Chapter LIII (13)

A great deal of commerce was carried on in Songhay during the dominion of the Áskías, especially in the towns of Gágho and Kúkiya; the latter being, as it appears, the especial market for gold as early as the latter half of the eleventh century. Salt, too, was the staple commodity, while shells already at that time constituted the general currency of the market; not, however, the same kind of shells that are used at present, but a different sort which were introduced from Persia; and there is no doubt that, even at that time, almost all the luxuries of the Arabs found their way into this part of Negroland. That Timbúktu also, since the decline of Bíru or Waláta, in the latter part of the fifteenth century, formed an important place for foreign commerce, is evident from the fact that the merchants of Ghadámes, even at the taking of the town by the Bashá Jódar, inhabited the same quarter as at the present day.

We also see, from Leo’s account[116], that the king of Songhay was obliged to spend a great proportion of his revenue in the purchase of horses from Barbary, by means of which he improved the native breed, as we have seen was the case in Bórnu, cavalry constituting the principal military strength of countries in the state of civilisation which prevails in Negroland. We also find coats of mail mentioned, as well as brass helmets, but no allusion is made to even a single musketeer, nor is the use of any firearms intimated by Áhmed Bábá, although he distinctly describes several engagements, and even single combats. It was this circumstance which secured to the small army sent by the Emperor of Morocco, a superiority which could not be contested by any numbers which the last Áskía, ruling over a kingdom of vast extent but undermined by intrigues and civil war, was able to oppose to it; and we must not conclude, from this circumstance, that an army of 4000 men was a great thing at that time in point of numbers, for the kings of Negroland, at least those of Songhay and Bórnu, at that period, were able to raise greater armies than any of the present kings of those regions could bring together, and we hear of an army of 140,000 men.

The circumstance of the kings of Songhay not having procured at that time—the end of the sixteenth century of our era—even the smallest number of firearms, is remarkable, if we compare with it the fact which I have dwelt upon in its proper place[117], that Edrís Álawóma, the king of Bórnu who ruled in the latter part of the sixteenth century, possessed a considerable number of muskets. The cannon which was found among the Songhay when they were conquered by the Moroccains had, I have no doubt, formed part of the present which the Portuguese had forwarded to Áskía Músa, as we shall further see in detail in the chronological tables; but the fact of the enemy having found this piece of ordnance among the spoil of the capital, and not in the thick of the battle, sufficiently proves that the Songhay did not know how to use it. As for the matchlocks, which even at the present day are preserved in Gágho, and of which, by some accident, I did not obtain a sight, they belonged originally to the very conquerors from Morocco, who afterwards, as Rumá, formed a stationary garrison, and even a certain aristocratical body, in all the chief towns of the kingdom.

Side by side with a certain degree of civilisation, no doubt, many barbarous customs were retained, such as the use of the lash, which in other parts of Negroland we find rarely employed, except in the case of slaves, but which, in Songhay, we see made use of constantly, even in the case of persons of the highest rank; and instances occur, as in that of the instigator of the revolt of El Hádi, under the king El Háj, of persons being flogged to death.[118]

It is certainly a memorable fact, of which people in Europe had scarcely any idea, that a ruler of Morocco, at the time when Spain had attained its highest degree of power under Philip II., and was filled with precious metals, should open an access to an extensive and rich country, from whence to procure himself an unlimited supply of gold, to the surprise of all the potentates of Europe. It is, moreover, a very remarkable circumstance, that the soldiery by means of which Múláy Hámed subdued that far-distant kingdom, and who were left as a garrison in the conquered towns, intermarrying with the females of the country, in the same way as the Portuguese did in India, managed to rule those extensive regions by themselves, even long after they had ceased to acknowledge the supremacy of the Emperor of Morocco, whose soldiers these Rumá originally had been, Rumá or Ermá being the plural form of Rámi, “shooter” or “sharpshooter;” and although they appear never to have formed a compact body ruled by a single individual, but rather a number of small aristocratic communities, the Rumá in Timbúktu having scarcely any connection with those in Bághena, nay, probably not even with those in Bamba and Gágho, yet superior discipline enabled them to keep their place. The nationality of these Rumá puzzled me a long time, while I was collecting information on these regions in the countries farther eastward; and they have lately attracted the attention of the French traveller Raffenel[119], during his journey to Kaárta, when he learnt so much about a people, whom he calls “Arama,” that he supposed them to be a distinct tribe, although the vocabulary which he collected of their idiom, shows it to be nothing but a slight variety of the Songhay language. However, it is clear, that under such circumstances the dominion exercised by this set of half-castes could not but be of a very precarious character; and after a protracted struggle with the smaller tribes around, they have been entirely crushed by the Tawárek, and in most of the towns of Songhay form at present an integral part of the degraded native population, although they have preserved their name of Rumá, or, as the name is generally pronounced, Rummá, and still claim a sort of moral ascendancy.

