Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

Magic was practiced extensively in "the first time," but it is by no means unknown to the people of the present day. They cannot now bring a dead person to life, or create human beings out of bits of betel-nut; but they can and do cause sickness and death to their foes by performing certain rites or directing actions against garments or other objects recently in their possession. Even the name of an enemy can be applied to an animal or inanimate object and action against it be transferred to the owner.

Like the Tinguian, the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan are warned or encouraged by omens received through the medium of birds, thunder, lightning, or the condition of the gall and liver of a slaughtered pig; [60] and like them they suffer for failure to heed these warnings, or for the infraction of a taboo.

The myths of the first division make it plain that, to the people of those times, the sun, moon, and stars were animate--either spirits or human beings. In some cases a similar conception was held for thunder and lightning, while in others they appear as animals. It will appear that such ideas are not foreign to the second division of the tales, which represent present day beliefs. Thus, in the mountain village of Baay the sky is considered as a male spirit--the husband of the earth, and father of sun and moon. Again, in Lagangilang and Abang, the thunderbolt is identified as Kadaklan--the most powerful of all spirits--who "often eats the ground and releases his wife Agemem."

This brings us to a most interesting question, namely: Are the chief actors in our tales to be considered as celestial beings and spirits, or as human heroes? We have already made note of the fact that in the first tale Aponitolau is identified with Ini-init whom, we are told, was "the sun," "the man who makes the sun," "a round stone which rolls." In this tale he marries Aponibolinayen, a maiden whose name may possibly be construed to mean "the woman in the moon." [61] However, we find Aponitolau abandoning his place in the sky and going to reside in Kadalayapan. This tale comes from the town of Langangilang where, as we have already seen, the celestial beings are regarded as spirits. Tale fifteen, coming from the same town, shows us this same Aponitolau going up to the sky, where he marries the spirit Kabkabaga-an, but as before he returns to his home below. A further indication of his celestial character is perhaps afforded us in tale fourteen, which was recorded in Patok, a valley town in which the sun, moon, and stars are now regarded as "lights" belonging to the spirit Kadaklan. Here we find that Aponitolau marries the star maid Gaygayóma, who is the daughter of the big star Bagbagak, and Sinag--the moon. In this same tale Aponibolinayen appears as the first wife of Aponitolau, and it is clear that in the mind of the story teller she is not identified with Sinag. Aponitolau appears in the other tales without any hint of celestial qualities. Aside from her name and the fact that she is once pictured as visiting the sky, there is nothing to indicate that his wife Aponibolinayen is to be considered as the moon. A careful study of the other characters who reside in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan fails to yield any evidence that they are considered as celestial beings.

During the _Sayang_ ceremony held in San Juan, a certain man and woman, who are then called Iwaginán and Gimbagon [62], represent the good spirits and are defended by the people when evil spirits try to dispossess them of their property. This is the only instance I have observed in which the names of any of these characters of the tales appear in the ceremonies, while a list of more than one hundred and fifty spirits known to the Tinguian fails to reveal more.

While in the practice of magic, and in their communication with nature, celestial bodies, and spirits, these "people of the first times" far excelled the present Tinguian, they had a material culture and ceremonial life much like that still found in Abra.

It seems then that these people, about whom the stories cluster, are not to be identified as celestial beings or spirits [63]. They appear rather as generalized heroes whose life and deeds represent that of an earlier period, magnified and extolled by succeeding generations.

Ritualistic and Explanatory Myths

The second division of the tales now assumes a position of importance to us, for in it we find present day ideas and beliefs of the people strongly brought out, and are thus in a position to contrast them with the tenets of the people in "the first times".

The influence of custom is exceedingly strong among the Tinguian of to-day. The fact that the ancestors did so and so is sufficient justification for performing any act for which they have no definite explanation. Nowhere is this influence greater than in the ceremonies. These, which accompany all the important happenings in their daily life, are conducted by mediums who are fitted for office by long training, and each one of whom is a check on the others if they wilfully or through carelessness deviate from the old forms. The ritual of these ceremonies is very complex and the reason for doing many acts now seems to be entirely lost, yet the one explanation _"kadaúyan"_--custom--is sufficient to satisfy any Tinguian. Other acts, as well as the possession of certain things, are explained by myths, such as we are considering. It seems certain that we are here dealing not with present day beliefs alone, but with at least relatively old customs and tales, which while enabling us to understand present day conceptions also give us a glimpse into the past.

The myths 32-40, which are known to the people as _diams_, are now inseparable parts of the various ceremonies. Thus, when a pig is to be offered in the _Sayang_ ceremony, the medium sits down beside it and strokes it with oiled fingers while she "talks to the spirits". The translation of her "talk" shows that this is in no sense a prayer but is rather an account of how the greatest of the spirits taught the Tinguian people to perform this ceremony correctly. Likewise, when she offers food in the _Dawak_ [64] ceremony, she relates how the spirit Kaboniyan taught the Tinguian to do this in the same manner that he performs it. In the _Pala-an [65] diam_ she relates, in story form, the cause of the sickness, but in this case ends with a direct invocation to the spirits in Dadáya to "make them well again if you please". The balance of the _diams_, 35-40, are in story form, and seem intended more as an explanation to the people as to the causes of their troubles than to be directed toward the spirits. However, the medium seldom has an audience, and rarely ever a single listener, as she recites the _diams_ she has learned verbatim from her instructors when preparing for the duties of her office.

