Chapter I: Part 1

_TRADING IN SCRABBLETOWN_

BY
ALICE BRAYTON

_PREFACE_

_The material used in this publication was found in a barrel of papers presented to the Fall River Historical Society by John Summerfield Brayton, in the summer of 1948. There were over 4000 papers in the barrel; well preserved, though some had been nibbled by mice. And none of those 4000 papers had ever appeared in print--never appeared at all, I understand, since the barrel head was nailed down a hundred years ago._

_The papers were concerned with trading in Scrabbletown, an old suburb of Swansea, Massachusetts, just about, I should say, ten miles from the farmhouse on the Taunton where the barrel was found._

_Trading a dull subject? By no means; according to the barrel the traders of Scrabbletown led a most exciting life, packed with adventure steadied by responsibility, completely insecure, very satisfactory to those who succeeded or even survived--and you had a run for your money if you didn’t. I am trying to present this manysided life as revealed by the papers in the barrel. You may find me incredible. I read all the papers, the 4000; please believe that, anyway._

_The latest paper was written in 1832, which is more than a world away, and the earliest was a lottery ticket of 1814; not to be thought of as wicked, for I judge from other papers that nearly everybody in Scrabbletown took chances. Lottery tickets to the “Rhode Island State Lottery” were sold over the counter. “A fool and his money are soon parted” was a copybook saying of theirs, however, and although there were quite a few legal papers in the barrel I found no trace of any law attempting to protect fools. Indeed, even the practice of actually jailing persons who had bought more than they could pay for, prevailed through the whole barrel period, and I read some sad letters from some very foolish men who owed money to the traders of Scrabbletown._

_The barrel letters were easily deciphered; though some of the spelling was queer, it was always comprehensible. Going over the papers it seemed to me that the whole population had somehow learned to read and write pretty well; in the barrel there was only one paper signed with a mark. And that was the mark of Prince Potter, a freed slave, father of Quanny Potter who sold seven sheep in 1824. Possibly he had been crippled by arthritis; perhaps when young he too could have written his name. You will not find me jumping to conclusions._

_Except for that one lottery ticket, there was no paper of 1814 in the barrel and there was nothing dated 1815 but an account book bound in stiff marbled covers. It was backed by real leather; to last, you know. No one at that time bought anything not likely to wear well. The book came from the shop of John Brewer, a bookbinder and bookseller of Providence. On the fly leaf is written in an excellent, really distinguished hand_,

“_The property of Israel Brayton
March 21, 1815. Swanzey._”

_It was the discovery of this book that gave me my first clue to the ownership of the barrel papers. There is no doubt that the barrel and the papers were the property of an Israel Brayton who traded in Scrabbletown in 1815-1832, and in 1832 shut up shop, crammed all of his own papers and any others around the shop, into the barrel, nailed down the barrel head, took the barrel over to the attic of the farm house in Somerset where it has just been discovered, and thought no more about it for the next hundred years._

_Who was this Israel Brayton? The barrel relates him to the entire countryside. He knew everybody, apparently, was well known to everybody. But he was a quiet man, I think, cautious, self-contained. Notoriety, publicity, arrogance, even modest pride, were deadly sins in his New England eyes. And so, what he told to no one, no one repeated, and finally no one knew._

_His descendants of today had never heard of Scrabbletown before the finding of the barrel, had never known that Grandfather Brayton had ever been in trade._

_Least said, soonest mended, he thought; and it is true--but I must tell you something of the Trader as well as the Trade of Scrabbletown--just a little--I hope he will not mind--it was all a long time ago._

_Trading in Scrabbletown_

CONCERNING ISRAEL BRAYTON, TRADER

Israel Brayton’s father was John Brayton, son of Israel Brayton, grandson of Preserved Brayton; all of Somerset. Letters from John Brayton to his son Israel were in the barrel. So we know.

Israel, you notice, was named for his grandfather. Other members of his family were three older sisters; Mary, Sarah, and Nancy. Their letters also were in the barrel--nice little letters to brother Israel. And nice little bills, too, from brother Israel. He had an elder brother who died young, at sea; and the barrel holds letters from another brother--he wrote from Warren. We gather that at one time he was Captain of a ship that did some trading along the coast--Captain Stephen. Israel had, also, five younger brothers and sisters. They are not in the barrel but he had them.

At the time of Israel’s birth, in 1792, this rapidly increasing family was living in an old farmhouse, built in 1715, on the crest of its own one hundred and seventy-five acre farm in Somerset on the West Shore of the Taunton River near the river’s mouth. They had a fine view of Mount Hope Bay from their southern windows. There was a well-filled family graveyard in the back orchard, a little red schoolhouse up the road “on William Read’s land,” built partly with Brayton money, a stone wharf for Brayton boats down by the river.

When Israel was four years old, his father built a larger farmhouse, nearer the river bank, and in this new house the little Braytons of Israel’s generation grew up. Their elders were talking about the Late War. They meant the War of the Revolution. Having suffered severely from the effects of that victory on their business, they were trying to make good. Some of their most prosperous and competent neighbors had been loyal to the Crown. They were simply not there any more. And they were missed. Others, it was suspected, had been loyal in secret, as has been lately proved. It had done them no good. They were ruined with the rest. And all about on the farms were the crippled and the pensioned men.