It will be seen from the preceding sketch, and become still more apparent from the chronological tables at the end of the volume, that Timbúktu has rather unjustly figured in Europe as the centre and the capital of a great Negro empire, while it never acted more than a secondary part, at least in earlier times; and this character evidently appears from the narrative of Ebn Batúta’s journey, in the middle of the fourteenth century. But on account of Timbúktu becoming the seat of Mohammedan learning and Mohammedan worship, and owing to the noble character of its buildings, well deserving to rank as a city or “medína,” a title which the capital itself perhaps never deserved, it always enjoyed great respect, even during the flourishing period of the latter; and after Gágho or Gógó had relapsed into insignificance, in consequence of the conquest by the Rumá at the end of the sixteenth century, Timbúktu, on account of its greater proximity to Morocco, became the more important place, where gradually the little commerce which still remained in that distracted region of the Niger was concentrated. But, nevertheless, during the age of anarchy which succeeded to the conquest of the country by the Rumá, and owing to the oppression from the Tawárek tribes on the one side, and the Bámbara and Fúlbe on the other, the state of affairs could not be very settled; and the town, shaken as it was to its very base by that fearful struggle of the inhabitants with the Kádhi Mústapha, with massacre, rapine, and conflagration following in its train, could not but decline greatly from its former splendour; yet under the alternately predominating influence of paganism, represented most strongly by the warlike tribe of the Bámbara, and of Mohammedanism represented by the Arab tribes[120], it struggled on, till in consequence of its being conquered by the Fúlbe of Másina, in the year 1826, a few months before the unfortunate Major Laing succeeded in reaching the town, it was threatened with the loss of all its commerce. For these people, owing to the impulse given to Mohammedanism in this part of Negroland by their countryman ʿOthmán dan Fódiye[121], had become far more fanatical champions of the faith than the Arabs and Moors; and treating the inhabitants of the newly conquered city, as well as the foreigners who used to visit it, with extreme rigour, according to the prejudices which they had imbibed, they could not fail to ruin almost the whole commercial activity of the place. Their oppression was not confined to the pagan traders, the Wangaráwa, who carry on almost the whole commerce with the countries south of the Niger, but extended even to the Mohammedan merchants from the north, especially the traders from Tawát and Ghadámes, against whom the Morocco merchants, instigated by a feeling of petty rivalry, succeeded in directing their rancour. It was in consequence of this oppression, especially after a further increase of the Fúlbe party in the year 1831, that the Ghadámsíye people induced the Sheikh el Mukhtár, the elder brother of El Bakáy, and successor of Sídi Mohammed, to remove his residence from the hille, or hillet e’ sheikh el Mukhtár, in Ázawád, half a day’s journey from the well Bel Mehán to Timbúktu. Thus we find in this distracted place a third power stepping in between the Fúlbe on the one side and the Tawárek on the other, and using the power of the latter as far as their want of centralisation allowed, against the overbearing character of the former. In consequence of this continued collision, the Tawárek drove the Fúlbe completely out of the town, about the year 1844, when a battle was fought on the banks of the river, in which a great number of the latter were either slain or drowned. But the victory of the Tawárek was of no avail, and only plunged the distracted town into greater misery; for, owing to its peculiar situation on the border of a desert tract, Timbúktu cannot rely upon its own resources, but must always be dependent upon those who rule the more fertile tracts higher up the river; and the ruler of Másina had only to forbid the exportation of corn from his dominions to reduce the inhabitants of Timbúktu to the utmost distress. A compromise was therefore agreed to in the year 1846, through the mediation of the Sheikh el Bakáy, between the different parties, to the effect that Timbúktu should be dependent on the Fúlbe without being garrisoned by a military force, the tribute being collected by two kádhis, one Púllo, and the other Songhay, who should themselves decide all cases of minor importance, the more important ones being referred to the capital. But, nevertheless, the government of the town, or rather the police, as far as it goes, is in the hands of one or two Songhay mayors, with the title of emír, but who have scarcely any effective power, placed as they are between the Fúlbe on the one side and the Tawárek on the other, and holding their ground against the former through the two kádhis, and against the latter by means of the Sheikh el Bakáy. Such is the distracted state of this town, which cannot be remedied before a strong and intelligent power is again established on this upper course of the Niger, so eminently favourable for commerce.

After these general remarks on the character of the history of Songhay, I proceed to give a diary of my stay in Timbúktu.

[Footnote 85: Cooley, “Negroland of the Arabs.”]

[Footnote 86: Revue Africaine, vol. i. p. 287, “Conquête du Soudan par les Marocains,” par le Baron Macguckin de Slane. Journal Asiatique, 1855, “Litérature du Soudan,” par M. le Professor Cherbonneau.]

[Footnote 87: This character is most strikingly indicated in those very remarks which M. le Baron de Slane has published in the notice (see preceding note) which was intended to depreciate the merit of Áhmed Bábá as a historian.]

[Footnote 88: According to Leo, this dynasty emigrated from Lybia.]

[Footnote 89: Vol. II. p. 507.]

[Footnote 90: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, vol. ix. p. 518.]

[Footnote 91: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, vol. ix. p. 525.]

[Footnote 92: “The palace which was erected in Timbúktu was called ‘mʿaduk,’ or ‘mʿadugu.’ This is evidently a Mandingo word, meaning ‘the house of the king;’ but it was certainly called so in the language of the conquerors, and not in that of the natives, and Áhmed Bábá understands the former when he says that the building was called by this name in _their_ language.”—_Journal of Leipsic Oriental Society_, ix. p. 525.]