Myths 41-54 are of quite a different type. They are generally told by the mediums or wise old people, during the ceremonies, but always to a crowd of eager listeners. They are not learned word for word, as are the _diams_, but their content is constant and they are thoroughly believed.

That they exert a great influence on the beliefs and conduct of both old and young is undoubted. The evil which befalls a person who molests the guardian stones is thus made known even to the children who generally keep at a distance from the grove in which they stand. Again, these tales give sharp warning as to what befalls a person who even ignorantly breaks the taboos following a death; but at the same time advance means of thwarting the wrath of the enraged or evil spirits.

Myths 55 to 62 at first glance to not appear to be explanatory at all, but seem rather to be a series of stories dealing with the relations between certain persons and the natural spirits or those of the dead. However, it is the intent and use rather than the form of these stories which has caused them to be included in this division, for they give the people authority for certain beliefs and conceptions which they hold. Tale 56 gives us a glimpse of the prevalent idea of the abode of the dead, where the spirits lead much the same sort of life as they did while alive, but we secure quite a different picture of this realm from the Baluga [66] tale, in which the home of the deceased is said to be in the ground while the "life" of the dead woman is kept in a bamboo cup. This last account was heard in Manabo, a town near to the Igorot settlements of the Upit river, and may be influenced by the beliefs held in that section. [67]

Certain individuals appear to have intimate dealings with the natural spirits, in some instances even being joined to them in marriage. The afterbirth child, Sayen, is believed to have lived "not very long ago", yet we find his life and actions quite similar to those of the heroes in "the first times", while his foster mother--the _alan_ [68]--takes the same part as did the _alan_ of old.

Relations 63 to 74 appear as pure explanatory tales, accounting for the existence and appearance of celestial bodies and animals in their present state; they also account for the possession of fire and of many prized objects, such as jars and agate beads. Incidentally many essential traits and old customs come out, such, for instance, as those of war and mourning, which appear in connection with the origin of the _kalau_ [69].

With few exceptions the myths of this division correspond to present beliefs; the spirits are those known to-day; the towns mentioned are now existing or their former locations are well known. They have thus the appearance of being of more recent origin than those of the first division, yet it is worthy of note that there is little in them which seems foreign to or out of keeping with the older tales.

Fables

The last division may be said to be made up of fables, for the story tellers without hesitation label them as fictions. The last of these appears to be only a worked over incident of myth 56, in which the big bird Banog carries the hero to its nest, from which he escapes by holding to the wings of the young birds. It is possible that more of these fables are likewise incidents in tales prevalent among the Tinguian, but not heard by the writer. Whether or no this be true, it is certain that most of these stories are well known to the Ilocano of the coast and the other Christianized natives throughout the archipelago. Comparison with the folk-lore from other regions shows that these stories are by no means confined to the Philippines. The chief incidents in the narrative of the turtle and the monkey have been recorded from the Kenyah of Borneo [70] and from the northern peninsula of Celebes [71]; the race between the shell and the carabao is told in British North Borneo [72] in regard to the plandok and crab, while it is known to European children as the race between the turtle and the hare. The threat of the mosquito in 84 is almost identical with that recorded by Evans in Borneo [73]; while many incidents in the fable of Dogidog [74] are found in the Iban story of Simpang Impang [75].

When comparing the Tinguian versions of these fables with those of the Ilocano, one is impressed with the fact that while the incidents upon which they are founded are often identical, the stories themselves have frequently been moulded and changed by the tellers, who have introduced bits of old customs and beliefs until they reflect, in a way, the prevalent ideas of the people. Thus in the story of the magic _poncho_ [76], which is evidently of Spanish introduction, the owner is identified as the _banbantay_--a well-known minor spirit. Again, the first part of tale 85 is identical with that of the Ilocano, but ends with the parents of the groom preparing the things used in the _pakálon_--a very necessary part of the Tinguian marriage ceremony.

The footnotes have called attention to the many incidents which have their parallels in other districts. Reference to these shows that a large percentage are found in the islands toward the south. While recognizing that similarity of incidents does not necessarily mean identity of origin, we must still give full credit to the effects of borrowing, even over great distances. The easy communication along the coast during the past four hundred years and the contact with Spanish and Christianized officials and traders will readily explain the likeness of the tales in Division III to those held in distant islands, or even in Europe, but, as just noted, these are now undergoing change. Doubtless a similar inflow had been taking place, although at a slower rate, long before the Spaniards reached the Islands, and Tinguian mythology has grown up as the result of blending of native tales with those of other areas, the whole being worked over and reshaped until it fitted the social setting.

