upon
destroying the independence of the Republic, nothing remains to us
and our people but to persist to the bitter end on the road now
taken, notwithstanding the overpowering might of the British
Empire, trusting that God, who has lit the inextinguishable fire of
the love of liberty in our hearts, and in the hearts of our
fathers, will not abandon us, but will fulfil His work in us, and
in our descendants.

"We hesitated to lay this declaration earlier before Your
Excellency, because we were afraid that as long as the advantage
was on our side, and our Army had in their occupation positions of
defence far into the British Colonies, such a declaration would
have hurt the feelings of the English nation; but now that the
prestige of the British Empire may be considered to be restored,
through the capture of one of our armies, and we are compelled by
this to sacrifice other positions which our armies occupied, this
difficulty is removed, and we can no longer hesitate to tell you,
in the face of the whole civilized world, why we are fighting, and
on what conditions we are prepared to make peace."

FROM LORD SALISBURY TO THEIR EXCELLENCIES THE STATES-PRESIDENTS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC AND ORANGE FREE STATE.

"LONDON, _11th March, 1900_.

"I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Honour's
cable, dated 5th March, from Bloemfontein, of which the purport is
principally whether Her Majesty's Government will acknowledge the
indisputable independence of the South African Republic and Orange
Free State and treat them as Sovereign International States, and
will offer to conclude the war on these conditions.

"In the beginning of October of this year, there was peace between
the Queen and the two Republics, under the Convention which then
held good. There was a discussion carried on during a few months
between Her Majesty's Government and the South African Republic, of
which the purport was the amendment of very serious grievances
under which English inhabitants suffered in the South African
Republic. In the course of these negotiations, the South African
Republic obtained the knowledge that Her Majesty's Government had
made considerable preparations for war, and had taken steps to
provide the necessary reinforcements for the English garrisons at
Cape Colony and Natal. No inroad on the rights guaranteed by the
Conventions had, until then, taken place on the English side.
Suddenly the South African Republic, after having two days
previously issued an insulting ultimatum, declared War on Her
Majesty; and the Orange Free State, with which there had been no
disagreement, took a similar step. Thereupon an inroad was made
into Her Majesty's territory by the two Republics; three towns
within the British frontier were besieged, a great part of the two
Colonies was over-run, with great destruction of property and life,
and the Republics claimed the right to treat the inhabitants of Her
Majesty's territory as if this territory had been annexed by one of
these States. The Transvaal having these actions in view, had for
years stored up, on an enormous scale, military provisions, which
could only have been destined for use against England.

"Your Excellencies made some remarks of a negative nature
concerning the aim for which these preparations were made. I do not
consider it necessary to discuss the question which you have thus
raised, but the consequences of the preparations, made in great
secrecy, have been that the British Empire has found itself forced
to repel an inroad which has brought on a costly war, and caused
the loss of thousands of valuable lives. This great misfortune has
been the punishment that Great Britain has had to undergo during
the last few years for having suffered the two Republics to exist.
Keeping in sight the use which the two Republics have made of the
position presented to them, and the misfortunes which their
unprovoked attacks on Her Majesty's territory have brought, Her
Majesty's Government can only reply to Your Honour's telegram by
saying that they are not prepared to acknowledge the independence
either of the South African Republic, or of the Orange Free State."

Appendix A

REPORT OF THE MEETING OF THE GENERAL REPRESENTATIVES HELD AT VEREENIGING, IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC, ON THE 15TH OF MAY, 1902, AND THE FOLLOWING DAYS

The first meeting of the representatives of the two Governments took place at 11.30 a.m. on May 15th.

There were present:--

_For the South African Republic_--His Honour the President, S.W. Burger, F.W. Reitz, Commandant-General L. Botha, Messrs. J.B. Krogh, L.J. Meijer, L.J. Jacobs, and His Honour the Staats-Procureur.