[Footnote 93: The _u_ sound in the first syllable of the name is the only original one, not only in the Songhay, but also in the Arabic form; but it has gradually been changed into an _i_, and almost all the Arabs at the present time pronounce and write T_i_nbuktu, تِنبُكتُ. The town was probably so called, because it was built originally in a hollow or cavity in the sandhills. Túmbutu means hole or womb in the Songhay language: if it were a Temáshight word, it would be written T_i_nbuktu. The name is generally interpreted by Europeans, _well_ of Buktu, but _tin_ has nothing to do with well. See Vol. I. p. 333, note.]

[Footnote 94: See Áhmed Bábá, l.c. p. 526.]

[Footnote 95: It is remarkable that, in a map published at Strasburg in the year 1513, the kingdom of Melle appears under the name of Regnum Musa Melle de Ginoria. Atlas of Santarem, pl. No. 13.]

[Footnote 96: It is not to be wondered at that Leo, who visited Negroland just at the time when this prince was aspiring to power, and who must have written the greater part of what he relates of him and his conquests from information which he had received after he had left the country, should treat this usurper, whose identity with his Ischia cannot be doubtful, with very little indulgence; and it even seems as if he purposely intended to give a bad interpretation to everything which the king undertook, a fact which is clearly evident from what he relates with regard to his proceedings in Háusa. That the taxes imposed by him upon his subjects may have been heavy, I concede may be true, as without a considerable revenue he was not able to keep up a strong military force; but at least they evidently must have been much less than they were in the time of Sonni ʿAlí, when almost the whole population was engaged in war. We find a very heavy duty upon salt, from each load 5_l._]

[Footnote 97: See Cooley, “Negroland,” p. 75, n. 26. and p. 77, n. 28.]

[Footnote 98: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, vol. ix. p. 554. If there be no mistake, there was a “koy” as well as a “farma” in some of the provinces, such as Bára.]

[Footnote 99: A governor of the town of Sáy is perhaps indicated under the title of Sáy-weli. Ibid. p. 550.]

[Footnote 100: That Banku lay between Timbúktu and Ghágo is evident from the fact, that the governor of that province fled to Gágho, when Mohammed Sadík, the governor of Bel, or Bal, marched upon the capital of the empire.]

[Footnote 101: See the account in the Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 545.]

[Footnote 102: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 541:—“Then he made Kishya feréng of Kúrmina, and gave him the office of mezrʿa مزرع.”]

[Footnote 103: It is not improbable that Dirma was originally the name or title of the governor of Díre, as Balmʿa was that of the governor of Bal, and that it was in after times conferred upon the province of which he was the ruler. Caillié, vol. ii. p. 29.]

[Footnote 104: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 544.]

[Footnote 105: El Bekrí, ed. Macguckin de Slane, p. 150: ملك ماسين.]

[Footnote 106: In the passage (Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society), p. 546, in the seventh line, a second ك is added by mistake. The name cannot be read as Burgu-koy, as all the parties composing the army of the pretender Mohámmed e’ Sadík, are said to have belonged to _the people of the west_, while Burgu is situated at the S.E. frontier of Songhay; nay, it is quite clear, from page 547, that the Barakoy is meant, and not the Burgu-koy.]

[Footnote 107: Vol. II. p. 270.]

[Footnote 108: The exact meaning of the title “feréng-mangha,” and the authority with which it was invested, are not quite clear; for although there is little doubt that “feréng-mangha” signifies “great prince,” it is remarkable that on various occasions we find two “feréng-mangha” instead of one; and it is stated of Mohammed Ban Áskía, that he expressly designated two (J.O.S. p. 545). Moreover, we find that neither of these two was taken into account in appointing a successor (Ib. p. 546). But another passage (Ib. p. 552) is not less clear, stating plainly that, the feréng-mangha having fallen in the battle, the Áskía named another prince as his successor, implying clearly the identity of the title “feréng-mangha” with that of heir-apparent.]

[Footnote 109: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 533.]

[Footnote 110: Ibid. p. 555.]

[Footnote 111: El Bekrí, ed. de Slane, p. 183.]

[Footnote 112: See El Edrísi, trans. Jaubert, i. p. 288.]

[Footnote 113: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 532.]

[Footnote 114: Ibid. p. 527, from the year 936 A.H.]

[Footnote 115: Ibid. p. 541.]

[Footnote 116: Leo Africanus, l. vii. c. 3.]

[Footnote 117: Vol. II. p. 650.]

[Footnote 118: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 543.]

[Footnote 119: See Raffenel, Nouveau Voyage dans le pays des Nègres (made in 1847), Paris, 1856, vol. ii. p. 349, _et seq._; the Vocabulary, ibid. p. 399, _et seq._]

[Footnote 120: This condition of the town explains the great divergence of reports as to the creed prevalent in Timbúktu; but it is unintelligible that a person could actually visit the town without becoming aware that it contained several mosques, and very large ones, too, for such a place. For particulars, see the Appendix.]