Previous writers--among them Ratzel and Graebner [77]--have sought to account for certain resemblances in culture, between Malaysia, Polynesia, and America, by historical connection. A part of our material--such as that of the blood-clot child (p. 125), [78] the rape of the maiden by the vine which carries her to the sky (p. 33), the magic flight (p. 75), and magic growth (p. 38) [79]--may seem to lend support to such a theory. These similarities are assuredly suggestive and interesting, but it appears to the writer that the material is too scanty and the folklore of intervening lands too little known to justify us in considering them as convincing proof of borrowing over such immense distances. [80]

General Results

Our study has brought out certain general results. We have seen that Tinguian folklore has much in common with that of other tribes and lands. While a part of this similarity is doubtless due to borrowing--a process which can still be seen at work--a considerable portion of the tales is probably of local and fairly recent origin, while the balance appears to be very old. These older tales are so intimately interwoven with the ceremonies, beliefs, and culture of this people that they may safely be considered as having been developed by them. They are doubtless much influenced by present day conditions, for each story teller must, even unconsciously, read into them some of his own experiences and the current beliefs of the tribe. At the same time these traditional accounts doubtless exercise a potent influence on the thoughts, beliefs, and actions of the people. In Tinguian society, where custom still holds undisputed sway, these well-known tales of past times must tend to cast into the same mould any new facts or experiences which come to them.

We believe that we are justified when we take the viewpoint of the Tinguian and consider "the stories of the first times" as essentially very old. How old it is impossible to state definitely, but a careful analysis of our material justifies us in believing that they reflect a time before the people possessed terraced rice fields, when domestic work animals were still unknown, and the horse had not yet been introduced into their land. That these are not recent events is attested by the great part they all now play in the ceremonial and economic life. It is evident that outside influences of great importance were introduced at a period later than the time when the Chinese first began to trade along the coasts of the Philippines for the prized jars, which play such an important rôle in the mythology, are not to be identified as those of native make but are ancient Chinese vessels dating back at least to the fourteenth and perhaps even to the tenth century [81].

It is probable that the glass, porcelain, and agate beads, which are second only to the jars in importance, are exceedingly old. Many ancient specimens are still in use and are held for as fabulous prices as are those found among the interior tribes of Borneo. Nieuwenhuis has shown that the manufacture of beads had become a great industry in the middle ages, and had extended even to China and Japan, whence the products may have spread contemporaneously with the pottery [82].

We have seen that, for the most part, the life, customs, and beliefs which appear in our reconstruction of "the first times" agrees closely with present conditions; certain things which seem formerly to have been of prime importance--such as the sending of a betel-nut covered with gold to invite guests to a festival or ceremony--appear to have their echo in present conditions. The betel-nut which played such a momentous part in the old times still holds its place in the rituals of the many ceremonies, although it is not now much used in daily life. The magic of to-day is less powerful than formerly, but is still a tremendous force. The communication of the ancient people with other members of the animate world, as well as with the inanimate and spiritual, and their metamorphosis into animals and the like, offers nothing strange or inconsistent to the people of to-day. They even now talk to jars, they converse with spirits who come to them through the bodies of their mediums, and people only recently deceased are known to have had the power of changing themselves, at will, into other forms.

In short, there is no sharp break between the mode of thought of to-day and that exhibited in the folklore. It is true that the tales give sanction to some things not in agreement with Tinguian usage--such, for instance, as the marriage of relatives, or the method of disposing of the dead--and it may be that we have here a remembrance of customs which long ago fell into disuse.

In a previous paper [83] the writer showed that there have been many migrations into Abra from the north, south, and west. A part of the emigrants have become thoroughly amalgamated with the Tinguian people and have doubtless introduced some part of their material culture and beliefs. This helps us to understand such conflicts as we have already noted in regard to the place held by thunder and lightning in the spirit world, as to the future abode of the spirits of the departed, as well as other discrepancies which the limits of this paper have prevented us from discussing.

It is not impossible that those customs of "the first times," which are at variance with those of to-day, may represent older ideas which have been swamped, or, on the other hand, the memory of the strange customs once practiced by the emigrants may have caused them to be attributed to the people of the tales.

Finally, we believe that a study of Tinguian mythology has shown us that we can gain a real knowledge of the past of a people through their folklore; that we can secure an insight into their mental life; and can learn something of the valuation they attach to certain of their activities and beliefs, which to us may seem at the surface trite and trivial.