Conditions were getting better, slowly; a few new houses had been built, a few new ships had been launched. Nobody around here between the Revolution and the War of 1812 seems to have been expecting such utter disaster as another war. But even before the actual declaration of war, in 1812, their world to their consternation went to pieces. Again Somerset ships were taken by British ships. Somerset, Swansea, Trojan, and Scrabbletown men--sailors before the mast--were pressed. The ship yards of Somerset, Dighton, Berkeley, Assonet, Warren, Bristol, Providence, Lee’s River, everywhere--closed down, and commerce ceased to be. Israel’s people had lived on their farms but they had lived by their shipyards and their shipping.

When the War of 1812 was officially declared on June 18th, Israel was 20 years old. His father was on the draft board of the town. Of course Israel went off with the other Somerset men to fight the Britishers. They went, I think, as far as New Bedford.

Israel incurred a disability, if the barrel is to be trusted. He was discharged from the Army. There is a good deal in the barrel about this disability. Israel in after days thought he should be excused from military drill. When the local Militia would not excuse him, he just stayed away. There is a note in the barrel acknowledging the payment of his fine for so doing. In order to get out of drill, which was time-consuming at least, for the Militia rarely met in Israel’s village, Israel eventually had to have affadavits from two local doctors as to his disability. His sister had married Dr. Winslow, Dr. Lloyd Brayton was his cousin. The authorities were skeptical. Dr. Winslow’s second letter did the trick. The first was not accepted.

“Samuel Read Lieut, Commander. Sir:

Mr. Israel Brayton belonging to your Company has and is now
troubled with a lameness and weakness in his back and legs, which
may be termed of a rheumatic tendency, and in my opinion ought to
excuse him from military duty.

Yours in respect
John Winslow”

In August, 1813, as soon as he was free of the Army, Israel married. His bride was a neighbor’s girl, Keziah Anthony, daughter of David Anthony and his wife Submit Wheeler. The Anthony farm lay east of Lee’s River, not an hour’s walk across the fields from the Brayton Farm on the Taunton. Keziah was Israel’s third cousin, and kinship was of much account. You knew what you were getting. The marriage was most practical. Israel, just come of age, not physically strong, had to start out on his own. He needed help. And both the Anthony and the Wheeler connections, as was expected, proved useful. There are hundreds of communications in the barrel from Hezekiah Anthony of Providence and David Anthony of Troy, both brothers of Israel’s wife, both prosperous merchants in their day. There is a helpful letter from Nathaniel Wheeler, her uncle.

But nobody could be very useful in 1813. With all the shipping stopped and the shipyards closed, there was no berth for Israel in any countinghouse, no need for him as supercargo--a man with a lame back isn’t much good on a farm.

Israel took his bride up state to Foxboro, where he taught in the District School. In Foxboro or thereabouts--boundary lines were changing fast--their first child was born, little Mary, who, herself, at the age of eighteen was teaching school in Fall River. You know perhaps that later in life she gave the B.M.C. Durfee High School to the City of Fall River in memory of her son.

The family was always interested in education and Israel served on the School Committee of Swansea for years and preserved in the barrel a number of letters from various people who wanted jobs.

In 1815, after the President had ratified the Treaty of Ghent on February 17th, and the War was surely over, Israel and Kezia and little Mary left Foxboro for their own part of the world, where, in the small village of Scrabbletown near Swansea, Israel began his career as a Trader. And went to Providence and bought that first account book of which I have told you.

TRADING WITH THE SWANSEA UNION COTTON MANUFACTURING COMPANY

Back in 1804, ten years before this story begins, Dexter Wheeler, an uncle of Israel Brayton’s wife, had bought the Martin Farm in Swansea; 43 acres with water power and a grist mill. In 1806, he sold half his farm to his brother, Nathaniel, the village blacksmith. The brothers intended to build and operate a Cotton Yarn Factory. This was years before the power loom had been used successfully anywhere in the country, twenty six years before mule spinning was even attempted.

Factory construction went on slowly. Dexter Wheeler quit, though his brother Nathaniel Wheeler continued to be interested for some years longer. Ownership of the yarn mill became involved. Then the War of 1812 stopped the shipping north of cotton--overland transportation was of course impossible. And you can’t run a cotton factory without cotton, you know. And you can’t raise a cotton crop in New England--in case you don’t know!

There was reorganization at the close of the War. The third oldest paper in the barrel is a certificate of stock in this “Swansea Union Cotton Manufacturing Company” as it finally came to be called. The stock had been issued to Wheaton Luther, February 21, 1816, when he was clerking for Israel in Scrabbletown and must have been left carelessly around the store. (This Wheaton Luther was a Somerset man, his board bill in Swansea where he stayed with David Brown was also in the barrel, paid up to August 1, 1816.) Wheaton gave $145.00 for his mill stock. It was not a whole share of stock, only a quarter share, and he did not pay for it all at once, but in 39 installments. This is testimony to Wheaton’s industry. (Though the lottery ticket was his.) And to his small wages. And to the difficulty men had in getting any capital at all to finance a yarn mill.

By the close of 1815, the factory was spinning some cotton. The spinners had been carefully selected, for the factory machinery was supposed to be rather a secret, certainly experimental, the process not too easy to get the hang of. At first the spinners were eager to take home the yarn and weave it on their own looms. Their families and friends wanted the work. But this was haphazard and unbusinesslike and would never do. There must be a distributing center for the yarn, a center to which the finished work could be returned, inspected, paid for.

Uncle Nathaniel Wheeler wrote up to his niece Kezia. He was still running his blacksmith shop in Swansea and knew what was going on. He saw what looked like a good job for Israel--the factory needed some one to run a Company Store.

