Chapter XX: Appendix: II

THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

The moment of peace will be the moment of reconsideration. We shall want to know where we all stand, and we shall want to face the facts--financially, individually, imperially. We shall want to know what we have got, what we owe, what sort of empire we have to make or mar in the succeeding years, what are its resources, what its possibilities, and ours. One may remark, in passing, what very good work is being done by the Confederation of the Round Table.[F] The calculation is exercising many patriotic British minds. First of all be it remarked, in order to remove misconceptions, we British people are not by any means the most numerous white people. We have in our Empire something like 63 million whites, whereas Russia has at least 140 million, Germany has 65 million, and the United States have 82 million of mixed race. We compare favourably with the United States because we are homogeneous and much more calm in soul, and favourably with Germany because she has no land for expansion, though it must be remembered that if Austria and Germany should unite, the Germans would have almost as large a white population as Russia, and certainly a very much more active one. There remains Russia, with its enormous population and its astonishingly extensive territory. Russia has ample room for ten times her present population, and she has it at her back door, as it were. She has no oceans to cross. The railway goes all the way or can go all the way from Petrograd to the uttermost ends of her earth. She has also calm, and can develop without worry. As an empire, compared with ours, she has tremendous advantages. Her people are not impatient to be rich, the strain of her race is not confused through foreign immigration, she is shut off from mongrelising influences, and tends to grow with pure blood and a clear understanding of her own past and her own destiny. She has less chance of making mistakes. And, as I have said, her problems are much simpler. It is not difficult to keep the stream of colonisation moving into the emptiness of Asia when the railways are so good as to carry one six thousand miles for thirteen roubles, a little over a sovereign.

Our younger politicians have got to decide what they are working for--trade, or the Empire, or the people, or the individual. They must affirm a larger policy than has been affirmed heretofore, a world policy, and they must not scorn the lessons which Germany has taught them: the necessity to be thorough, to have large conceptions, and to work for the realisation of these large conceptions rather than potter about doctoring the little-English constitution here and giving a little funeral there. We teach our children a very foolish little proverb: that if we look after the pence the pounds will look after themselves. That is the opposite of the truth, which is, that if we look after the pounds we need never worry our heads about the pennies. If we nationalised our ocean-transit, we should not need to insure our working men against unemployment. If we scheduled the enormous tracts of land available for culture in the Empire, we should not need to wage war with the landowners in Great Britain.

Our present Colonial Minister, Mr. Bonar Law, has risen to the front as the political leader of our Conservative and Imperialist party. He does not seem to love party strife, and he has, perhaps, found a permanent post at the Colonial Office. He is the next man of importance after Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, and though by no means so great a man, he is an admiring follower of the great Imperialist. Whatever we may think of the merits of Free Trade and Protection, Chamberlain was undoubtedly right in his larger conception of a unified British Empire, a _Zollverein_. And the Liberals who opposed him and confused the issue were merely opportunists. They were not concerned to find what they could agree with in his proposals. They merely fought him to beat him and step into his shoes politically. The riff-raff of political opportunists set on him, and he was forced to shed one of his great illusions, a trust in the common sense of the people. Mr. Bonar Law is his successor, and we wish him well. He might well carry his office out of the arena of party politics and sit at the Colonial Office whatever wind were blowing. For Imperial Policy must have continuity if it is to be successful.

England must hope and pray that Mr. Law has given up mere politics. We are thoroughly sick of the bad-tempered quarrelling and malicious fighting of the heads of the parties. Even a first-rate man is ninth-rate when he is quarrelling, and a quarrel among politicians is always a quarrel among ninth-rate politicians. Political genius likes affirmation and agreement. The task of Mr. Bonar Law is to think about the Empire and gain consciousness of its true destiny; it is not to think out devices in political antagonism. As a nation we demand he give his whole time and the cream of his intellect to the positive task of giving to every citizen of the Empire the consciousness of the large thing. He will be attacked; curs will bark at him; the Germans and German Jews will try and stir up the uneducated against him; there will be all manner of insinuations. But he need never reply or attempt to defend himself. The nation and the Empire will back him calmly. There is a splendid Russian tale of a prince climbing a mountain to obtain a bird, and all the stones behind him shout abuse after him. He is safe on his quest on this condition only, that he does not turn round and listen, or draw his sword to attack. If he turn he will change to a stone himself. The point is, we are going to be more in need of great men once this war is over than we ever were before--of great men with big ideas, faith that they can be realised, and that calm of spirit which is the greatest strength.