Tales of the Mythical Period

1

"We go to take greens, sister-in-law Dinay, perhaps the _siksiklat_ [84] will taste good. I have heard that the _siksiklat_ is good," said Aponibolinayen. They went to get her _siksiklat_. When they arrived at the place of small trees, which they thought was the place of the _siksiklat_, they looked. Aponibolinayen was the first who looked. As soon as she began to break off the _siksiklat_ which she saw she did not break any more, but the _siksiklat_ encircled and carried her up. When they reached the sky (literally "the up"), the _siksiklat_ placed her below the _alosip_ [85] tree. She sat for a long time. Soon she heard the crowing of the rooster. She stood up and went to see the rooster which crowed. She saw a spring. She saw it was pretty because its sands were _oday_ [86] and its gravel _pagapat_ [87] and the top of the betel-nut tree was gold, and the place where the people step was a large Chinese plate which was gold. She was surprised, for she saw that the house was small. She was afraid and soon began to climb the betel-nut tree, and she hid herself.

The man who owned the house, which she saw near the well, [88] was Ini-init--the sun. But he was not in the place of his house, because he went out and went above to make the sun, because that was his work in the daytime. And the next day Aponibolinayen saw him, who went out of his house, because he went again to make the sun. And Aponibolinayen went after him to his house, because she saw the man, who owned the house, who left. When she arrived in the house, she quickly cooked, because she was very hungry.

When she finished cooking, she took the stick used in roasting fish and cooked it, and the fish-stick which she cooked became cut-up fish, because she used her magic power. [89] When she finished to cook the fish, she took out rice from the pot, and when she had finished to take out the rice from the pot, she took off the meat from the fish. When she finished taking the fish from the pot, she ate. When she finished eating, she washed. When she finished washing, she kept those things which she used to eat, the coconut shell cup and plate, and she laid down to sleep.

When afternoon came, Ini-init went home to his house after he finished fishing. He saw his house, which appeared as if it was burning, not slowly. He went home because it appeared as if his house was burning. When he arrived at his house, it was not burning, and he was surprised because it appeared as if there was a flame at the place of his bed. When he was in his house, he saw that which was like the flame of the fire, at the place of his bed, was a very pretty lady.

Soon he cooked, and when he had finished to cook he scaled the fish, and when he had finished scaling he cut it into many pieces, and he made a noise on the bamboo floor when he cut the fish. The woman awoke, who was asleep on his bed. She saw that the man who cut the fish was a handsome man, and that he dragged his hair. [90] The pot she had used to cook in looked like the egg of a rooster [91] and he was surprised because it looked like the egg of a rooster; and the rice which she cooked was one grain of broken rice. [92] Because of all this Ini-init was surprised, for the pot was very small with which she cooked. After Ini-init cooked, the woman vanished and she went to the leaves of the betel-nut, where she went to hide.

After Ini-init finished cooking the fish, he saw the bed, the place where the woman was sleeping, was empty. He was looking continually, but he did not find her. When he could not find her, he ate alone, and when he finished eating he washed, and when he finished washing the dishes he put away, and when he had finished putting away he went to the yard to get a fresh breath.

Not long afterwards he went to take a walk in the place of his betel-nuts. When he had finished to take a walk in the place of his betel-nuts, he went to sleep.

When it began to be early morning, he left his house, he who went up, because it was his business to make the sun. And Aponibolinayen went again into the house.

When it became afternoon, Ini-init went to his home, and Aponibolinayen had cooked, after which she went out to the betel-nut trees. When Ini-init arrived, he was surprised because his food was cooked, for there was no person in his house. As soon as he saw the cooked rice and cooked fish in the dish, he took the fish and the rice and began to eat. When he had finished eating, he went to his yard to take a fresh breath and he was troubled in his mind when he thought of what had happened. He said, "Perhaps the woman, which I saw, came to cook and has left the house. Sometime I shall try to hide and watch, so that I may catch her." He went to sleep, and when it became early morning he went to cook his food. When he had finished eating, he went again to make the sun, and Aponibolinayen went again to his house.

When the sun had nearly sunk, he sent the big star who was next to follow him in the sky, and he went home to spy on the woman. When he had nearly reached his home, he saw the house appeared as if it was burning. [93] He walked softly when he went up the ladder. He slammed shut the door. He reached truly the woman who was cooking in the house. He went quickly and the woman said to him, "You cut me only once, so that I only cure one time, if you are the old enemy." "If I were the old enemy, I should have cut before," said Ini-init, and he sat near her who cooked. He took out the betel-nut, and he arranged it so that they began to chew the betel-nut, and he said, "Ala! young lady, we are going to chew, because it is bad for us to talk who do not know each other's names." Aponibolinayen answered, "No, for if the rich man who practices magic is able to give to the rich woman who has magical power, soon there will be a sign." Ini-init said, "No, hurry up even though we are related, for you come here if we are not related." [94]

He begged her and he cut the betel-nut, which was to be chewed, which was covered with gold, and he gave it to the woman who had magical power, and they chewed. When she laid down the quid, it looked like the agate bead, which has no hole for the thread. And the quid of Ini-init looked like a square bead.