_For the Orange Free State_--States-President, M.J. Steyn; Judge, J.B.M. Hertzog; Secretary of State, W.J.C. Brebner; Commander-in-Chief, C.R. de Wet; and Mr. C.H. Olivier.

The first matter discussed was the formula for the oath which the delegates were to take, and it was decided that it should run as follows:--

"We, the undersigned, duly swear that we, as special national
representatives, will remain true to our people, country, and
Government, and that we will serve them to the best of our ability,
and fulfil our duties faithfully and with all necessary secrecy, as
is the duty of all faithful burghers and representatives of the
nation. So help us God."

The question now arose as to whether the representatives had the right to decide, if circumstances rendered it necessary, upon any matter touching the independence of the country, irrespective of the powers given to the various delegates, for at some of the meetings the delegates had only received limited powers, whilst at others full authority had been given them to act according to their own judgment.

After considerable discussion it was decided to lay the matter before the delegates themselves.

The following representatives were called into the tent, and took the oath:--

_For the South African Republic._

1. H.A. Alberts, Vechtgeneraal; for Heidelberg.

2. J.J. Alberts, Commandant; for Standerton and Wakkerstroom.

3. J.F. De Beer, Commandant; for Bloemhof.

4. C.F. Beijers, Assistant-Commandant-General; for Waterberg.

5. C. Birkenstock, burgher; for Vrijheid.

6. H.J. Bosman, magistrate; for Wakkerstroom.

7. Christiaan Botha, Assistant-Commandant-General; for Swaziland and the States Artillery.

8. B.H. Breijtenbach, Veldtcornet; for Utrecht.

9. C.J. Brits, Vechtgeneraal; for Standerton.

10. J.B. Cilluos, Vechtgeneraal; for Lichtenburg.

11. J. De Clercq, burgher; for Middelburg.

12. T.A. Dönges, Veldtcornet; for Dorp Middelburg in Regeeringswacht.

13. H.S. Grobler, Commandant; for Bethal.

14. J.L. Grobler, burgher; for Carolina.

15. J.N.H. Grobler, Vechtgeneraal; for Ermelo.

16. B.J. Van Heerden, Veldtcornet; for Rustenburg.

17. J.F. Jordaan, Commandant; for Vrijheid.

18. J. Kemp, Vechtgeneraal; for Krugersdorp.

19. P.J. Liebenberg, Vechtgeneraal; for Potchefstroom.

20. C.H. Muller, Vechtgeneraal; for Boksburg.

21. J.F. Naude, burgher; for Pretoria, late Commandant with General Kemp.

22. D.J.E. Opperman, Veldtcornet; for Pretoria.

23. B.J. Roos, Veldtcornet; for Piet Retief.

24. P.D. Roux, Veldtcornet; for Marico.

25. D.J. Schoeman, Commandant; for Lijdenburg.

26. T.C. Stoffberg, Landdrost; for Zoutpansberg.

27. S.P. Du Toit, Vechtgeneraal; for Wolmaransstad.

28. P.L. Uijs, Commandant; for Pretoria.

29. P.R. Viljoen, burgher; for Heidelberg.

30. W.J. Viljoen, Commandant; for Witwatersrand.

_For the Orange Free State._

1. C.C.F. Badenhorst, Vice-Commandant-in-Chief; for Boshof, Hoopstad, West Bloemfontein, Winburg, and Kroonstad.

2. A.J. Bester, Commandant; for Bethlehem.

3. A.J. Bester, Commandant; for Bloemfontein.

4. L.P.H. Botha, Commandant; for Harrismith.

5. G.A. Brand, Vice-Commandant-in-Chief; for Bethulie, Rouxville, Caledon River, and Wepener in the eastern part of Bloemfontein.