[Footnote 121: See what I have said, p. 256, about the Sheikh Áhmedu, or rather Mohammed Lebbo, the founder of the kingdom of Hamda-Alláhi, having brought from Gando the religious banner under which he conquered Másina.]

CHAP. LXVII.

FIRST MONTH OF RESIDENCE IN TIMBÚKTU.

It had been arranged that, during the absence of the Sheikh el Bakáy, whose special guest I professed to be, my house should be locked up and no one allowed to pay me a visit. However, while my luggage was being got in, numbers of people gained access to the house, and came to pay me their compliments, and while they scrutinised my luggage, part of which had rather a foreign appearance, some of them entertained a doubt as to my nationality. But of course it could never have been my intention to have impressed these people with the belief of my being a Mohammedan; for having been known as a Christian all along my road as far as Libtáko, with which province the Arabs of Ázawád keep up a continual intercourse, although there the people would scarcely believe that I was a European, the news of my real character could not fail soon to transpire; and it was rather a fortunate circumstance that, notwithstanding our extremely slow progress, and our roundabout direction, the news had not anticipated us. I had been obliged to adopt the character of a Mohammedan, in order to traverse with some degree of safety the country of the Tawárek, and to enter the town of Timbúktu, which was in the hands of the fanatical Fúlbe of Hamda-Alláhi, while I had not yet obtained the protection of the chief whose name and character alone had inspired me with sufficient confidence to enter upon this enterprise.

Thus I had now reached the object of my arduous undertaking; but it was apparent from the very first, that I should not enjoy the triumph of having overcome the difficulties of the journey in quiet and repose. The continuous excitement of the protracted struggle, and the uncertainty whether I should succeed in my undertaking, had sustained my weakened frame till I actually reached this city; but as soon as I was there, and almost at the very moment when I entered my house, I was seized with a severe attack of fever. Yet never were presence of mind and bodily energy more required; for the first night which I passed in Timbúktu was disturbed by feelings of alarm and serious anxiety.

On the morning of the 8th of September, the first news I heard was, that Hammádi the rival and enemy of El Bakáy had informed the Fúlbe, or Fullán, that a Christian had entered the town, and that, in consequence, they had come to the determination of killing him. However, these rumours did not cause me any great alarm, as I entertained the false hope that I might rely on the person who, for the time, had undertaken to protect me: but my feeling of security was soon destroyed, this very man turning out my greatest tormentor. I had destined for him a very handsome gift, consisting of a fine cloth bernús, a cloth kaftán, and two tobes, one of silk and the other of indigo-dyed cotton, besides some smaller articles; but he was by no means satisfied with these, and peremptorily raised the present to the following formidable proportions:—

Shells.

Two blue bernúses of the best quality, worth 100,000

One kaftán 40,000

Two waistcoats; one red and one blue 15,000

Two silk tobes 35,500

Two Núpe tobes 30,000

A pair of small pistols, with 7 lbs. of fine powder

Ten Spanish dollars

Two English razors, and many other articles

While levying this heavy contribution upon me, in order to take from the affair its vexatious character, my host stated, that as their house and their whole establishment were at my disposal, so my property ought to be at theirs. But even this amount of property did not satisfy him, nor were his pretensions limited to this; for, the following day, he exacted an almost equal amount of considerable presents from me, such as two cloth kaftáns, two silk hamáíl, or sword belts, three other silk tobes, one of the species called jellábi, one of that called harír, and the third of the kind called filfil, one Núpe tobe, three túrkedís, a small six-barrelled pistol, and many other things. He promised me, however, on his part, that he would not only make presents of several of these articles to the Tawárek chiefs, but that he would also send a handsome gift to the governor of Hamda-Alláhi; but this latter condition at least, although the most important, considering that the town was formally subjected to the supremacy of the ruler of Másina, was never fulfilled; and although I was prepared to sacrifice all I had for the purposes of my journey, yet it was by no means agreeable to give up such a large proportion of my very limited property to a younger brother of the chief under whose protection I was to place myself.

Thus my first day in Timbúktu passed away, preparing me for a great deal of trouble and anxiety which I should have to go through; even those who professed to be my friends treating me with so little consideration.

However, the second day of my residence here was more promising. I received visits from several respectable people, and I began to enter with spirit upon my new situation, and to endeavour by forbearance to accommodate myself to the circumstances under which I was placed. The state of my health also seemed to improve, and I felt a great deal better than on the preceding day.

I was not allowed to stir about, but was confined within the walls of my house. In order to obviate the effect of this want of exercise as much as possible, to enjoy fresh air and at the same time to become familiar with the principal features of the town, through which I was not allowed to move about at pleasure, I ascended as often as possible the terrace of my house. This afforded an excellent view over the northern quarters of the town. On the north was the massive mosque of Sánkoré, which had just been restored to all its former grandeur through the influence of the Sheikh el Bakáy, and gave the whole place an imposing character. Neither the mosque Sídi Yáhia, nor the “great mosque,” or Jíngeré-bér, was seen from this point; but towards the east the view extended over a wide expanse of the desert, and towards the south the elevated mansions of the Ghadámsíye merchants were visible. The style of the buildings was various. I could see clay houses of different characters, some low and unseemly, others rising with a second story in front to greater elevation, and making even an attempt at architectural ornament, the whole being interrupted by a few round huts of matting. The sight of this spectacle afforded me sufficient matter of interest, although, the streets being very narrow, only little was to be seen of the intercourse carried on in them, with the exception of the small market in the northern quarter, which was exposed to view on account of its situation on the slope of the sand-hills which, in course of time, have accumulated round the mosque.