"My name is Ini-init, who often goes to travel over the world. I always stop in the afternoon. What can I do, it is my business," he said. Aponibolinayen was next to tell her name. "My name is Aponibolinayen, who lives in Kaodanan, who am the sister of Awig," she said, and when they had finished telling their names, both their quids looked like the agate bead which is _pinoglan_, which has no hole. Ini-init said, "We are relatives, and it is good for us to be married. Do not be afraid even though you did not come here of your own accord. I go to Kaodanan," he said. Then they married, and the sun went to shine on the world, because it was his business, and the big star also had business when it became night. Aponibolinayen staid alone in the house, and in the afternoon the sun again went home, but first he went to fish in the river. He went home when he had caught the big fish for them to eat--both those married. And when he arrived in their house he found Aponibolinayen, who was cooking, and he saw that she still broke up the fish-stick, which she cooked. Ini-init asked her, "What are you doing with that stick which you are breaking, which you put in the jar?" and Aponibolinayen replied, "I cook for us both to eat," and the sun laughed, because she cooked the stick. "You throw away that stick which you are cooking; this fish which I caught with the net is what you are to cook. It is not eatable that fish-stick which you cook," he said. Aponibolinayen said, "You shall see by and by, when we eat, what it will become. You hang up the fish which you caught, which we shall eat to-morrow." "Hurry up! You throw away that stick which you cook, it has no use. Even though you cook for one month, it will not become soft, and I do not think it will become good," said Ini-init. Aponibolinayen said, "No, you hurry and hang that fish which you caught with the net, because it is nearly cooked--the rice and the fish." Not long after she took out the rice from the jar, and she uncovered her cooked fish, which was a stick. When the sun saw that the fish came from the stick which she cooked, he was surprised and he asked her how she made the stick, which she cooked, turn to fish. Aponibolinayen said, "You hurry come and eat, for I have finished taking out the rice and fish." [95]

Not long after that the sun went truly in front of her to the place of the rice and cooked fish, and they ate.

Not long after they finished and Aponibolinayen washed, and when she had finished washing she put away those things which they ate and Ini-init made trouble because of the stick which became a fish. He again asked Aponibolinayen how she made the stick into fish, and Aponibolinayen said, "Do not trouble yourself, perhaps you know about the rich woman who practices magic in Kaodanan," and Ini-init said, "Yes, I know the rich woman who practices magic in Kaodanan, who sometimes has much power, who changes, who has no equal." Aponibolinayen said, "Why do you still ask if you know?" "I ask because I want to be sure, even though I know you have much power," said Ini-init. "If that is true, do not ask again," she said. Not long after while they were talking, they went to sleep, and when it began to be early morning Ini-init went to make the sun on all the world; when they had finished to eat he went to shine. Aponibolinayen staid in the house. When it came afternoon, the sun went down and he went directly to fish in the river, for the fish which they ate--the two who were married. Not long after he caught again a big fish, and he went home. When he arrived, Aponibolinayen had finished cooking, and he asked where she got the fish which she had cooked, and she said, "Why do you ask again? You know it is the stick which I cook, which is fish, which we ate, before you arrived again with fish. Throw away the fish which you caught, for this stick is many fish which I cook." After that Ini-init said, "Why do you order to throw away, that which serves the purpose to which we put it, even though you cook many sticks?" "If you value it, hang it on the hanger, and you come and eat."

Not long after they ate, and when they had finished eating, they washed, and when they had finished washing those things which they used to eat on, they talked and they went to sleep.

When it became the middle of the night, Aponibolinayen woke up. "I go up with you when you go up in the early morning," she said. Ini-init said to her, "Do not come, for it is very hot up above. You cannot endure the heat, and you will repent when we are there." "No, if it is too hot, we shall take many blankets and pillows, which I shall go under," she said again and again until it became early morning, then Ini-init agreed. They ate first and then they arranged those pillows and blankets which they took with them.

Not long after they went east, and when they arrived there the sun shone, and Aponibolinayen became oil because it was so hot, and Ini-init put her in a bottle, and he corked it and covered it with blankets and pillows, which sheltered her, and he dropped it down. She fell by the well in Kaodanan, and Indiápan, who was still dipping water, turned her face at the sound of the falling at her side. She saw many good blankets and pillows, and she unwrapped that which was wrapped, and when she had finished to unwrap she saw it was a pretty lady--none equal to her--and she was frightened. She went quickly to go up to the town, where they lived, and when she arrived there she said to the people, "We have been searching a long time for Aponibolinayen, and you killed and used many cows as food for the searchers, and you spent much for her. She is at the spring. I was frightened when she fell by me, who was dipping water from the well. I saw many pretty blankets and pillows, and I unwrapped that which was wrapped, and it was Aponibolinayen whom we are seeking," said Indiápan. They went quickly--her father and mother--and the other men went to see her, and when they arrived at the place of the well they saw Aponibolinayen whom they sought. "Where did you come from, Aponibolinayen, for whom we have been seeking? We have invited many and have fed many to search for you. Among the towns there is not one we did not search for you, and now you are here," said her father and mother. She said, "I came from Pindayan. I nearly did not come, because the _alzados_ [96] closed the way, and I escaped while they slept."