If Mr. Bonar Law is not great enough, or if he’d rather continue in the political arena, there is another man for the post, and that is Lord Milner. Lord Milner strikes one as the greater man. The Empire is his one idea. He thinks largely--his imagination takes him in vast sweeps over the surface of the Empire. He has dignity, is a powerful speaker, and a clear thinker on Imperial matters. His weakness is a certain aloofness or reserve, an ambassadorial manner, and one is not quite sure what is behind it. Mr. Bonar Law, on the other hand, is unscreened; he is familiar, even domestic in his manner. Probably what Mr. Law has to guard against is doing things in small parcels, doing branch things rather than root things, whereas Lord Milner may give offence occasionally by a lack of consideration for other people’s feelings--want of tact, in fact. In any case they are both men on whom the eyes of the nation rest. Lord Milner has sent me an extremely interesting letter which had been addressed to him by a number of British citizens who have become lost to the British Empire. By his kind permission I reproduce it:

“_Open Letter to Lord Milner._
“QUINCY, MASS., U.S.A.
“_Dec. 15th, 1915._

“LORD MILNER,--I have read with intense interest the report of your
speech appearing in _The Times_ Weekly Edition of Nov. 19th. You
mentioned the indifference of the working man to Imperial affairs. I
am a working man, and possibly my views on these questions may be of
some small interest to you. When I speak of my views I mean that they
also are the views of other workers with whom I come in contact. I
mix daily with several dozen workers, British born, and I assure you
that the opinions here expressed are the opinions of practically all.

“We believe that right now a strong committee should be formed to
deal with Imperial reconstruction after the war. This committee
should have a well thought out, clearly defined, and decisive policy
to put in operation the moment the war ends. We believe that not
less than half a million soldiers who have fought in the war should
be settled in Canada, Australasia and U.S. Africa, and that an
appropriation of not less than one billion[G] pounds sterling should
be voted for the purpose. Canada is a land of vast agricultural
possibilities and great mineral wealth. A small group of the best
agricultural and engineering experts in the Empire should be sent
over to make all necessary preparations for the coming of the men.
The exact location or locations where they are to settle should
be defined, lines of branch railways should be surveyed, sites
of model garden cities, cement built, should be located, mining
properties surveyed, and the location of factories and workshops
should be decided upon. Nothing should be left to chance. The gang
ploughs, threshing machines, motor tractors, grain elevators,
etc., should be provided and run on the co-operative principle, and
the entire properties should belong to the nation. If one-half the
energy, foresight, and preparation used in the war were used for the
reconstruction, the scheme is an assured success.

“There are great irrigation and artesian possibilities in S. Africa.
Preparations should be made _now_. Incidentally the intensely
loyalist stock thus settled would swamp the Hertzog party with their
disruptive ideals. In Australia very great possibilities await
irrigation. I have only to point out what has been done in arid S.
California and Arizona to prove this.

“The British Empire heretofore has been more or less imaginary;
there has been nothing tangible about it. Take my own case, for
instance. I cite it merely because it illustrates a principle. Seven
years ago I was in Scotland and unemployed. There were a great many
unemployed at the time. Those who had no means were left to starve.
Was anything done for them? Absolutely nothing! All were British,
loved Britain, were able and willing to work, yet no organisation
was created to utilise their services. Personally I came to the
United States. I have done better here than at home; had better pay,
shorter hours, better conditions. What is the British Empire to us?
Absolutely nothing; a mere sentiment. Yet our feelings are British
still, our sympathies are British; but that is not enough. There must
be something tangible to go on, something _real_; sentiment alone is
no use. An Englishman here whom I meet daily is a veteran of the S.
African war. When that war finished he was not allowed to settle in
S. Africa. At home he could not get work. He was driven to want. He
had to pawn his medal to live, and finally was assisted to America.
He has done well here and has been steadily employed. But he has been
embittered, and his sentiment in his own words is: ‘To hell with the
British Empire.’ It is an empty phrase to him, without meaning; and I
tell you, with all the earnestness of which I am capable, that these
things will mean the decline and fall of the Empire if they do not
stop. In the United States there are several million British-born who
are lost to the Empire for ever. Their sentiments are British, their
sympathies are British, but their interests are here, and interest
becomes sentiment. And observe that their children born here have
_sentiment_ as well as interest for the land of their birth.