But while the terrace of my house served to make me well acquainted with the character of the town, it had also the disadvantage of exposing me fully to the gaze of the passers by, so that I could only slowly and with many interruptions, succeed in making a sketch of the scene thus offered to my view, and which is represented in the plate opposite. At the same time I became aware of the great inaccuracy which characterises the view of the town as given by M. Caillié; still, on the whole, the character of the single dwellings was well represented by that traveller, the only error being that in his representation the whole town seems to consist of scattered and quite isolated houses, while, in reality, the streets are entirely shut in, as the dwellings form continuous and uninterrupted rows. But it must be taken into account that Timbúktu, at the time of Caillié’s visit, was not so well off as it is at present, having been overrun by the Fúlbe the preceding year, and he had no opportunity of making a drawing on the spot.

Although I was greatly delighted at the pleasant place of retreat for refreshing my spirits and invigorating my body by a little exercise which the terrace afforded me, I was disgusted by the custom which prevails in the houses like that in which I was lodged, of using the terrace as a sort of closet; and I had great difficulty in preventing my guide Ammer el Waláti, who still staid with me and made the terrace his usual residence, from indulging in this filthy practice.

Being anxious to impart to my friends in Europe the news of my safe arrival in this far-famed town, I was busily employed in writing letters, which gave fresh impulse to my energy. My tormentor Sídi Alawáte himself seemed anxious to rouse my spirits, which he could not but be conscious of having contributed a great deal to depress, by sending me word that he himself would undertake to accompany me on my home journey, as he intended making the pilgrimage to Mekka; but, having once had full opportunity of judging of the character of this man, I placed but little confidence in his words.

Meanwhile, I began to provide what was most necessary for my comfort, and bought for myself and my people a piece of good bleached calico, “shígge,”[122] or “sehen híndi,” as it is called here, for 13,500 shells, and three pieces of unbleached calico for 8000 each. At the same time I sent several articles into the market, in order to obtain a supply of the currency of the place, 3000 shells being reckoned equal to one Spanish dollar.

Thus I had begun to make myself a little more comfortable, when suddenly on the morning of the 10th, while I was suffering from another attack of fever, I was excited by the report being circulated, that the party opposed to my residence in the town was arming in order to attack me in my house. Now, I must confess that, notwithstanding the profession of sincere friendship made to me by Sídi Álawáte, I am inclined to believe that he himself was not free from treachery, and, perhaps, was in some respect implicated in this manœuvre, as he evidently supposed that, on the first rumour of such an attack being intended, I should abandon my house, or at least my property, when he might hope to get possession underhand of at least a good portion of the latter before the arrival of his brother, whom he knew to be a straightforward man, and who would not connive at such intrigues. With this view, I have no doubt, he sent a female servant to my house, advising me to deposit all my goods[123] in safety with the Táleb el Wáfi, as the danger which threatened me was very great; but this errand had no other effect than to rouse my spirits. I armed immediately, and ordered my servants to do the same, and my supposed protector was not a little astonished, when he himself came shortly afterwards with the Waláti (who, no doubt, was at the bottom of the whole affair), and found me ready to defend myself and my property, and to repulse any attack that might be made upon my residence, from whatever quarter it might proceed. He asked me whether I meant to fight the whole population of the town, uttering the words “gúwet e’ Rúm,” “strength of the Christians;” and protested that I was quite safe under his protection and had nothing to fear, and certainly, for the moment, my energetic conduct had dispersed the clouds that might have been impending over my head.

But notwithstanding his repeated protestations of sincere friendship, and although he confirmed with his own mouth what I had already heard from other people, that he himself was to accompany me on my return journey as far as Bórnu, he did not discontinue for a moment his importunity in begging for more presents day by day.

One day he called on me in company with his principal pupils, and earnestly recommended me to change my religion, and from an unbeliever to become a true believer. Feeling myself strong enough in arguments to defend my own religious principles, I challenged him to demonstrate to me the superiority of his creed, telling him that in that case I should not fail to adopt it, but not till then. Upon this, he and his pupils began with alacrity a spirited discussion, in the firm hope that they would soon be able to overcome my arguments; but after a little while they found them rather too strong, and were obliged to give in, without making any further progress at the time in their endeavours to persuade me to turn Mohammedan. This incident improved my situation in an extraordinary degree, by basing my safety on the sincere esteem which several of the most intelligent of the inhabitants contracted for me.