Not long after they went up to the town, and not long after they went to wash their hair and bathe in the river, and when they had finished washing their hair they went home.

Ebang said, "Ala! husband Pagatipánan, let us make _balaua_ [97] and invite our relatives who are sorrowing for Aponibolinayen," and Pagatipánan said, "We shall make _balaua_ when next month comes, but now Aponibolinayen feels ill, perhaps she is tired." Not long after that Aponibolinayen commanded them to prick her little finger which itched; and when her mother pricked it out popped a pretty baby. [98] Her mother asked, "Where did you get this baby, Aponibolinayen?" But Aponibolinayen did not tell. "I do not know where I got it, and I did not feel," she said. When they could not compel her to tell where she secured the baby, "Ala, we make _balaua_ to-morrow," said the father and mother.

They made _balaua_, and not long after Ebang used magic, so that many people went to pound rice for them, and when they had finished to pound rice they built _balaua_, and they went to get the betel-nut which is covered with gold for chewing. When these arrived, Ebang oiled them when it began to get dark. "You betel-nuts go to all the people in the whole world and invite them. If any of them do not come, you grow on their knees," said Ebang. And those betel-nuts went to invite all the people in the whole world. Every time they bathed the child they used magic, so that it grew as often as they washed it, until it walked. The betel-nuts arrived in the towns where they went to invite. The one that went to Nagbotobotán--the place where lived the old woman Alokotán--said, "Good morning, I do not tarry, the reason of my coming is that Ebang and Pagatipánan commanded me, because Aponibolinayen is there." "Yes, you go first, I will come, I will follow you. I go first to wash my hair and bathe," she said. The betel-nut which is covered with gold said, "I wait for you, for if you do not come, I shall grow on your knee." The old woman Alokotán started when she finished washing her hair and bathing. The betel-nut, which was covered with gold, took her, and not long after they arrived, and they met those whom the other betel-nuts went to summon in the other towns. No one wanted the baby to go to them, [99] and when none wished it to approach, the old woman Alokotán summoned the spirits. ("What town did they not yet invite?" This question was added by the story-teller. Not part of tale.) The old woman Alokotán said, "You invited all the people except Ini-init, who is above. You did not send the prepared betel-nut covered with gold to summon him. Perhaps he made Aponibolinayen pregnant, because the _siksiklat_ took her up when they went to gather greens--she and her sister-in-law, who is Dinay."

They commanded the betel-nuts, and they oiled them, and sent them. Not long after the betel-nut, whom they sent, arrived above, who went to call Ini-init. And the betel-nut said, when he arrived, "Good morning, Sun, I do not tarry. The reason of my visit is that Ebang and Pagatipánan, who make _balaua_, send me. If you do not wish to come, I will grow on your head." The sun said, "Grow on my head, I do not wish to go." The betel-nut jumped up and went on his head, and it grew. Not long after the betel-nut became tall and the sun was not able to carry it, because it became big, and he was in pain. "You go to my pig, that is what you grow on," he said. Not long after the betel-nut jumped on the head of his pig, and the pig began to squeal because it could not carry the betel-nut which began to grow on its head. And Ini-init said, "Ala! get off my big pig and I come." The betel-nut got off the pig.

Not long after they went and Pagatipánan carried the baby near to the gate. When Ini-init and the betel-nut approached, the baby was happy and he went to be carried by Ini-init. When they arrived at the festival place, the people saw that he who carried the baby rolled because he was round, and they saw he was not a man but a stone, and Ebang and Pagatipánan said, "Ala! Aponibolinayen, you start and take off your arm beads and you dress in rags, you wrap your wrists with strings, in place of the arm beads, so that you can go with the stone when he takes you to his home, when our _balaua_ is finished." Not long after Aponibolinayen started. She took off her beads and her dresses and exchanged them for rags and strings. When she changed her dresses, she went down the ladder, and she saw that he who carried the baby was a stone, which was round. After that Pagatipánan said, "Ala! now our _balaua_ is finished, you go home to the town of the stone." Aponibolinayen said, "Yes, if that is what you say." Those people who were invited bade them good-by, and when they went away, they went home also--those whom they invited.

Not long after they arrived at their home and the sun became a man, he who had been a stone before. "When next month comes we shall build _balaua_, Aponibolinayen, so that we can invite our relatives, and I will pay the marriage price, because I marry you," [100] said Ini-init to her. Soon the month arrived in which they said they would build _balaua_, and they summoned the old woman Alokotán, to start the _balaua_. Not long after they sent to get _bolo_ and _lono_ [101] with which to make the _dakidak_ and _talapitap_. [102] When it became afternoon the old woman Alokotán began to sing _da-eng_ [103] and the next night they sang _da-eng_ again. Not long after they commanded to pound rice, and Aponibolinayen used magic so that many women went to pound with them. [104] And Ini-init practiced magic so that they had many neighbors, and many who went to pound rice with them.