6. H.J. Brouwer, Commandant; for Bethlehem.

7. D.H. Van Coller, Commandant; for Heilbron.

8. F.R. Cronje, Commandant; for Winburg.

9. D.F.H. Flemming, Commandant; for Hoopstad.

10. C.C. Froneman, Vice-Commandant-in-Chief; for Winburg and Ladybrand.

11. F.J.W.J. Hattingh, Vice-Commandant-in-Chief; for the eastern part of Kroonstad, in the district of Heilbron.

12. J.B.M. Hertzog, Commandant; for Philippolis.

13. J.N. Jacobs, Commandant; for Boshof.

14. F.P. Jacobsz, Commandant; for Harrismith.

15. A.J. De Kock, Commandant; for Vrede.

16. J.J. Koen, Commandant; for Ladybrand.

17. H.J. Kritzinger, Veldtcornet; for Kroonstad.

18. F.E. Mentz, Commandant; for Heilbron.

19. J.A.P. Van der Merwe, Commandant; for Heilbron.

20. C.A. Van Niekerk, Commandant; for Kroonstad.

21. H. Van Niekerk, Commandant.

22. J.J. Van Niekerk, Commandant; for Ficksburg.

23. I.K. Nieuwouwdt, Vice-Commandant-in-Chief; for Fauresmith, Philippolis, and Jacobsdal.

24. H.P.J. Pretorius, Commandant; for Jacobsdal.

25. A.M. Prinsloo, Vice-Commandant-in-Chief; for Bethlehem in Ficksburg.

26. L.J. Rautenbach, Commandant; for Bethlehem.

27. F.J. Rheeder, Commandant; for Rouxville.

28. A. Ross, Commandant; for Vrede.

29. P.W. De Vos, Commandant; for Kroonstad.

30. W.J. Wessels, Vice-Commandant-in-Chief; for Harrismith and Vrede.

The meeting now proceeded to choose a chairman, and the following were proposed:--J. De Clercq, C.F. Beijers, C.C. Froneman, W.J. Wessels, and G.A. Brand.

The choice of the meeting fell on General C.F. Beijers, who called upon the Rev. Mr. Kestell to offer prayer.

His Honour, S.W. Burger, now declared that the meeting was formally opened, and after the Chairman had spoken a few words, the representatives adjourned until three o'clock.

When they reassembled, the Chairman requested President Burger to explain the objects for which the meeting had been called.

Then the President spoke a few words of welcome to all; he expressed his sorrow for the absence of some who would certainly have been present had they not given their lives for their country. But still there were many left to represent the two Republics.

"The difficulties which confront us," continued the President, "are like a great mountain, at the foot of which we have just arrived. Everything now depends on us who are assembled together here. It is impossible to deny that the state of affairs is very serious, and that the future looms dark before us. Our position requires the most careful consideration, and as there are sure to be differences of opinion, it will be necessary for us to bear with one another, and yet, at the same time, to speak our minds freely."

The President proceeded to refer to the correspondence which had taken place between Holland and England. A copy of this correspondence had been sent, through Lord Kitchener, to the Governments of the two Republics. The opinion of the Transvaal Government (which was the first to receive the correspondence) was that advantage should be taken of this opportunity. It was proposed to ask Lord Kitchener to allow the Transvaal Government to meet that of the Orange Free State, so that they might discuss the desirability of making a peace proposal to England. The two Governments had accordingly met, and had corresponded with Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner. As a result of this, a letter, with the above correspondence annexed, had been sent to the various commandos.

"We felt," continued President Burger, "that we had no power to surrender our independence, and that we were only justified in making such terms of peace as would not endanger our national existence. Whether it is or is not our duty to surrender our independence is a question that must be left to the decision of our people. And it is to represent the people that you are here. It is from your lips, then, that our Governments must learn the opinions of the two nations. It is clear enough that the English Government has no idea of allowing us to remain independent--it expresses surprise that we even dare to speak of such a thing.