“The British Empire is the largest in the world. In natural resources
it is the wealthiest. It could support a population of hundreds of
millions in a high degree of prosperity. The British are an able and
intelligent people. The nation is rich. The problem is to settle the
people throughout the Empire and develop its resources under the
guidance of experts, according to a well thought out and definite
plan. This plan wants to take shape now. If the war were to suddenly
end one year hence, and an army of three million men disbanded, we
would (and will) be faced by industrial chaos. The problem must be
placed in the hands of experts, and be so clearly worked out that
when peace is declared the soldiers will be drafted without fuss to
the various parts of the Empire, and immediately tackle the problems
of city and railway building, agriculture and irrigation, mining and
manufacturing. And these properties must be owned by the nation.
These measures will create a _real_ Empire in which every citizen
will have a tangible interest. Each part will legislate on its own
domestic affairs, and the Imperial Parliament, dealing with Imperial
affairs and representative of all the Dominions, will be held in
London. With such conditions you will find a strong sentiment for
Free Trade within the Empire and Protection without, and also a
strong desire for that universal military training which will defend
what in very truth is one’s own. Start this programme at once, and
do it thoroughly, and you can be absolutely certain of a solid and
enthusiastic backing.--Believe me, yours sincerely,

“WM. C. ANDERSON.”

Under Mr. Anderson’s signature appeared the signatures of forty-nine men, all British subjects once, people of pure race and complete British traditions, now “lost to the Empire.” The letter was endorsed thus:

J. C. COLLINGWOOD, late of Glasgow, Scotland;
A. W. COATES, late of York, England;
JAMES J. BYRNES, late of Dublin, Ireland;
T. GIBBONS, late of Newfoundland;

and so on, a list far too long to quote here but most impressive in its implication--“late of Great Britain, now and henceforth of the United States of America.”

I will add a letter sent to me from Tasmania, for it will help to give the atmosphere of the problem:

“9 GARDEN CRESCENT,
“HOBART, TASMANIA,
“AUSTRALIA.
“_Oct. 3rd, 1915._

“DEAR SIR,--I am just being interested in your book, ‘Russia and the
World.’ I read it because I was delighted with your vagabond trip
along the Euxine shores. You deal with the problems of the British
Empire. Perhaps you might like to get a view from ‘down under’? Well,
I do not consider in the matter of defence that a huge land empire
has advantages over a sea empire. Russia is to-day more vulnerable
than the British Empire. Let us suppose the British Isles with a
navy such as it possesses to-day, with a million men ready for home
defence, and with an expeditionary force of 250,000 men--‘ready’ at
an hour’s notice to step into transports also ready. Let us assume
that two-years’ provision of corn is stored, and a tunnel with
France. Let us also assume that every available rood of British
ground is cultivated. What country could invade and conquer the
British Isles? What country could keep up a two-years’ naval war? Let
us come to Australia--grand in her isolation. We shall soon have a
quarter of a million of trained soldiers. We launched a new cruiser
last week, and we are going to build submarines. We can not only
defend ourselves, but we could supply garrisons for India. So far as
external aggression is concerned, South Africa is safe. Canada is
liable to attack from the Americans, and in the course of time will
be attacked. If the British expeditionary army were landed promptly,
and Canada had our plan of compulsory service, the Empire would be
right there. India is safe except from Russia.