While thus gaining a more favourable position, even in the eyes of this unprincipled man, I had the pleasure of receiving a letter from his elder, more intelligent, and straightforward brother, the Sheikh el Bakáy himself, late in the evening of the 13th, full of the most assuring promises that I should be quite safe under his protection, and that he would soon arrive to relieve me from my unsatisfactory position. And although I felt very unwell all this time, and especially the very day that I received this message, I did not lose a moment in sending the Sheikh a suitable answer, wherein I clearly set forth all the motives which had induced me to visit this city, in conformity with the direct wish of the British government, whose earnest desire it was to open friendly intercourse with all the chiefs and princes of the earth; mentioning among other Mohammedan chiefs with whom such a relation existed, the Sultan ʿAbd el Mejíd, Múlá ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, and the Imám of Maskat; and whose attention the region of the Great River (Niger), together with Timbúktu, had long attracted. At the same time I assured him that his own fame as a just and highly intelligent man, which I had received from my friends far to the east in the heart of Negroland, had inspired me with full confidence that I should be safe under his protection. In consequence of the views which I set forth in this letter, I was so fortunate as to gain the lasting esteem of this excellent man, who was so much pleased with the contents of it, that on its arrival in Gúndam, where he was at the time, he read it to all the principal men, Tawárek, Songhay, and even Fullán, in whose company he was staying.

Meanwhile, in order to obtain the friendship and to secure the interest of other and more selfish people, I gave away a great many presents; but, from what I learned afterwards, I had reason to suspect that they did not all reach the persons for whom they were intended. Most of them remained in the possession of the greedy Weled Ámmer Waláti, through whose hands they had unfortunately to pass.

The day that I received the important message from the Sheikh has been impressed on my memory with so much greater force, as it was the grand festival of the Mohammedans, or the ʿAíd el Kebír. Here also in this city, so far remote from the centre of Mohammedan worship, the whole population, on this important day, said their prayers outside the town; but there being no paramount chief to give unity to the whole of the festive arrangements, the ceremonies exhibited no striking features, and the whole went off very tamely, only small parties of from six to ten persons forming groups for joining in prayer, while the whole procession comprised scarcely more than thirty horses.

After my fever had abated for a day or two it returned with greater violence on the 17th, and I felt at times extremely unwell and very weak, and in my feverish state was less inclined to bear with tranquillity and equanimity all the exactions and contributions levied upon me by Sídi Álawáte. We had a thunder-storm almost every day, followed now and then by a tolerable quantity of rain; the greatest fall of rain, according to the information which I was able to gather, annually occurring during the month of September, a phenomenon in entire harmony with the northerly latitude of the place. This humidity, together with the character of the open hall in which I used to pass the night as well as the day, increased my indisposition not a little; but the regard for my security did not allow me to seek shelter in the storeroom wherein I had placed my luggage, and which, being at the back of the hall, was well protected against cold, and, as it seemed at least, even against wet. For, not to speak of the oppressive atmosphere and almost total darkness which prevailed in that close place, in taking up my residence there I should have exposed myself to the danger of a sudden attack, while from the hall where I was staying I was enabled to observe everything which was going on in my house; and through the screen which protected the opening, close by the side of my couch, I could observe everybody that entered my yard long before they saw me. For this reason I preferred this place even to the room on the terrace, although the latter had the advantage of better air. I may observe that these upper rooms in general form the private residence of most of the people in the town who have the luxury of such an upper story.

1. First segífa, or, as it is called in Songhay, “sífa,” or ante-room.

2. Second segífa, with a staircase, or “tintim,” (3) leading to the terrace, “garbéne,” and the front room on the terrace, where three of my people well-armed were constantly keeping watch.

4. Inner court-yard.

5. Hall, with two open entrances, wherein I had my residence by night and day, on the reed-bed on the right.

6. Store-room capable of being locked up.

7. Covered passage, or corridor.

8. Second court-yard, originally intended for the female department, but where I kept my horse, the surrounding rooms as well as the back wall of the house being in a state of decay.]

[Sidenote: Monday, September 26th.]

About three o’clock in the morning, while I was lying restlessly on my couch, endeavouring in vain to snatch a moment’s sleep, the Sheikh Sídi Áhmed el Bakáy arrived. The music, which was immediately struck up in front of his house by the women, was ill adapted to procure me rest; while the arrival of my protector, on whose disposition and power the success of my whole undertaking and my own personal safety fully depended, excited my imagination in the highest degree, and thus contributed greatly to increase my feverish state.

The following day I was so ill as to be quite unable to pay my respects to my protector, who sent me a message begging me to quiet myself, as I might rest assured that nothing but my succumbing to illness could prevent me from safely returning to my native home. Meanwhile, as a proof of his hospitable disposition, he sent me a handsome present, consisting of two oxen, two sheep, two large vessels of butter, one camel load, or “suníye,” of rice, and another of negro-corn, cautioning me, at the same time, against eating any food which did not come from his own house. In order to cheer my spirits, he at once begged me to choose between the three roads by which I wanted to return home—either through the country of the Fúlbe, or in a boat on the river, or, by land, through the district of the Tawárek.

As from the first I had been fully aware that neither the disposition of the natives, and especially that of the present rulers of the country, the Fúlbe, nor the state of my means, would allow me to proceed westward, and as I felt persuaded that laying down the course of the Niger from Timbúktu to Sáy would far outweigh in importance a journey through the upper country towards the Senegal, I was firm in desiring from the beginning to be allowed to visit Gógó. For not deeming it prudent, in order to avoid creating unnecessary suspicion, to lay too great stress upon navigating the river, I preferred putting forward the name of the capital of the Songhay empire; as in visiting that place I was sure that I should see at least the greater part of the river, while at the same time I should come into contact with the Tawárek, who are the ruling tribe throughout its whole course.