"You have now to report upon the condition of the country, and upon the circumstances in which your wives and children are placed. You have also to decide whether you are willing to make any further sacrifices. We have lost so much already that it would be hard, indeed, to lose our independence as well. But, although this matter is so near to our hearts, we must still listen to the voice of reason. The practical question, then, which we have to ask ourselves is, whether we are prepared to watch our people being gradually exterminated before our eyes, or whether we should not rather seek a remedy.

"The Government can do nothing without the support of the nation. You, therefore, must determine our best course. For instance, if you come to the conclusion that we have exhausted every expedient, will you still continue the struggle? Are we not to desist until every man of us is in captivity, in exile, or in his grave? Again let me urge you to speak freely, and yet with consideration for the feelings of others. For myself, I can truly say that my spirit is not yet broken; but I would hear from you what the feeling of the people is."

"At this point, however, a difficulty arises. Some of you, having only received limited powers from your constituencies, appear to think that you would not be justified in exceeding your mandates, while others have been authorized to act as circumstances may seem to require. But I do not think that this difficulty should be insurmountable. At least I beg of you not to allow it to cause any dissension among you. Let us all be of one mind. If _we_ are united, then will the nation be united also; but if we are divided, in what a plight will the nation find itself?"

A letter was then read from the deputation in Europe, which had been written five months previously, and which had been brought through the English lines in safety. It contained little more than an assurance that our cause occupied a better position in Europe than it had ever done before.

The Chairman then asked Commandant L. Botha to address the meeting.

Complying with this request, the Commandant said that he wished to be assured, before anything further was done, that the fact that some of the representatives had been entrusted with limited powers, whereas others had been given a free hand, was not going to prove to be an insurmountable obstacle to united action on their part.

To this Judge Hertzog replied that it was a principle in law that a delegate is not to be regarded as a mere agent or mouthpiece of his constituents, but, on the contrary (when dealing with public affairs), as a plenipotentiary--with the right, whatever his brief might be, of acting to the best of his judgment.

States-Procureur Smuts concurred in this opinion, which appeared to satisfy both the Commandant-General and also all the other representatives, for no further allusion was made to the subject by anybody.

Commandant-General Botha now made his report.

In the districts of Vrijheid and Utrecht, he stated, the store of maize was so small that it could not last for more than a short time; but there was still a great number of slaughter-cattle. In the districts of Wakkerstroom there was hardly sufficient grain for one month's consumption. Two other districts had still a large enough number of slaughter-cattle--enough, in fact, to last for two or three months. In Ermelo, to the west and north-west of the blockhouses, and in Bethal, Standerton, and Middelburg, there was grain for one month. But the Heidelberg and Pretoria commandos had now, for the first time, no corn remaining for food. In the neighbourhood of Boksburg the only grain left was the old maize of the previous year, whilst there were no cattle at all in the district. When he had visited Boksburg he had found that the commandos had had no meat for three days. In the country between Vereeniging and Ermelo there were only thirty-six goats, and no cattle whatsoever. In the Wakkerstroom district, however, there were still a few slaughter-cattle. The horses were everywhere worn out and exhausted. They had been so constantly kept on the move, owing to the enemy's increasing attacks, they could now only cover the shortest distances.

The Kaffir question was becoming from day to day more serious. At Vrijheid, for instance, there was a Kaffir commando which had already made several attacks upon the burghers. This attitude of the Kaffir population was producing a very dispiriting effect upon the burghers.

The women were in a most pitiable state, now that the lines of blockhouses had been extended in all directions over the country. Sometimes the commandos had to break through the lines and leave the women behind alone; and when the burghers later on returned they would perhaps find that the women had been driven from their houses, and, in some instances, treated with atrocious cruelty.

Referring to the numbers in the field, he said that there were, in the whole of the Transvaal, ten thousand eight hundred and sixteen men, and that three thousand two hundred and ninety-six of them had no horses. The enemy during the summer had taken many of the burghers prisoner; and since June, 1901, the commandos had diminished to the extent of six thousand and eighty-four men. The burghers thus lost to them had either been killed, or taken prisoner, or had surrendered their arms.