“Have we a weak spot as an Empire? Certainly we have. England for
three parts of a century has allowed herself to be bled to death by
the emigration of her best youth to foreign countries. That ought
to be stopped. There should be an export tax of £20 upon every
emigrant to the United States or other alien country. (Plain talk
about U.S.A.) As to the present ‘colonies’--hateful title--there are
but two British ones within the Empire--Australia and New Zealand.
The others have an undesirable mixture of races. It should be a
portion of the Imperial policy to fill up Canada and South Africa
with British-born people. But such emigration must be upon a system.
Under a proper system we could do with two millions of immigrants
in Australia. Suddenly dumped upon our wharves, 1,000 would be an
inconvenience. Your scheme of cheap ships is admirable. When we
build railways in Australia, and provide water schemes, we do not
consider whether they will ‘pay,’ but whether they will develop the
country and add to the happiness of the people. The best method
of emigration is to dispatch from the United Kingdom every year,
say, 500,000 youths and girls from 15 years of age and upwards.
These would find homes _at low wages_ in settlers’ families in
Canada, South Africa and Australia, and would become acclimatised
and absorbed into the population. This emigration should be a State
scheme and COMPULSORY. But the emigrants should not be made slaves
of. When their indentures ended they should be allowed, if they
wished, to return to England in one of your ships free of charge. I
do not wish to enlarge upon the subject, but the failures of adult
English immigrants who come here are pathetic. They cannot get along,
neither would we get along in England. The immigrant should be
captured young. This is the greatest problem of the Empire:

“(1) To fill up the Empire with loyal citizens of pure British birth.

“(2) In the cases of Canada and South Africa, to send large numbers
in order to neutralise the alien elements now existing there. To
stop foreign immigration into British territories, especially German
immigration.

“Upon the question of naturalisation we have been too easy and
indifferent. A man wishing to be naturalised should make a solemn
application in _propria persona_ before a court. He should be under
the obligation to abjure his foreign nationality and to take a
British name. We have now our directories crowded with foreign names,
which through generations of intermarriages have lost their original
national significance.

“I note that you compare our culture with that of America. Thanks! No
two countries could be more dissimilar--there is not amongst us the
greed, the wild rush, or the boastfulness of the Americans. We do not
like them. While we are on comparisons, let me remind you that while
you have failed to adjust your Irish question, we have federated
Australia, a task of no small difficulty. While you have been talking
and spilling ink about conscription, we have a system of compulsory
training, both for the army and the navy, in full operation. While
you allow strikes in the midst of war, our difficulties are being
settled by wages boards and arbitration courts. We are not perfect,
but our Press is much superior in tone and culture to yours. It is
painful to read some of your Yankeeised London papers. In literature
we have given you Mrs. Humphry Ward, though to learn new sins we read
the indecent novels which appear to be the chief product of British
fiction. And we have given the world--Melba!

“As to our share of the war. I walked down-street in Hobart yesterday
to take a ‘billy’--pity your simplicity if you do not know what that
is--to the City Hall. It was filled with all sorts of good things for
our boys at Gallipoli for Christmas. Outside the newspaper office I
read the cable, another ghastly list of Australian casualties. Were
they necessary? Could not the Turks have been outflanked and their
communications cut? When I reached home my wife and her friend
were knitting socks for the soldiers. The lady friend mentioned, be
it correct or not, that a ship that declined to carry troops--the
_Wimmera_, New Zealand to Melbourne--was taken possession of and
forced to take the men. The streets are full of soldiers ready to
sail, and, alas, with many returned from the war crippled for life.
And such splendid young men. What an improved edition of the British
race the Australians are!

“Enough from stranger to stranger, but as your book seems to indicate
gleams of intelligence on your part, and as it interested me, I
am humbly--as a native-born Australian now close approaching the
Psalmist’s limit--endeavouring to repay the compliment.--Yours truly,

“WILLIAM CROOKE.”

And Mr. Crooke enclosed a poem on the launching of H.M.S. _Brisbane_ at the naval dockyard at Cockatoo Island:

Another link in the steel-strong chain which holds us heart to heart,
Another pledge to the old, old vow which swears we’ll never part;
While life doth last and love doth last we’ll give thee of our own--
Dear Motherland, accept this gift we lay before thy throne.

Forged in the heat of a southern sun, framed ’neath an Austral sky,
Worthy indeed this ship shall be to float thy flag on high.
Fanned by the breath of a South Sea breeze, kissed by the foam-flecked
spray,
Did ever a child of War awake as this one wakes to-day?