Why a Store? Because the weavers would not want to be paid in cash, he knew very well they wouldn’t. They would want to be paid in goods--which they could get immediately. They certainly would not want to save what they might earn, for the farms were short of everything and needed replacements at once. With no shipping, not only cotton but many staples had not come up from the South; no English or West Indian Goods had been in the market for a long time, no whale ships had brought oil for the lamps of Swansea, no ships of any kind had brought any lamps.

After sounding out the Swansea Union Cotton Manufacturing Company, Israel and Kezia and Mary came down at once, as I have told you, and Israel found housing in Swansea for his family and began to look about for a partner. He was a cautious man, was Israel.

John Mason, well thought of in Swansea where he was Postmaster, was not averse to investing in the project. The two men formed what they called a “Co-Partnership”. They bought a small shop whose owner had failed. They bought the shop and its meagre contents at auction. And what they bought and what they paid for it is listed in the barrel.

They filled the almost empty shelves with, well, with everything. I have read the inventories. They were then ready to trade with the Swansea Union Cotton Manufacturing Company; and with the whole countryside.

And they did. And Israel continued to do so until he went out of business altogether in 1832. Seventeen years. A few years later the Swansea Union Cotton Manufacturing Company’s factory burned down; bankrupt, I have heard. Of that the barrel knows nothing. It was a very successful little yarn factory while it lasted.

Brayton and Mason had engaged Wheaton Luther as clerk. (Yes. He was a cousin of Kezia’s.). For they did not intend to spend much time in the shop themselves. Mason had his post-office. Israel had to get around. All their ventures were complicated and were going to need personal attention. Wheaton Luther proved to be efficient, though he certainly conducted many affairs of his own on the side. And Mrs. Brayton (Kezia), after the birth of her second child, little William Bowers, in August, 1816, helped in the store when needed.

“Mr Brayton----please to send me the handkerchief that your wife laid aside----and charge it----

Sarah Ann Luther”

As soon as little Mary could reach up to the counter, she too helped out, after school hours. She was a very handsome girl, and graceful. Her father hired a dancing teacher to give her dancing lessons. The bill is in the Barrel. Also I found a bill showing that she began her regular schooling at the age of three.

Israel spent the rest of the year of 1815 riding about the country-side making connections with the weavers needed to weave the spun yarn of the factory. He knew all the farms and the villages, of course. He had grown up among them. He got the names of quite a lot of reliable men and women who would be willing to weave for the Swansea Union Cotton Manufacturing Company through the agency of Brayton and Mason. They began to come in for yarn. Israel started the Weave Books found in the barrel.

We know from these books the prices paid each man and woman, and the pattern each had to follow.

As the amount of yarn spun in the factory increased, the number of weavers had to be increased. The better weavers--any very good weaver had always been celebrated through the villages--were the first employed by Israel--also the weavers nearest to Scrabbletown. Weaving, I think, was an Art, when Israel went to find his weavers; and started to make up his weave books. Possibly it did not remain an art for long. The demand for weavers was soon so great that the factory could not--did not--reject badly woven cloth. The price paid for the weaving was the same for good or bad. Each weaver knew that a critical appraisal of the quality of his finished work was placed against his name, but the factory, though it grumbled, took the good, bad, indifferent. Every weaver got his pay, didn’t he--why worry? Occasionally a man wove so badly that he could not be kept on the list--but only occasionally.

And the factory was not spinning the yarn evenly--not as well as the better home spinners had spun it. Down in the weave book went the comment of the weaver who was asked to weave bad (“tender”) yarn. “The yarn was very rotten in spooling” wrote Sarah Ann Luther. But it was rarely returned unwoven. Possibly the weavers hated to waste their time weaving bad yarn--their own spinning had been pretty good. But they wove what Israel gave them. Of course they did--eventually. And it made usable cloth, mostly.

Finally, few bothered to weave too well, I suppose. Soon they all got used to the second rate. Along the village streets you would have heard the looms clicking. New prosperity could have been seen about the farms.

Men wove this factory yarn more often than women. Retired sea-captains--seafaring men without ships at the moment--sat down at the loom, especially in the winter months. And still the demand for weavers grew. The yarn was taken by weavers living in Assonet, Barrington, Dighton, Rehoboth, Tiverton, Warren, Freetown and Troy (old names for Fall River) as well as by those living in Swansea and Somerset and the farms round about. And it was all distributed by Brayton and Mason who checked it most carefully. There was a system by which yarn was sent to the homes of the weavers by baggage waggon, the woven cloth returned the same way. But many weavers did not live on the baggage waggon route and there were horses on every farm. Farmers would ride in to Scrabbletown, have a drink, get the yarn their households needed; and bring back to Israel the woven cloth in their own good time. I must repeat that they could have been paid in cash had they so desired. But few did so desire. For they could select goods right off the shelves--there was no better store in Swansea than the little Company Store run by Brayton and Mason.

The farmers would sometimes bring in fresh eggs, a pail of berries, some bear steaks or venison--Israel was always glad to get anything in the way of trade. There is record of a crop of Swansea currants so disposed of, to a man down from Dighton. He was going to make currant wine. A village shoemaker would make a few extra shoes for the shop; in trade for a gilt mirror and some imported rum.

For of course Brayton and Mason carried rum both imported and domestic--some weavers favored one, some another. They even stocked Port Wine, straight from Spain to Somerset. Silk from China could be had, too, and French Wall Paper; British goods, surprisingly, were very popular the moment the British were defeated.

When the weavers had brought in their cloth, and it had been inspected, Israel often picked out some particularly good piece to keep in stock. He arranged this with the factory. Households busy weaving for the factory sometimes needed a little cotton cloth for household use which they no longer had the time to spin and weave; especially bed-ticking.