But the generous offer of my friend was rather premature; and if at that time I had known that I was still to linger in this quarter for eight months longer, in my then feeble condition, I should scarcely have been able to support such an idea; but fortunately Providence does not reveal to man what awaits him, and he toils on without rest in the dark.

[Sidenote: Tuesday, September 27th.]

This was the anniversary of the death of Mr. Overweg, my last and only European companion, whom I had now outlived a whole year; and whom, considering the feeble state of my health at this time, while my mind was oppressed with the greatest anxiety, I was too likely soon to follow to the grave. Nevertheless, feeling a little better when rising from my simple couch in the morning, and confiding in the protection tendered me by a man whose straightforward character was the theme of general admiration, and which plainly appeared in the few lines which I had received from him, I fondly cherished the hope that this day next year it might be my good fortune to have fairly embarked upon my home journey from Negroland, and perhaps not to be far from home itself. I therefore, with cheerful spirit, made myself ready for my first audience, and leaving my other presents behind, and taking only a small six-barrelled pistol with me, which I was to present to the Sheikh, I proceeded to his house, which was almost opposite my own, there intervening between them only a narrow lane and a small square, where the Sheikh had established his “msíd,” or daily place of prayer. Áhmed el Bakáy, son of Sídi Mohammed, and grandson of Sídi Mukhtár[124], of the tribe of the Kunta, was at that time a man of about fifty years of age, rather above the middle height, full proportioned, with a cheerful, intelligent, and almost European countenance, of a rather blackish complexion, with whiskers of tolerable length, intermingled with some grey hair, and with dark eyelashes. His dress consisted at the time of nothing but a black tobe, a fringed shawl thrown loosely over the head, and trowsers, both of the same colour.

I found my host in the small upper room on the terrace, in company with his young nephew, Mohammed Ben Khottár, and two confidential pupils, and, at the very first glance which I obtained of him, I was agreeably surprised at finding a man whose countenance itself bore testimony to a straightforward and manly character; both which qualities I had found so sadly wanting in his younger brother, Sídi Álawáte. Cheered by the expression of good-nature in his countenance as he rose from his seat to receive me, and relieved from all anxiety, I paid him my compliments with entire confidence, and entered into a conversation, which was devoid of any affected and empty ceremonious phrases, but from the first moment was an unrestrained exchange of thoughts, between two persons who, with great national diversity of manners and ideas, meet for the first time.

The pistol, however, with which I presented him, soon directed our conversation to the subject of the superiority of Europeans in manufacturing skill, and in the whole scale of human existence; and one of the first questions which my host put to me was, whether it was true, as the Ráís (Major Laing) had informed his father, Sídi Mohammed, during his stay in Ázawád, that the capital of the British empire contained twenty times 100,000 people.

I then learned to my great satisfaction what I afterwards found confirmed by the facts stated in Major Laing’s correspondence[125], that this most enterprising but unfortunate traveller, having been plundered and almost killed by the Tawárek[126], in the valley Ahénnet, on his way from Tawát, was conducted by his guides to, and made a long stay at, the camp or station of the Sheikh’s father, Sídi Mohammed, in the hillet Sídi el Mukhtár, the place generally called by Major Laing Beled Sídi Mohammed, but sometimes Beled Sídi Mooktar, the Major being evidently puzzled as to these names, and apt to confound the then head of the family, Sídi Mohammed, with the ancestor Sídi Mukhtár, after whom that holy place has been called. It is situated half a day’s journey from the frequented well Bel Mehán, on the great northerly road, but is at present deserted.[127]

We thus came to speak of Major Laing, here known under the name of E’ Ráís (the Major), the only Christian that my host, and most of the people hereabouts, had ever seen; the French traveller, Réné Caillié, who traversed this tract in 1828, having, in his poor disguise, entirely escaped their observation, not to speak of the sailors Adams and Scott, who are said to have visited this place, although their narrative does not reveal a single trait which can be identified with its features.

Major Laing, during the whole time of our intercourse, formed one of the chief topics of conversation, and my noble friend never failed to express his admiration, not only of the Major’s bodily strength, but of his noble and chivalrous character.[128] I made immediate inquiries with regard to Major Laing’s papers, but unfortunately, not being provided with a copy of the blue book containing all the papers relating to that case, I had not the means of establishing all the points disputed. I only learnt that at the time none of those papers were in existence, although the Sheikh himself told me that the Major, while staying in Ázawád, had drawn up a map of the whole northerly part of the desert from Tawát as far south as the hillet or the place of residence of his father.

Meanwhile, while we were conversing about the fate of my precursor in the exploration of these regions, my host assured me repeatedly of my own perfect safety in the place, and promised that he would send the most faithful of his followers, Mohammed el ʿAísh, with me to the Tawárek, from whence I might continue my journey in the company of my former companion. Such, I think, was really his intention at the time, but circumstances, which I am soon to detail, were to change all these premature plans.