We bargain not in windy words, and not in idle boast,
We speed her sliding down the slip, and make her name a toast.
Remember ye that gaunt, grey wreck on Cocos’ barren rocks [_Emden_],
Where seagulls pick the whitened bones around the old sea-fox.

Another link in the steel-strong chain which holds us heart to heart,
Another hound slipped from the leash to play a winning part;
Her flag is broken to the wind, her steel has met the sea--
Dear Motherland, accept the gift we give this day to thee.

The letters indicate something of the spirit of our people, and they more than touch on the “after-the-war” problems of the Empire. Both indicate the way we lose our citizens to the United States of America. And it is, of course, loss to the Empire whenever an Englishman settles in the U.S.A. Our social interchange with the United States is a snare for us. The gleam of their dollars is the Star-spangled Banner, and not the Union Jack. We do not see that, although the Americans speak a recognisable dialect of our language, they are a foreign people, with their own national interests. When a man or woman goes there to settle he is lost to us, and if in the great unrest after the war a great number of our young people set sail for “God’s own country,” it will mean that we can add the numbers of those young people to the total of our casualties. That is clear.

Then we cannot afford to imitate the ways of the U.S.A. The U.S.A. receive the discontented and rebellious of all nations in Europe--it is Europe’s safety-valve. Our Irish go there, German anti-militarists, Russian Jews and Finns, Austrian Slavs and what not. The nature of the United States is composite and its task is synthesis. The nature of our Empire is elementary and its task is to keep pure. Canada has made a mistake in opening its doors to aliens, and especially to those aliens who would stand a poor chance of passing the tests at Ellis Island. Canada behaves as if it were left behind in the struggle by America, as if she had been asleep in the past and was now making up for lost ground by any and every means. She is virtually accepting those aliens whom the U.S.A. consider not good enough to take. Through the help of Tolstoy and the Quakers the Dukhobors were dumped down on Canadian soil. They have refused to become naturalised British subjects, and have sacrificed estates to the value of over three million dollars--“in the name of the equality of all people upon earth we would not be naturalised, and we sacrificed this material fortune.” They learn no English, conform to no English rules, nourish no English sentiments, are lost to Russia, and are no use to us. The same may be said of the hundreds of thousands of other aliens we are letting in. It should be obvious that to lose British-born citizens, our own spirit, flesh and blood, in the United States, and at the same time to take those aliens who cannot pass the doctor and the immigration examination at New York, is a woeful and even ridiculous circumstance.

After the war America will be extremely rich and we extremely poor. She will be in a position to buy everything that is offered for sale. We must take care not to offer birthrights in any shape or form. That which we can legitimately sell let us sell, but that which is in the nature of an heirloom of the British people let us not be tempted to sell, no matter how high the mountain of dollars be piled on the American shore or how dazzlingly it may shine in the sunshine. I say this with no malice against the American people. They are a splendid people, and they are working out their own ideals. They are carrying out their ideals of town-planning, marriage-planning, slum-raising, park-planting, wages-raising beyond anything we dream of here. When I wrote in my book on America that we British were the dying West whereas America was the truly living West, I was taken up by British critics as if I had said something very disparaging about my own people. That was a mistake. I do not desire to see my own people a Western people, such as the Americans are, but rather a nation seated between the East and the West. Some of us fondly think ourselves Western in our ideals, but the fact is the Americans have left us far behind, and we can never catch up because we do not really believe in these ideals. But we can gain immensely by seeing America _go ahead_. Let us shake hands with America; she is splendid. God speed! Go on, work out your ideals, let us see you as you wish to be. Meanwhile we will go on with our own problems and the realisation of our own ideals.

With America on the West then also with Russia on the East--shake hands! Thanks to Russia, and God be with her also. Let her realise her ideals and discover what she is; we shall learn from the spectacle of her self-realisation. And meanwhile we will go on with our own problems and the realisation of our own ideals.