Israel kept more and more of this homewoven cloth for trading. He had to send his cart up to Boston where he bought his main supplies of drygoods, china and glass ware, and it seemed foolish to send it empty. He began to load up with cloth and goosefeathers, etc. And trade was soon pretty brisk. A Company Store in Raynham took all he could spare; he stopped off in Raynham on the way up. There was in Boston as at home an especially good demand for bed-ticking. The trade in more fancy weaves was not always satisfactory.

With the yarn issued to the weavers, went, as I have said, “directions”. Each weaver was told by the factory what colors to use, what design to make. Yarn of each color, just enough, went with each bundle.

There were found in the barrel, a few pieces of the woven cloth. They show the red and the orange yarn, the two shades of blue, and the general look of this home-and-factory product. More white yarn was given out than colored--undyed, a “natural” white. The bits of cloth are most pleasing.

Weavers who were accustomed to weave their own devised patterns, as many were, naturally found these directions irksome. But it was take it or leave it, and they took it, and brought back their finished work to the Company Store, getting in exchange, women’s kid boots, teapots of lustre ware, good China Tea. It probably seemed worth it. Of course, Brayton and Mason kept Store Books as well as Weave Books--it is easy to trace by name and date the goods that the weavers selected.

The Swansea Union Cotton Manufacturing Company gave their spinners credit at Brayton and Mason’s store. There are hundreds of little notes in the barrel signed by the Factory Manager, Benjamin Anthony, asking that the bearer be given credit for certain specified articles, the same to be charged to the Company. It meant more book keeping for Israel, but what could he do about it. Yes, there are hundreds of such notes, and nobody knows how many more were destroyed. More personal notes run as follows:

“You must not trust Elisha Sweet”. This was in 1820.

“Please to let Otis Handy have cloth nuff for jacket and trowsers and charge the same to me

Abraham Gardner”

“Please to let the bearer have eight shillings worth out of your store and charge the same to me

Abraham Gardner” (notice, they wrote of shillings).

“It is particularly requested as a favor that if Jeremiah Brown should send any of his children or family for spirits that you should refuse him, and confer a favour upon his family who on account of his excessive drinking are much distressed

Swanzey. October 13, 1828. A friend.”

“Please to let the bearer have one dollar and 59 cents on my weaving Account.

Isaac Threeshere.”

“Please to let the bearer have a pint of lamp oil for the eggs which Gardner Slade left.

Mary Earle.”

Not only the weavers and the spinners but even some of the relatives were being obliged. And that did complicate things.

“Betsy P. Slade wants you to send her a yard of Italian Crape.

Phoebe Slade.”

“Please let the boy have seven pounds of fish and charge to me.

Charles Slade.”

All this credit was none too good. But that was the way the village wanted it. It kept them in debt. Had they wished to leave! But they did not want to leave. They were very well pleased with Scrabbletown and Swansea. Just read the letters in the barrel. People were moving in, not moving out.

_Stocking the Company Store_

To stock their stores, the partners had had to buy an immense variety of things. Long and varied invoices are in the barrel. I have seen in the homes of the descendants of the men and women who wove for Brayton and Mason, the china they took in trade for the cloth they carried back to the Company Store. I have seen the furniture, the wall hangings, the linen, that Brayton and Mason sold to the countryside. There is nothing better.

The trade, with Boston especially, grew rapidly. Israel picked up what he could, where he could, but most of his drygoods were brought over the road from Boston. Philip Bowers was soon renting his waggon to take Israel’s venture in woven cloth to Boston, weekly; (before Israel bought a waggon of his own;) bringing back all he could carry; and very bulky many of the articles were. Once he brought down a trunk. But that was a special order. By the way, nothing from Boston was sent down on approval or in speculation.

Israel had some merchandize brought down by the regular baggage waggon. Perhaps the need for a waggon of his own was more obvious then than now. It will help to understand his situation if we read a Boston newspaper of 1819:

“Taken from behind the Baggage Waggon, between Boston and Milton Hills, on Monday afternoon, by cutting the rope with which it was fastened, a basket containing knives, forks, a few snuffers and trays, pocket knives, slates, Naples soap, brass lamps and candlesticks--reward ten dollars.” In the same issue: “Just received from London, drygoods. Gentlemen can occasionally be furnished with Garments readymade.” And--“Lane and Honeywell have received--from Bremen--scales, lookingglasses, Bristol teapots.” Israel’s customers expected him to stock whatever was advertised, of course, and get it down to Swansea somehow.

_The Boston Wholesale Houses_

Many Boston wholesale houses did business with Israel Brayton. Appleton and Paige sold him book muslin, Brittania handkerchiefs, red flannel, lilac Calico, pink and white robes, Tartan Plaid, Caroline Plaid, swansdown, and many other things. Fowle and Lincoln sold him India Goods, mostly Indian Shawls.

Grant’s Paper Hanging Warehouse at 6 Union Street (near the Old Market) sold him both imported and domestic wall paper; many rolls of striped paper and some with borders.

James W. Paige and Co. sold him scarlet chintz prints--among other things. Norcross and Mellon, later Otis Norcross and Co., sold him blue edged plates, tifflers and muffins. Lustre tea sets. State House Plates. Imported glass ware. Fancy mugs. Toy images. Oval tea pots and sugar bowls. Nappies. Threaded creams. Square sallads. And so forth.

Thomas Tarbell of 66 State Street, under the Massachusetts Bank; Rich silks. Thomas Thurber; Italian silks, Russian sheetings, flag handkerchiefs. Tuckerman, Rogers and Cushing; Blue broadcloths, towels, tablecloths, Madras handkerchiefs, white silk.