The number of households was two thousand six hundred and forty.

The Commandant-General concluded by saying that the three greatest difficulties with which they were confronted were their horses, their food supply, and the miserable condition of their women and children.

Commander-in-Chief de Wet then spoke. He said he would leave it to the delegates who were officers to make reports. They had come from far and near, and knew exactly what the condition of things was. He, however, could state that the number of burghers in the Orange Free State was six thousand one hundred and twenty, of whom about four hundred were not available for service. The Basutos, he found, were more favourably inclined to the Boer cause than ever before.

"General De la Rey," continued General de Wet, "like myself, does not quite know what task he has to perform here, but he thinks with me that the duty of making reports belongs to the delegates. However, he feels bound to state that in his divisions there is a great scarcity of everything. But precisely the same state of affairs existed there a year ago. And when his burghers were at that time without food--well, he went and got it for them." (Cheers.)

General Beijers (Waterberg) then addressed the delegates, telling them that he would not detain them long. In Zoutpansberg, he stated, they had still a plentiful supply of food, for they were able to buy from the Kaffirs. At Waterberg the Kaffirs were neutral, but at Zoutpansberg they were getting out of hand. Yet, since no co-operation existed amongst them, they were not to be feared, and any uprising could easily be quelled.

Besides this trouble, they had many difficulties to face, which were produced by horse-sickness and fever.

As to the question of grain, there was food enough for the whole of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. But now the English were beginning to buy up the maize at £1 a sack.

General Muller (Boksburg) reported that in his division the burghers had never suffered from hunger. He could still hold out for a few months more, as food could be obtained from the Kaffirs. There was, it could not be denied, a tendency to mutiny amongst the Kaffirs, but he did not think that this need cause any anxiety. He believed that he would be able to carry on operations until the end of the winter.

General Froneman (Ladybrand) said that the condition of his divisions, namely Winburg and Ladybrand, gave no cause for uneasiness. There were still eighty families in the districts, but they were able to provide for all their necessities. The Kaffirs were peaceable and well disposed, and were of great service to the burghers, for whom they bought clothing in Basutoland. It was possible for the burghers, he considered, to hold out for more than a year.

General Hattingh (Kroonstad) declared that in one part of the Kroonstad district there were still plenty of sheep and cattle, and that seed had been sown for next year's harvest. But another part of the district was entirely exhausted, and had to obtain its supplies from Bethlehem.

General Badenhorst (Boshof) stated that he could report on the Boshof district and the parts of the Winburg and Bloemfontein districts to the west of the railway. There were enough cattle to last his commandos for years, even if they had no other food at all. Recently he had captured fifteen hundred head of cattle, and he was in a position to give assistance to other districts. Grain, however, was not so plentiful as it had been the previous year, but nevertheless there was still a large enough supply to permit him to send help to others.

General Nieuwouwdt (Fauresmith) reported that his district was entirely devastated, and that for the last seven months there had been a dearth of all provisions; nevertheless, his burghers had contrived to live. There was, moreover, enough corn left to last them for another year. There were now only three women in the whole of his district.

General Prinsloo (Bethlehem) declared that he would be telling a falsehood if he were to say that there was no food in his district. He possessed slaughter-cattle and corn, and could help other districts. One of his commandants had recently found a store of maize (consisting of one hundred and thirty sacks) buried in the ground. The enemy had made many inroads into his district, and especially during the last few months. The blockhouses were a source of constant annoyance to him.

General Brand (Bethulie) reported upon the south-western part of the Orange Free State, where he commanded. There were some parts of his division, he said, which had been entirely laid waste. Everything had been carried off; there was not a sheep left; and the burghers had been without meat for days. But he was able to capture booty, and could still hold out for a year.