We who write about foreign countries are the torch-bearers to foreign progress and the means of foreign friendship. We render good service, and if our light shine well and show clear pictures it is unfair to reproach us with a wish to Russianise or Americanise or whatever it is. Our function is a legitimate one, and, far from confusing or alienating our readers, our hearts are actually with our own nation and we help our fellow-countrymen to see themselves as quite distinctive. Our minds certainly are confused by the writings and sayings of those stay-at-home folk who imagine that difference of nationality is only difference of speech and customs, and perhaps of dress, not understanding that first of all it is difference of soul and difference in destiny.

To return to the comparison of the two Empires and the consideration of the colonial letters, Mr. Anderson asks for an Imperial Commission to consider the “after-the-war” problems, and in conversation with Mr. Bonar Law I learn that such a Commission is to sit, and there is the possibility of an Imperial Parliament being formed. This ought to be taken up warmly by our people at home. I also discussed with Mr. Law the prospects of emigration after the war. There is a great unrest in the Army. Great numbers of men have one common opinion that they are not going to return to the old dull grind in factory and office after the war is over. They are going in for an open-air life, going to Canada, going to Australia, or going to take up land at home in Great Britain. The Canadians and Australians have served their home lands well by telling the men at home what it is like in the far parts of the Empire. Our men have a genuine admiration for the physique of our Colonials. The fine bodies and good spirits of these men speak for themselves, and then they are full of talk of a rich country, beautiful Nature, wildness, big chances, prosperity. It is no wonder that the Englishman wants to go there also when the war is over. There will be a great readiness to go. The question is what facilities will be given them to go? How much will it cost and how much land will they be given, and what status will they have within the Empire? Mr. Law was not inclined to give much answer to that, and he reminded me that we wanted to get some more men back to the land in our own country. The back-to-the-land movement here is, however, of little importance if we are going to look upon the whole Empire as a British unity and feel that a man on the land in Australia can be of more significance than a man on the land in Essex.

I asked Mr. Bonar Law whether he thought that our manufacturers here would be dismayed at the prospect of so many young men going to the Colonies, would they not oppose facilities being given? Would they not feel that it was necessary to keep the labour market overflowing with labour in order to keep labour cheap? In any case, would they not feel they needed to keep the men in England? The foundation of personal wealth is a plenitude of labour. The more hands employed, the richer the man at the top. Mr. Law did not think they were likely to raise objections.

The overcrowding in the United Kingdom is much greater than in France or Germany or Italy. India is also terribly over-crowded, but Canada and Australia and South Africa are practically empty. The only nation that occupies the correct amount of land proportional to its population is China. Russia has double the territory of China, and something like a third of the total population. And, thanks to cheap railway fares, the Russian population spreads quietly and naturally. After the war we must nationalise a steamship service for the use of British subjects only, and make it possible to travel anywhere in the Empire for a pound or so, paying for food according to a normal tariff. We must give emigrants privileges in our own Colonies that they would not obtain in the United States. We must set up big Imperial works, and spend time and money in development. We must not relax our rule of the seas, but go on building an ever better, ever more efficient Navy, and not underman it. We must live even more on the sea than we have done in the past, for the seas are our high roads, the connecting links of Empire. We must get out of the foolish habit of thinking of Canada and Australia and South Africa as terribly far away. It is a little world, and there is scarcely a far-away in it. We have to give to our working men, and to their children in the schools, the consciousness of belonging to a big and glorious thing rather than the consciousness of belonging to a little State that is almost played out. Let us think of Russia with her bigness, her space, her consciousness of unity, and of the large thing, and remember we have all the possibilities of health and splendour that the Russians have if we will only face our problems and do the things which are obvious to all except to those who fight in the political arena for fighting’s sake.

To recapitulate:

(1) Russia has at least double the white population in her Empire that we have in ours. Why should we not take steps to transplant from over-crowded Britain to the less crowded parts of the Empire, and so get better families?

(2) The Russian Empire is all on land, and is easily strung together by railways, whereas our Empire is across seas. Fares within the Russian Empire are cheap. Why should we not popularise our ocean travel and have cheap fares on the seas?

(3) Russia, through certain natural advantages, keeps her race pure, even on the outskirts of Empire. Why should we let our own people go to the United States, and try to fill up our Colonies with aliens who, in time of war, are ready to blow up Parliament buildings, powder factories, plot assassinations, and what not?