Soon they commanded to get the timbers for the _balaua_, and they prepared everything which they needed. When it became morning they built _balaua_, and not long after they went to get the prepared betel-nut, which is covered with gold, which they sent to invite their relatives. [105]

When they arrived--those prepared betel-nuts which were covered with gold--they oiled them at the beginning of the night, and sent them to invite. Aponibolinayen said, "I will use magic, so that you, betel-nut, may reach the town of our relatives so that you invite all of them. When there is one who will not come, you grow on their knees, as long as they do not come." Not long after they made _Libon_ [106] in the beginning of the night.

Those betel-nuts, whom they sent to invite, arrived, those which they sent to invite their relatives. They did not wish to go to make _balaua_. The betel-nuts who went to invite them said, "If you do not wish to come, I will grow on your knee." Pagatipánan said, "You grow," and the betel-nut grew on his knee, and it became high and he was in pain. "Ala! you get off my knee, and you go on my pig," he said, and the betel-nut went truly on his pig and it squealed. "You get off my pig, and we will come," he said, and the betel-nut truly got off the pig. "Ala! you who live in the same town, you go and wash your hair and bathe, and wash your clothes so that we can go to make _Sayang_ [107] with the stone and Aponibolinayen. Here is a betel-nut covered with gold which they send," said Pagatipánan. And the people who lived in the same town washed their hair and bathed, and they went to wash their clothes. Not long after it became afternoon and Pagatipánan used magic so that cake and singed pig appeared which they were to take to those who make _Sayang_, which they exchanged with those who make _Sayang_. [108] Not long after they arrived at the place of the gathering, and Aponibolinayen and Ini-init went to make _alawig_, [109] and when they had finished, they brought them up to the town. Pagatipánan said, "I did not think that the stone which rolled could change when he came to make _balaua_ with us."

"_Ala_! now all you who have arrived, rich men, you divide the prepared betel-nut which is covered with gold," said Ini-init. Not long after Pagatipánan cut the betel-nut and chewed, and the quid of Ini-init went to the quid of Pagbokásan, and the quid of Aponibolinayen went to the quid of Pagatipánan. [110]

"Ala! now that we have finished chewing, I will give the payment for Aponibolinayen, and now that you have found out that I am your son--father and mother--let us give the payment," [111] said Ini-init.

His father and mother said, "If that is what you say, my child, we will give," and they gave him the name of Aponitolau. [112] And Aponitolau said, "Ala! you play the _gansa_ [113] so that we can dance." When they played the _gansa_, Iwaginan took the _alap_ and _kinamayan_ [114] and he gave them to Aponibolinayen and Agyokan. When Aponibolinayen and Agyokan had finished dancing, they made Aponitolau and Asindamáyan dance. When Aponitolau and Asindamáyan finished dancing he made to dance Dinay of Kabisilan, who was the daughter of Dalonágan, and also they made to dance Kanag, [115] who was the son of Aponibolinayen and Aponitolau. When they finished to dance, Datalan and Dalonágan of Kabisilan danced, and when they finished to dance, Iwaginan made Dagapan and Indiápan dance. When they had finished dancing Ginteban and Agyokan were next. And the beads of Ginteban were jars, which struck together while they danced. Next were Iwaginan and Kindi-iñan who was the wife of Ilwisan of Dagapan. And when they had all danced they stopped playing the _gansa_. Aponitolau gave the payment for Aponibolinayen and it was the _balaua_ nine times filled with jars--_malayo, tadogan_, and _ginlasan_. [116] And when he had given all the payment they played again on the _gansas_ for one month and they danced.

When one month passed, they went home--their relatives whom they had invited. They said, "Ala! now Aponitolau and Aponibolinayen, since the day has arrived on which we go home, do not detain us for we have been here for a month, we go home to our town." Not long after they all went home. And the father and mother of Aponitolau took them home with them to Kadalayapan, and they took all their possessions from up above. When they arrived in Kadalayapan those who lived in the same town were surprised, for Aponitolau and Aponibolinayen were there. They went to see them and Balokánag (i.e., Kanag--their son) was large. It is said.

(Told by Magwati, a man of Lagangilang Abra.)

2

"I am anxious to eat the mango fruit which belongs to Algaba of Dagála," said Aponibolinayen. When she said this she was almost dying and she repeated it. "Ala cousin Dalonágan, you go and take cousin Dina-ogan, and go and secure the mango fruit of Algaba of Dagála," said Aponibalagen. "Why does Aponibolinayen want the mango fruit of Algaba of Dagála; does she not know that anyone who goes there cannot return?" asked Dalonágan. "Ala, you go and be careful and he will not hurt you," said Aponibalagen. And Dalonágan went truly, and started, and Aponibalagen gave Dalonágan a belt and earrings, which he was to trade for the mango fruit; and Dalonágan went to get Dina-ogan, and he took an egg. Not long after they went and they held the egg all the time as they walked. When they were in the middle of the way the egg hatched. When they had almost arrived in Dagála the chicken had become a rooster which could crow.