General Wessels (Harrismith) drew attention to the constant passage of large Kaffir families through the districts of Harrismith and Vrede. He could tell the delegates that the Kaffirs had been quite astonished that there were still cattle and sheep and supplies of grain in the districts. He had not yet come to the end of his provisions; but, even if everything were taken, he saw a chance of obtaining food from elsewhere.

Commandant C.A. Van Niekerk (Kroonstad) declared that if there was one part of the country which was entirely exhausted it was the part where he was in command, namely Hoopstad and a portion of Kroonstad. But yet, during the last twelve months, they had been able to obtain food, and even to sow for the ensuing year. There were no cattle in his district; but he had taken a thousand sheep and fifty-two cattle from the English.

Commandant Van der Merwe (Heilbron) spoke to the same effect.

General Smuts was the next to address the meeting. He began by saying that his expedition into Cape Colony had been the outcome of the advice which the deputation had given in July, 1901, namely to continue the war. That _he_ had been in command of it had come about in the following way. News had been received in the Transvaal that affairs in Cape Colony were taking a favourable turn, and accordingly General De la Rey had received orders to go thither, and to take over the command there. But afterwards it was thought wiser to annul these orders, because De la Rey could not well be spared from the western parts of the Transvaal. Owing to this, he (General Smuts) took the task upon his own shoulders, and crossed the Orange River with two hundred men. He had had a difficult task to accomplish. He had marched through Cape Colony to Grahamstad, and from thence he had pushed on towards the coast, through Graaff Reinet. Thence he had proceeded to the neighbourhood where he was now carrying on operations.

He had visited every commando, and as he had seen that there were signs of disorder amongst them he had taken them all under his own command. In this way he had found himself at the head of some fifteen hundred men. During his expeditions Commandant Lotter had been captured with a hundred men; this had reduced his force to only fourteen hundred. But since then the number had nearly doubled, so that they now had two thousand six hundred men (divided into twenty commandos) under arms in Cape Colony. In addition to these men there was a division under General De Villiers operating in Griqualand West, and another under Commandant Van der Merwe in Bechuanaland. The total numbers of these two divisions amounted to about seven hundred men.

Passing on to the question whether help was to be expected from Cape Colony, General Smuts declared that there would be no general rising. The reports which represented such a rising as possible had exaggerated matters. There were great difficulties in the way of a general rising. First, there was the question of horses--and in Cape Colony the want of horses was as great, if not greater, than in the Republics. Secondly, it was exceedingly difficult for Colonials to rise, for they knew that not only would they have to be _voetgangers_,[111] but also that if they were captured they would be very severely punished by the English. The scarcity of grass was also greatly against any such attempt. The horses had to be fed, and, as the enemy had forbidden any sowing, it was almost impossible to find food for them. A counter proclamation had indeed been issued by the Republics, but it had been of no avail.

He was of opinion that the small commandos which had already been in Cape Colony had done the best they could. The question that now arose was whether the whole of their forces ought to be sent from the Republics into Cape Colony. He himself thought that there was an opening for them, but the difficulty was to find a method of getting them there. The existence of this difficulty, and the facts which he had brought before the delegates, had forced him to the conclusion that a general rising in Cape Colony was an impossibility.

As to the continuation of the war and matters of that nature, they must naturally be settled by the Republics, and not by Cape Colony.

The meeting was then adjourned until eight o'clock in the evening.

* * * * *

Upon its reassembling, Commandant Nijs (Pretoria, North) said that in that part of the district of Pretoria which lay to the north of the Delagoa Bay Railway there were still cattle enough to last for a considerable time, but that the store of grain would be exhausted within a fortnight. The number of horses also was insufficient. The district could muster one hundred and fifty-three mounted men and one hundred and twenty-eight _voetgangers_. In the division of Onderwijk, Middelburg, there were twenty-six mounted men and thirty-eight _voetgangers_.