Hubbard and Greenough at 69 State Street, sold him Russian sheetings and hooks and eyes. Richard and Seaver of 5 Liberty Square sold him Tartan Plaid, woolen stockings, doeskin mittens, Canton silk, spool cotton, tape, silk gloves, Mecklin lace; and J. and E. Phillips sold him Canton crape and sarsanet.

Thomas A. Davis sold him brass candlesticks and shell canes, while Lowell, Adams and Co. sold him brass andirons and supporters.

Charles Davenport sold him nothing but Malaga raisens, and Rufus Farnham furnished him with nothing but gold beads.

But Lane and Honeywell at 17 Dock Square sold him all sorts of hardware, particularly snuff boxes.

Lane and Read sold him knives and forks, German Jews Harps, gilt buttons, black tin tea pots, and Maynard and Noyes’ ink powder.

P. Hale sold him velvet bindings, Valentia shawls, Thread, and Merrimack sheetings, along with other commodities.

There were other Boston merchants who carried his accounts, of course. One day, Israel bought from Jeremiah Fitch, of 5 Market Street, Boston, some “Power Loom Cotton Cloth”. This was in 1820. Of course he did not know that the power loom cotton cloth would soon be shutting down the looms in the farmhouses. He did not know that the farms and villages were at the peak of their buying power, their desire and their ability to buy really beautiful things.

This trading in what we call “luxury articles”, was hazardous. But all trading was a venture, as Israel well knew. He could not always pay his bills promptly. There are letters from the Boston firms demanding settlement, really demanding it. There are also letters showing that Israel began at once to try to collect money due him. He was not always successful. There must have been anxious moments in the back room of the shop in Scrabbletown, fairly often. There was no security that the firm might not fail, the factory did not stand behind it. Israel had to borrow money from the bank occasionally--and would have borrowed more often if the bank had been more willing to lend. It is also true that Israel was caught out in passing counterfeit money rather surprisingly often. He apparently took it without a thought and sent it up to the Boston Merchants who were more thoughtful. The letters from the Boston Firms about counterfeit money are unpleasant, but Israel kept them and put them in the barrel.

I think Israel’s solvency amazing, considering all the irons he had in the fire. And he was only a farm boy, with no experience in trading. Unless you count horse trading, of which the whole family had done plenty. Israel and his partners kept books and corresponded with dozens of different firms--there is no sign of confusion anywhere.

_The New York Wholesale Houses_

Connections with New York Firms were few, but Israel did have commission merchants in New York, to whom he sent, care of some Somerset skipper, such goods as he thought would sell in New York. There were also a few New York importations. G. B. Miller sent Israel American Segars and Smoaking Tobacco. So did Thomas Agnew. Samuel Gray shipped them on. Samuel Waring and Co. sent him some drygoods in 1820, among which were “cotton flag handkerchiefs” and “imitation shawls”.

_Whale Oil, Nails, and Pitchforks_

Whale oil he bought at wholesale from the Rodmans of New Bedford. Nails, and he sold a good many, were bought from the Fall River Iron Works. Israel bought a lot of pitchforks from Amasa Goodyear of New Haven; two-tined and three-tined pitchforks.

_The Leather Trade_

His leather goods he did not buy outright, but got them on consignment from John Peckham Jr. of Bristol. Peckham wrote Israel the following letter in 1824:

“Sir. Wishing to keep a quantity of saddling in Swansea for sale,
such as harness and saddles, trunks, bridles, etc. and knowing
you, I thought I would write you word to see if you would take a
quantity of the above articles to sell for me on commission; if you
would be kind enough to take an assortment of the above articles to
sell please to write me word and at what commission

Yours etc.
Jno. Peckham Jr.”

Israel took them. Larned Wilmarth ran a sort of baggage waggon from Bristol up to Dighton and points beyond, and was willing to bring up Peckham’s goods as wanted. Peckham and Israel traded with each other with mutual satisfaction until Feb. 6, 1832, when, with the payment of $16.00 in full, the account was closed out. For Israel was shutting up shop.

There are a number of letters in the barrel which throw light on the saddlers’ trade.

--“The harness, I calculated for the hearse harness, if they should want it. I therefore put all black buckles.”

Mr. Peckham did not believe in a fixed price. “I want you to get the price these things are marked, but if you cannot, you must take less. I had rather you should take less than have a man go away and not buy on account of price.” He was not one to be put upon, either. In 1826, he wrote to Israel:

“Sir

This bill I took of you appears to be counterfeit. I did not
undertake to spend it before today and I carried it to the bank to
change and the cashier says it is a counterfeit bill. If you will
change it and send it back by Mr. Wilmarth you will oblige your
humble servant

John Peckham Jr.”

In 1828, Mr. Peckham wrote again:

“When I was at your store a few days since, your son (it must have been William Bowers Brayton, he was just twelve years old) said there was a man talking of wanting a saddle. Therefore I thought I would send the one I have on hand. The price is nine dollars. If you please, you may put on a pair of stirrups that you have on hand, and you can arrange them on your book accordingly.”

He also wrote: “no doubt you thought the cheeses to be what you recommended them to be, but they are not.”

There was quite a bit of trade with the shoemakers; local men. Enoch Babbitt who lived in Berkeley was in the habit of sending down a few shoes every once in a while. In 1830, he brought Israel 9 pairs of boots to sell on commission of ten per cent. But in 1831 he wrote he was so busy he could not make any more shoes for Israel. He had sent down 12 pairs three months earlier. Anthony Morse who lived in Scrabbletown was employed by Israel to mend shoes brought into the stores of Scrabbletown and Egypt. A certain Mr. Chace of Swansea made shoes to order. “If Mr. Chace has no shoes that is raised higher in the instep than common, he must make a pair or else I dont want any.” It was not unusual to order a pair of morocco walking shoes. But calfskin shoes made by John S. Russel were more in demand. The calves were born on the farm.