Having returned to my quarters, I sent my host his present, which consisted of three bernúses, viz. one heláli, or white silk and cotton mixed, and two of the finest cloth, one of green and the other of red colour; two cloth kaftáns, one black and the other yellow; a carpet from Constantinople; four tobes, viz., one very rich, of the kind called “harír,” and bought for 30,000 shells, or twelve dollars, one of the kind called filfil, and two best black tobes; twenty Spanish dollars in silver; three black shawls, and several smaller articles, the whole amounting to the value of about 30_l._ He then sent a message to me, expressing his thanks for the liberality of the Government in whose service I was visiting him, and stating that he did not want anything more from me; but he begged that, after my safe return home, I would not forget him, but would request Her Majesty’s Government to send him some good fire-arms and some Arabic books; and I considered myself authorised in assuring him, that I had no doubt the English Government would not fail to acknowledge his services, if he acted in a straightforward manner throughout.

Pleasant and cheering as was this whole interview, nevertheless, in consequence of the considerable excitement which it caused me in my weak state, I felt my head greatly affected; and I was seized with a shivering fit about noon the following day, just as I was going to pay another visit to my friend. On the last day of September, I entered into a rather warm dispute with Álawáte, whom I met at his brother’s house, and whose ungenerous conduct I could not forget. My protector not possessing sufficient energy, and, in his position, not feeling independent enough to rebuke his brother for the trouble which he had caused me, begged me repeatedly to bear patiently his importunities, though he was aware of my reasons for disliking him. On another occasion, he made me fire off the six-barrelled pistol in front of his house, before a numerous assemblage of people. This caused extraordinary excitement and astonishment among the people, and exercised a great influence upon my future safety, as it made them believe that I had arms all over my person, and could fire as many times as I liked.

Thus the month of September concluded satisfactorily and most auspiciously, as it seemed. For I had not only succeeded in reaching in safety this city, but I was also well received on the whole; and the only question seemed to be how I was to return home by the earliest opportunity and the safest route. But all my prospects changed with the first of the ensuing month, when the difficulties of my situation increased, and all hopes of a speedy departure appeared to be at an end. For in the afternoon of the first of October, a considerable troop of armed men, mustering about twenty muskets, arrived from Hamda-Alláhi, the residence of the shekho Áhmedu ben Áhmedu, to whose nominal sway the town of Timbúktu and the whole province has been subjected since the conquest of the town in the beginning of the year 1826. These people brought with them an order from the capital to drive me out of the town; and Hammádi, the nephew and rival of the Sheikh El Bakáy, feeling himself strengthened by the arrival of such a force, availed himself of so excellent an opportunity of enhancing his influence, and, in consequence, issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of the town, commanding them, in stringent terms, to attend to the orders of the emír, and in the event of my offering resistance, not even to spare my life.

There can scarcely be any doubt that my protector, as far as a man of a rather weak character was capable of any firm resolution, had intended to send me off by the very first opportunity that should offer; but the order issued by the emír of Hamda-Alláhi (to whose authority, he was vehemently opposed), that I should be forthwith driven out of the town or slain, roused his spirit of opposition. He felt, too, that the difficulties of my leaving this place in safety were thus greatly augmented. All thoughts of my immediate departure were therefore set aside; partly, no doubt, from regard to my security, but much more from an anxious desire to show the Fullán, or Fúlbe, that he was able to keep me here, notwithstanding their hostile disposition and their endeavours to the contrary. There were, besides, the intrigues of the Waláti, my guide on the journey from Yágha, who, finding that the Sheikh did not approve of his dishonest conduct towards me, endeavoured to get me out of his hands, in order that he might deal with me as he liked. My broker, too, ʿAlí el Ágeren, seeing the difficulties of my situation, gave me entirely up, making his own safety the only object of his thoughts.

The Sheikh, when he had fully understood what I had told him with regard to the power and the political principles of the sovereign of Great Britain, had determined to write a letter with his own hand, expressing his satisfaction that I had come to pay him my compliments, and in order to endeavour to counteract the discouraging effects produced by the account of Major Laing’s death, and, if possible, to obtain for himself a few presents. This letter, it was understood in the beginning, I myself should take with me; but, in the evening of the third of October, I suddenly, to my great amazement, received the intelligence that I was to send my man, ʿAlí el Ágeren, to Ghadámes or Tripoli with this letter, accompanying it with a note from my own hand, while I myself remained behind, as a kind of hostage, in Timbúktu, until the articles which the Sheikh El Bakáy had written for were received. But I was not to be treated in this way by intrigues of my own people; and the following morning I sent a simple protest to the Sheikh, stating that, as for himself, he might do just as he liked, and if he chose to keep me as a prisoner or hostage, he might do so as long as he thought fit; but that he must not expect to receive so much as a needle from the Government that had sent me until I myself should have returned in safety. My host, too, had just before intimated to me that it would be best to deliver my horse and my gun into his hands; but I sent him an answer, that neither the one nor the other should leave my house until my head had left my shoulders. It was rather remarkable that a person of so mean a character as the Waláti should for a moment gain the upper hand of a man of such an excellent disposition as the Sheikh; but it was quite natural that this clever rogue should continually incite Sídi Álawáte to make new demands upon my small store of valuable articles.