(4) Russia is self-supporting in food, fuel, and clothing. Why should not we be?

(5) The Duma is elected by the people not only of Russia in Europe, but by the people of the whole Russian Empire. Why should not we have Imperial representatives in the House of Commons--one man one vote for all white British citizens.

(6) The Russian Empire is a large unity with a growing consciousness of its own power. Why should not the British Empire realise similar possibilities of unity and self-expression?

MAP SHEWING TRAVELLER’S ROUTE.]

Index

A

Abakum, Pass and Gorge of, 185, 186-7;
advertisements in, 187

Africa taken by Attila, 48

Agriculturists, emigration of, 138

Alabaster Mosque, Cairo, 40

Alai Tau Mountains, 90

Alakul, Lake, 149

Alani, the, 47

Alexander of Macedon, 56

Alexander the Great, 44

Alexandrovsky Mountains, 90

Altai, Central, 218 _et seq._

Altai, flora of, 229

Altai Mountains, the, 8

Altaiskaya, 220, 228, 229

Altin-Emel, Government aid to emigrants, 150;
the cross-roads for China, 173, 174

America--after the war, 265

Amu-Darya, 24

Anderson, Wm. C., an open letter to Lord Milner, 253-7

Anglo-Russian friendship, prospects of, 237 _et seq._

Antonovka, 94

Ants, ravages of, 129-130

Apples, the City of. (_See_ Verney)

Arabs and Semitic tribes, conquests of, 49

Arazan, dinner at, 184

Arbitration courts, 261

Arizona, 255

Artisans, emigration of, 140

Asbestos, the question of supply of, 246

Ascension Day, the Russian, 99

Asia, a former frontier of, 6;
the deserts of, 17, 18

Askhabad, the railway station, 22;
fall of, 65;
extension of Central Asian Railway to, 68

Astrakhan, fall of, 64

Attila, Huns of, 48;
conquests of, 48

Aulie Ata, captured by Russians, 64;
a mysterious city, 101;
a former Moslem shrine, 104;
the native orchestra, 106;
its cathedral, 113;
sheep as payment, 114;
frequency of earthquakes in, 114;
population of, 123

Australia, irrigation possibilities in, 255;
railway system of, 259;
military service compulsory in, 259, 261;
federation of, 261;
the Press of, 261

B

Bactrain labourers, 19

Baku, 10;
the bazaar, 11;
the harbour, 12

Balkan war: the St. James’s Conference, 213

Balkans, the, 18

Balkhash, Lake, 149, 203

Balta, 3

Baltic, islands of, conquered by Attila, 48

Barber, a Sart, 181

Barber-photographer, a, 97

Baskau, River, 189

Beaconsfield, Lord, and the “keys of India,” 237

Belukha, Mount, 228

Bibi Khanum, wife of Tamerlane the Great, 51

Bielovodsk, 122

Blagoveshtchensk, Siberians _versus_ Chinese, 171

Bobrovo, 229

Bokhara, Ancient and New, 27

Bokhara, Russian Protectorate of, 25, 66;
absence of hotels in, 27;
scenes in, 27;
a Mohammedan settlement in, 27;
houses, shops, and bazaars of, 28;
its silver coinage, 29;
the sacred stork of, 31;
Russia’s hold on, 32;
power of Mohammedanism in, 35 _et seq._;
Uzbeks in, 63;
the Central Asian Railway and, 69

Bokharese, the, 31-2;
and the battle of Irdzhar, 65

Bokharese delight, 29

Boxer insurrection, the, 171

Bozhe-Narimsky, 218, 220

_Brisbane_, the, a poem on launch of, 262-3

British Empire, the, necessity for consolidation of, 245-6;
white population in, 249, 269;
after-the-war problems, 249 _et seq._;
and the Russian Empire, 249-270;
expert development of resources necessary, 256;
a Tasmanian view of future problems of, 258-262

British Isles, the, after the war, 265

Buddhism, attempted introduction of, into Central Asia, 49

Bulgaria, alienation of, by Britain, 213

Burnaby’s “Ride to Khiva,” 239