_The Cracker Barrel_

In Israel’s day, the cracker barrel was not a figure of speech. Israel kept a barrel of crackers in his store. In 1824, Edward Wilcox sold to Israel 200 crackers for one dollar. The bill is in the barrel. The next year he charged only a dollar for 220 crackers. Daniel Saunders’ crackers were 210 for $1.00. The amounts billed are small but the bills were frequent. The largest single shipment to Israel was 600 crackers, bought May 20, 1825. This was wholesale. One cracker cost the customer one cent, bought right out of the barrel. I am forgetting the time Israel bought a whole barrel of crackers at once, from Stephen Wrightington, for three dollars. The barrel held 720 crackers, so Wrightington said.

And Horatio Smith sold crackers to Israel. So did Alvin K. Luther. This cracker business was a big one. For of course the ships wanted crackers. I found no “ship biscuit” listed on any bill. The ships bought crackers.

Some of these bakers of crackers made gingerbread as well. Israel usually kept a few pans of gingerbread in stock. They cost him ten cents a pan.

_Hearts and Kisses_

Israel ran a confectionary department, of course. Isaac Lum of Somerset supplied peppermints, hearts, and kisses. Hiram Buffinton was the Swansea confectioner. He charged 20 cents a pound for his sweets, wholesale. And he sold oranges to Israel, wholesale. Though very few oranges were billed to Israel. It was hard to get them up from the South, unspoiled, in a sailing vessel.

_Combs and Codfish and Palm Leaf Hats_

The list of Israel’s purchases is very long, but I hate to omit the traders in combs Daniel Briggs, Asa Holman, Thomas Coggshell, and Abiel Fuller. Did they manufacture combs? They were Swansea and Somerset men.

James Sherman sold Israel what pork he carried; and many barrels of flour. Though Hezekiah Anthony had most of Israel’s flour trade. (See about him later.)

Henry Cleaveland, a farmer in Swansea, sold Israel 12266 feet of board at one time. He had a woodlot--and somebody handy with the axe.

Simeon Talbot of Dighton sold Israel hats, felt hats, not straw. Asa Kilby of Somerset kept him supplied with dried codfish. Nathan P. Johnson sold him all the palm leaf hats and palm leaf brooms he could use. And more. They did not sell rapidly. The palm leaf hats brought up from the South by Isaac White did better.

Windsor soap was a good article to carry, for the turnover was rapid. Abner Beard of Somerset and Henry Sanderson both supplied Israel with Windsor Soap. Powder, more used then than now (not face powder) was supplied by Charles Pettibone. Elijah Corbett had many bills for scythe sneads. And William G. Chace once sold him 2000 cigars.

_Garden Seeds_

The little trays of garden seeds which stand on many country counters today, were on Israel’s counter, of course. In 1828 Israel wrote: “I have a good assortment of garden seeds from the Shakers, for sale.”

In 1830, Jeremiah Williams of Warren wrote to Israel: “I have sent you one box or bundle of garden seed; containing 109 papers for which I shall make you a deduction of 20 per cent when sold on account.” He wrote a little later: “The time for making a return on garden seeds has arrived. Your balance would be gladly received as soon as is convenient.” Jeremiah Williams had sent seed to Israel from Warren from the opening of Israel’s first store. The kind of seed he sent never varied.

“Warren, April, 1829.
Mr. Brayton. Dear Sir,

When you were in Warren, you were speaking to me about onion seed
from Concord. It has just arrived and should you now want it, I can
supply you with a good article at----

Yours most respected
Jeremiah Williams
by James Gardner”

The only named seeds carried by Israel were:

Concord Onion Seed Rob Roy Beans China Dwarf Beans Early Red Eyed Beans Dwarf Prolific Peas Early June Peas Beet Seed Clover Seed

_Trading with Providence_

Trading with Providence was mostly confined to trading with Hezekiah Anthony, Israel’s brother-in-law. Hezekiah and his wife, Sally Bowers, had moved up to Providence from Bowers’ Shores in Somerset in 1818. On June 15th of that year he opened a wholesale Grocery Store in Whitman’s Block at 11 Weybossett Street, Providence, which he conducted successfully for 48 years.

One branch of his trade was extremely successful. He imported rum from St. Croix which was put through the Customs at a small port in Connecticut. The Custom declarations are in the barrel, receipted. Israel sold a great deal of this St. Croix rum. Israel also sold a great deal of flour imported from Albany by Hezekiah. This was “Canal” flour. And Israel sold “Philadelphia” flour, imported by Hezekiah from Philadelphia of course. Flour was billed to Israel by Hezekiah in every invoice. Sugar was billed almost as often. Israel really did sell a great deal of coffee and tea, purchased wholesale from Hezekiah. But some of the China Tea sold by Israel came direct from Canton to Somerset.

Snuff was in great demand. Israel bought it from Hezekiah. The invoices tell of bladders of snuff sent down from Providence. Snuff boxes had been purchased rather often from the Boston Merchants. I seem to remember that there were snuff mills at one time in the South County, but the barrel tells nothing of the origin of Hezekiah’s snuff.