Not long after they arrived at the spring of Algaba of Dagála, and the people who dipped water from the spring were there. "You people who are dipping water from the spring, where is a shallow place where we can cross?" "Where is the shallow place where we can cross you say, rich men, perhaps you are enemies," said the women who were dipping water. "If we are enemies we would kill you," said Dalonágan. "You see the shallow place where the people cross," said the people who were dipping water from the well. Not long after they spread their belt on the water and they rode across. When they arrived on the other side of the river they took a bath. As soon as they finished bathing they went on top of a high stone and dried their bodies. The water which dropped from their bodies became agates which have no holes through them, and the women who were dipping water saw the agates which dropped from their bodies and they touched each other and said, "Look at that." When they put their clouts on they asked the women, "Where is the road to the house of Algaba of Dagála?" "You follow the _sagang_; [117] they lead to his house and his _balaua_," said the women who were dipping water from the well. "Will one of you guide us to the house of our cousin Algaba?" they said. "No, because no one comes to get water unless all are together," said the women. Not long after Dalonágan and his companion went up to the town and the defensive fence, which was made of boa constrictors, did not notice them for the snakes slept. Not long after they arrived at the _balaua_. "_Wes_," they said, and the old woman _alan_ [118] came to look at them through the window. "How are you?" she said. "Do not go to the _balaua_, because Algaba can see you," said the _alan_.

Algaba was playing with his sweetheart in the other house, when his sweetheart arrived from the well. "Your big snakes, which make the fence, did not see the enemies who came inside of the town." Then Algaba ran to his house and he was very angry when he saw the two men. He went to get his headaxe and spear and when he took them down the weapons shed tears which were of oil. "What is the matter with my weapons that they weep oil? Perhaps these men are my relatives," said the angry man. He dropped them and when he took another set they shed bloody tears.

The two men went up into the kitchen of the house, and Algaba went there. "How do you do now?" he said, still angry. "What do you want here?" "What are you here for, you ask, and we came to buy the mango fruit for Aponibolinayen who is nearly dead." "It is good that you came here," said Algaba, but he was angry and the two men were frightened, and they did not eat much. As soon as they finished eating, "What do you want to pay?" said Algaba. They let him see the one earring of Aponibolinayen. "I don't like that; look at the yard of my house. All the stones are gold," said Algaba. When he did not want the earring, they let him see the belt, and Algaba smiled. "How pretty it is! I think the lady who owns this is much prettier," he said to them. "Ala, you go and get two of the fruit." So they went truly, and Dalonágan went to climb and when he secured two mangoes he went down. "We go now." "I will go with you for I wish to see Aponibolinayen," said Algaba. He said to his mother _alan_ "You, mother, do not feel anxious concerning me while I am gone, for I want to go and see the sick lady who so desires the mango fruit. Watch for enemies who come inside the town." "Yes, do not stay long," said his mother _alan_.

Not long after they went and when they were in the middle of the way Algaba said, "Is it far yet?" "It is near now," they answered. "I use my power so that the sick woman, for whom they came to get fruit, will feel very ill and nearly die," said Algaba to himself. Not long after, truly they almost arrived. When they reached the well, he asked again, "Is it still far?" but he knew that the well belonged to Aponibolinayen. "It is near now; she owns this well," they said. Not long after they entered the gate of the town. "I use my power so that Aponibolinayen will die," he said, and she truly died. "Why is Aponibolinayen dead? The mango fruit which we went to get is worthless now," they said. "Perhaps she is the one they are wailing for," said Algaba of Dagála. When they reached the ladder, "The mango fruit which you went to get is no good at all," said Aponibalagen to them. "Yes, it is. I came because I wish to see her," said Algaba of Dagála. "If it is possible for you to bring her to life, please do so," said Aponibalagen to him, and took him inside of the house. Algaba looked at her, and she was a lady without an equal for beauty. Not long after he took the body in his arms. "I use my power so that when I whip my perfume [119] _kaladakad_ she will move directly," he said, and the body moved. "I use my power so that when I whip my perfume _banawes_ she will say '_Wes_'" and she at once said "_Wes_." "I use my power so that when I whip my perfume she will wake up," and she woke up. "_Wes_, how long my sleep was!" said Aponibolinayen, for she was alive again. "How long I sleep! you say. You have been dead," said Algaba, and Aponibolinayen looked at him and she it saw was not Aponibalagen who held her in his arms. "Why, Aponibalagen, do you detest me? Another man is holding me," she said, and she arose from his arms, because she was ashamed. "Do not leave me, lady; you would have been dead a long time if I had not come," said Algaba, and their rings exchanged of themselves while he was holding her and when Aponibolinayen had regained her breath, Algaba divided the mango fruit into two parts and he gave to Aponibolinayen, but she did not want to take it for she was ashamed. "If you do not wish to eat this fruit which I give you, you cannot go to anyone but me," said Algaba, and Aponibalagen left them alone.