Commandant Grobler (Bethal) stated that in his district they had not been left undisturbed during the summer. Only a short time previously he had lost sixty-three men in an engagement, where he had been besieged in a kraal, out of which he, with one hundred and fifty-three burghers, had managed to escape. Bethal had been laid waste from one end to the other, and he had no provisions for his commandos. He had on his hands three hundred women and children; these were in a serious position, owing to the lack of food; some of the women had also been assaulted by Kaffirs.

General Christiaan Botha (Swaziland) then reported on the condition of the Swaziland commando. They had no provisions in hand, and were simply living by favour of the Kaffirs. They had no women there. His commando of one hundred and thirteen men was still at Piet Retief. As there was no grain to be had, they were compelled to go from kraal to kraal and buy food from the Kaffirs, and this required money. Yet somehow or other they had managed to keep soul and body together. "I have fought for the Transvaal," he concluded, "for two and a half years, and now, since I hear that there is food in the Free State, I shall fight for the Free State for two and a half years more."

General Brits (Standerton) said that he had still provisions for two months, but no cattle. He had sixty-five families with him, and found it very difficult to provide them with the necessaries of life. Altogether, things were in a most critical state.

Mr. Birkenstock (Vrijheid) spoke as follows:

"I shall go deeper into some of the points which the Commandant-General has brought forward in his general report of the matter. At Vrijheid we have been harassed by large forces of the enemy for six or eight months, and the district is now completely devastated. The presence of women and children causes great difficulty, for of late the English have refused to receive the families which, compelled by absolute famine, wished to take refuge with them. There is also continual danger from the Kaffirs, whose attitude towards us is becoming positively hostile. Both horses and grain are scarce; but as far as the latter is concerned there will be sufficient, provided that the enemy does not return. One morning recently a Kaffir commando, shortly before daybreak, attacked a party of our men, who lost fifty-six killed out of a total of seventy. That peace must be made at all costs is the opinion of all the families in my district, and I feel it my duty to bring this opinion before you."

Commandant Alberts (Pretoria and Middelburg) said that his burghers had had no rest for a year, and that during that period no ploughing or sowing had been done in the district. Consequently a commando would not be able to find the means of subsistence there. On three occasions he had been forced to take refuge in a kraal, but fortunately had always been able to make his escape. They had no cattle which they could use for food, although he had received some, through Commandant Roos, from the Free State. Their horses were in the worst possible condition.

Landdrost Bosman (Wakkerstroom) then gave an account of the condition of affairs in his district. They were dependent for everything, except meat, upon the Kaffirs, giving them meat in exchange. This year there had been a very poor crop of mealies, and, such as it was, it had been much damaged by the enemy. Still the burghers might manage, with what mealies they had, to last out for another two months; but the women and children also needed to be provided for. The cattle were beginning to run short, and the few horses that they had were so weak that they would require a fortnight's rest before they could be used. It might become necessary for the commandos to leave the district, and if so, what was to become of the families?

Mr. De Clercq (Middelburg) regretted that he was unable to give as cheery a report as some of the gentlemen present had done. The part of Middelburg which he represented was in an almost hopeless condition. There were no slaughter-cattle, and only enough grain to last for a very short time. Out of five hundred horses only one hundred now remained, and these could do no work, being too weak even to get away when it became necessary to retreat from the enemy. The state of the burghers was very discouraging; if they should be compelled to leave the district the question would arise whether, considering the condition of their horses, it would be possible for them to reach their new destination. There were fifty families in Middelburg, and things were going very badly with them. The district would have to be abandoned, and what would then be the fate of the families, which even now could only be scantily provided for? The women had wished to go on foot to the English, but he had advised them to wait until the results of the present negotiations should become known.

Commandant David Schoeman (Lijdenburg) said that although but a short time ago there had been eight hundred head of cattle in his district, they had now all been carried off. Grain there was none. Should fighting be continued, he was at a loss to know how he could provide for the women.