Segars were purchased from Hezekiah in large quantities, American Segars were the cheapest. Molasses, salt, ginger, nutmegs, cloves, allspice, and raisens, were supplied frequently. Occasionally some window glass was shipped down, some shaving soap, wrapping paper, corn brooms, salt cod, starch, and of course, shot. There was a gun on every farm.

Gin was bought by everybody; “Jenck’s Gin”, “Haskell’s Gin”, and the gin of “Fox Point”, and Hezekiah sent down a great deal. There was some demand for cognac brandy, which he supplied, and for many a barrel of “sweet wine”.

Hezekiah carried on a correspondence with Israel through the years by means of notes appended to the invoices.

“Mr. Anthony’s son died this morning”. This was written by a clerk, of course. Mr. Anthony had six sons, all of whom died in childhood, I am told.

“If father is severely ill, I will come down by stage” was written in Mr. Anthony’s own hand.

“Perry got in from Spain this morning and is still in quarantine. I do not know how long it will be before he can get down.”

“Perry is expecting to sail for the East Indies about October 15.” There were a good many notes about Perry.

“Times is hard”, at the bottom of an invoice of flour.

“Late news from Europe has checked all speculation, particularly in cotton goods.” What news was that?

This close friendship between Hezekiah Anthony and Israel Brayton existed through Israel’s life, and he named one of his sons Hezekiah Anthony Brayton. The business relations between the two men were also satisfactory. And well it was so, for business came first and was no more secure than mutual confidence could make it.

TRADING WITH THE LYMAN COTTON MANUFACTURING COMPANY

In 1818, when the Swansea Union Cotton Manufacturing Company was running smoothly and the weavers of the Swansea Company’s yarn were well organized, Israel Brayton and John Mason took on a new connection.

The Lyman Cotton Manufacturing Company, operating a Yarn Mill in the village of Lyman near Providence, began to send its yarn to be distributed by Brayton and Mason from their Store in Scrabbletown. In one of the Brayton and Mason ledgers I noticed that in a single year, 1818, home weavers wove 5242-1/2 yards of cotton cloth from the Lyman Cotton Manufacturing Company’s yarn--distributed, inspected, and returned by Brayton and Mason.

It was all piece work. The weavers took what yarn they wanted, wove it as fast as they wanted their pay for the weaving. Some people kept a comparatively small amount all winter--the roads, of course, were bad. Some kept the same amount around three weeks or less.

These weavers were not, I hope you understand, weaving for sustenance. There was food enough for all, all over the place. Surplus farm products for the asking, clams for the digging, rivers running with shad and herring, trout in every stream, all free, no license necessary. All the fruit a man could eat--if a man were willing to go berrying or climb a cherry tree. There was shelter of sorts in the old farmhouses and outbuildings. No man temporarily out of luck was ever turned away. Woolen clothing, woven and made on the farm, never wore out. The weavers were not weaving to keep alive, certainly not. They were weaving to get hold of some spending money. To spend on dancing lessons, perhaps, or a trotting horse--black silk dress of fine quality--a real lace collar--a locket--possibly some pretty shoes and stockings. Nearly everybody went barefoot in the summer season, winter footwear in the country had been rough stuff--made to wear well--stockings were knitted at home by hand. On Israel’s shelves were silk stockings--really--and bronze slippers, oh, yes.

Life in Scrabbletown cannot be understood unless you know why every man worked and worked hard--at his own pace and when he wanted to--while enjoying a standard of real comfort and independance such as never was known on the globe before. This I truly believe. Nor, in the essentials of comfort, since.

The men and women who wove the Lyman Factory yarn were the same people who wove the Swansea Factory Yarn--that appears clearly in the Yarn Books. Coming for yarn, a weaver was given what yarn was on hand. What else appears clearly, in a note from Wheaton Luther to Israel, even as early as August, 1819, is that the weavers were exceedingly independent. “Weavers won’t weave 4/4 for 1 cent per yard more.” So they didn’t.

Though wages by 1821 were a minor matter. What really mattered by then is apparent in the letter which follows:

“Sir

I do not know what to tell people when they come to the store. All
last week I told them they could have yarn on Tuesday. I then told
them they could have it on Wednesday. They came in and there was no
yarn. And I know no other way at present than to tell them I shall
never have any more and then if I disappoint them it will not be to
their prejudice.

I have promised goods in the same way and now I have an opportunity
to sell a silk gown for cash but I must lose it because it did not
come in at the time I promised. I am very sure that there will be
no necessity of keeping the store unless I can make promise of
goods and of yarn etc.

Wheaton Luther.”

The weave books of the Lyman Company are well kept and Israel maintained excellent relations with both the weavers and the Lyman Company until he shut up shop.

The Lyman yarn was shipped to Israel in Egypt, I suppose. For by 1818 Brayton and Mason had opened a Branch Store in Egypt, a suburb of Somerset, and was using it as another distributing center for yarn. It was far more convenient than Scrabbletown, being close to Slade’s Ferry Landing. And close to the shipyards of Somerset and Troy and Egypt. Ships were again on the stocks. That meant more trade for Israel.

Many letters are in the barrel giving itemized accounts of the transactions between the stores of Egypt and Scrabbletown. Goods were always being sent back and forth. But always, as you have seen in Wheaton Luther’s letter, the store in Egypt could never get enough.

Israel had to buy a waggon of his own, to send the goods demanded. Nobody could wait for the Troy baggage waggon which crossed the Ferry when the weather permitted, and ambled over from Somerset to Swansea and parts beyond. After careful correspondence, Israel ordered a waggon to be made in Rutland by a certain Mr. Bigelow. It was ordered in the spring and delivered in September. It was a major transaction. There had to be boxes to fit the waggon, of course; and extra boxes. Philip Bowers whose waggon in the early days was hired by Israel, complained that new and better boxes must be furnished to carry Israel’s goods--if he was to take them. He used to complain to Wheaton Luther.

You will notice that Wheaton Luther, the Scrabbletown clerk, after being transferred to the Egypt store, took full charge of its running. And wrote many letters to Israel, more than I have space to quote. Wheaton was an extraordinary man, really. You ought to read all his letters. And the three letters from his sister-in-law, also found in the barrel. They were written in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1818 and 1819.

Wheaton’s brother, who seems to have been a bad lot, deserted his wife and daughters, Elizabeth and Catherine, some years before this story opens, and nobody had been able to find him. His deserted wife wrote to her brother-in-law, Wheaton, to tell him that a Somerset man had seen her husband in the “Spanish Settlements” and that he was in bad shape. “An object of pity to behold.” It was not thought he could live long. He had, I infer--only infer--been enslaved by the Spaniards. Wheaton’s sister wrote: “I fear he is now numbered with the pale nations underground”. Yes, she really did.

As to news; Mrs. Luther wrote that Giles Luther and his son, “a very fine young man”, had called on her in Charleston--dropped in from Somerset--and “thair has been several shaks of an Earthquake in this place that are very alarming”. In a later letter: “Death has taken away thousands from Charleston this past summer. It was truly disturbing. Scarcely a family escaped without one or more taken away.--I have put Catherine and Eliza both to school.”

It is apparent that little Egypt had connections in 1819 with the outside world--vivid connections.

Some years later, Wheaton Luther resigned to go into business for himself--he belonged to a restless family. John D. Cartwright took his place. Later still, Cartwright resigned, also to set up his own business, and John Wood signed the letters of the Egypt Store. Under all the clerks the business continued to grow. And would have grown even more rapidly thought all the clerks, if only Israel would send them more goods to sell, more yarn for the hungry looms of Somerset and Troy.

After two years of prosperous and expanding trade, the firm of Brayton and Mason had been dissolved. John Mason opened a store of his own with the U.S. Post Office in one corner as was usual. Israel had taken a new partner, his cousin, William Bowers, and continued his business as though nothing had happened. According to the barrel all was amicable. There are papers showing that Brayton later bought some small things from Mason and that Mason bought some small things from Brayton--nothing much. Possibly Mason had held Brayton back a little. For now with his new partner, he expanded rapidly. Though still with caution.

In that spring of 1819, Israel knew, and we can know, exactly where he stood. He knew down to the last India Shawl just what was on the shelves of the little stores, for an inventory was necessary when the partnership was dissolved. The barrel held also a list of the people who owed the firm money. In fact, there were three lists, each very short. The amounts are tiny. I will not give here the names of the customers who were expected to settle their accounts shortly, they were the ordinary charge customers. But I am giving the two other lists--they are really interesting. For Israel guessed right. They never did pay up. One man went to jail. Their accounts, however, were very very small.

Doubtful that these persons will pay what they owe.

Caleb Butterworth Somerset Francis Chace Hezekiah Chace Mason Chace Slade Chace Phoebe Chace Swansea Stephen Earle John Eddy Somerset Rebecca Luther Nathan Read

Certain that these persons will not pay what they owe.

Slade Chace Somerset Frederick Downing Freetown Diadema Hathaway Knowles Negus Benjamin Purinton Swansea Oliver Read Troy Joseph Slade Stephen Slade

TRADING WITH THE SWANSEA PAPER MANUFACTURING COMPANY

In 1819, the new firm of Brayton and Bowers signed an agreement with the Swansea Paper Manufacturing Company to sell its product. There is so little known outside the barrel of this paper company that when I found this contract in the barrel, I was surprised. I consulted the standard “History of Swansea”.

“Straw paper was manufactured in Swansea in 1840 by William Mitchell”. That is all the History has to say. But the barrel holds 50 papers, in addition to this contract of 1819; individual transactions of Brayton and Bowers with the Swansea Paper Manufacturing Company continuing into the year 1832. The agent was always William Mitchell. He signed every document.

Paper was really made out of straw in Swansea and was sold by Brayton and Bowers to many different firms and individuals. That much is clear. The paper on which the correspondence of the firm was written, ought to have been of the firm’s own manufacture. But was it?

The paper may not have been very good. Israel got some returned. Where did the Swansea Paper Company get its straw? How did it make its paper? The barrel does not know.

The employees of the Paper Company, like the employees of the Yarn Factories, were allowed to charge things in Israel’s Scrabbletown Store. And some of the notes asking for credit for employees and signed by William Mitchell, are in the barrel, so we know who some of the paper makers were.

And that seems to be all that we do know about the paper business in Swansea. It seems to be more than anyone else knows.

TRADING WITH THE GEORGIA COTTON MANUFACTURING COMPANY

The new firm of Brayton and Bowers received that spring of 1819 the following letter from Kezia’s uncle, Nehemiah Wheeler.

“Respected Friend
Israel Brayton

I recollect that sometime past thou expressed a wish to git yarn
from the South to weave. (I thought he meant south of the Mason and
Dixon line, but he didn’t. He meant South of Providence). I would
now observe that I expect to go out thair soon and will probably
start next week and any business That I can doe for my friends I am
willing to use my indevors to preform.

I shall likely be at thy farther Anthony’s next first day, if
healthy, and weather permits.

In haste I remain thy friend
Nath. Wheeler.”

Israel and probably Kezia went to the Anthony Farm that Sunday, and Israel told his wife’s uncle that he would like to git some more yarn to weave.