Chapter XI

Mourzouk — A beggarly Court — An Ulemah — A miserable Country — Why the City flourishes — A Man of Good Faith — The Beni Seyf and the Bischr — Departure for Tripoli — A grave Assembly — Agreeable Conversation — Arrival at Gharian — Infidel Bedawins — Tripoli — Journey to Tunis — Sheikh arrives at his Father’s House — Paternal Honesty — Omar sets out again for Wadaï — The Sheikh’s Marriage — Death of his Father — Other Journeys — He goes to Egypt — Conclusion.

Having remained three days at Catroun, we went in four more to Mourzouk, usually called Zeylah. At the gates our slaves were counted and registered by the officers of the customs, as if we had been entering a great city. But Mourzouk is a wretched borough, inhabited by blacks from Afnou, and a heterogeneous population of Arabs from Tripoli, Jalou, Aujila, and Derna. It is situated in a plain, far from any other town or village. The bazaar is miserably small, containing only fourteen shops. A market is held every afternoon for about an hour and a half; and goods are then sold by a crier, who goes up and down, announcing the prices offered.

We were presented to the Sultan, as he calls himself, although he is in reality a mere governor. He was the well-known Mountaser, who afterwards rebelled against the Pasha of Tripoli. He received us with much haughtiness, and with an attempt at state. I never saw such an enormous white turban as the one he wore. It was folded in the Mekka fashion,—that is, swelling more over the right temple than the left,—but the size was so ridiculously exaggerated, that his Majesty dared scarcely bend his head. I could not help laughing to myself at his airs of importance. He deigned to receive our presents, but addressed us not except by slight signs. Decorum in Fezzan consists in restraining the prodigality of ceremonies. The court of this mighty Sultan consisted of a number of fellows wrapped in old, worn-out blankets. They looked very wretched. I afterwards went to the Vizier Othman’s, and found him surrounded by a lot of dirty people playing on old tambourines and cracked flutes. Everything in this country is miserable. I could find no food to eat with pleasure, and spent three months there very wretchedly.[59]

Few strangers from the Magreb, or any other country, who are at all accustomed to easy living, can make up their minds to settle at Mourzouk. They say that a learned man, an Ulema, once came to teach at that city. He was immediately surrounded by disciples; the crowd came to his lessons; he was listened to with avidity—which is the supreme happiness of men of science: yet, in spite of this, one morning the worthy Ulema ran away from the place in a great hurry. He could not put up with it any longer. “It is impossible to stand it,” said he. “Wherefore?” inquired some one.—“Wherefore? Why, because it is the veritable image of hell. Hell is hot,—so is Mourzouk: the damned are black,—so are the people of Mourzouk: hell has seven gates,—so has Mourzouk. What the deuce do you expect one to do in a place which completely answers the definition of hell?” So away he went as fast as he could.

Verily, it is an abominable country. Women sell themselves for a handful of barley,—at least so they say. Besides, there is not a dish which can be eaten with pleasure; there never falls a drop of rain; man and beasts live on the same food— dates: there is the abiding-place of fever, nourished by continual feeding on dates and barley-bread. Wheat is so rare that only the great people and the Sultan can indulge in it: butter is as difficult to be got as red sulphur. What can one do with the grease which is sold at Mourzouk for kitchen-stuff? What _can_ one do in a country where men eat clover, with a little salt, as a delicacy, where a fowl costs half a mitkal of gold, and ten eggs are charged half a riyal? I have seen servants come before the Women’s Kadi to complain that they had not enough to eat,—even of dates. In one word, merchants only have any cause to be pleased with Mourzouk; for they gain sometimes a thousand per cent there.

It is by the passage of the caravans that the city subsists. All those that come from Bornou, from Wadaï, from Bagirmeh, and, indeed, both Western and Eastern Soudan, meet here. Merchants of Aujila ply between Egypt and Mourzouk; and those of Sokneh and Bengazi between Tripoli and Mourzouk, which has become a veritable central mart of commerce. The slaves preferred there are those of Haussa, the capital of Afnou; and, indeed, in all markets they fetch the highest prices. The Tuaricks and the Tuatee come for the purposes of trade to Mourzouk, where also pass the pilgrim caravans from all the West.

The people of Fezzan are remarkable for benevolence and probity, as an example will prove. A Fezzanee had dissipated his moderate fortune in extravagance, and was reduced to misery. Some days before the departure of a caravan for Soudan, accordingly, he went and cut a number of palm-leaves, and, taking the stems, wrapped them up carefully in thick cloth, making them appear like bales of merchandise. Then he placed them on a camel, and taking them into the city, paid a couple of douros on each as a tax; for it is the custom to make a fixed charge, and not to search. Having got his two bales safe in his house, the Fezzanee went to the Vizier Othman, and said,—“To-morrow a caravan departs for Soudan. I have just received two bales of merchandise, which I cannot take with me; I will leave them with thee as a pledge, if thou wilt lend me two hundred dollars for the speculation I am going to undertake. When I return I will pay.” “Willingly,” said the vizier, trusting in his good faith. The bales were brought, the money was counted out, and the man departed. In six months he returned, having been fortunate, and went to the vizier, confessed his trick, paid back the money, and the two were ever afterwards friends. The Prophet has said,—“Good faith is the ark of salvation.”

I was detained long at Mourzouk, as I have said, and became weary and disgusted. The roads were infested by the tribe of Bedawins called the Beni Seyf-en-Nasr, who robbed and murdered travellers, so that even caravans dared not depart.[60] At length, however, I obtained an opportunity of departure under the conduct of one Bou-Bekr, a chief of the tribe of the Bischr. This tribe had formerly been defeated by the Beni Seyf, and forced to take refuge in Fezzan, where they settled, leaving their rivals in possession of the surrounding desert. Yusef Pasha, of Tripoli, however, hearing of this, and wishing to employ them to reduce the Beni Seyf, had sent for their chief men to have an interview. It was with this deputation that I obtained permission to depart. Bou-Bekr told me to meet him at Shiatee, and giving me a guide, I departed with my camels, and in five days reached the place of rendezvous. Here I was well received by Bischr, the chief of the tribe, and treated in all respects as if I was one of them. So I waited patiently until the arrival of Bou-Bekr, rejoiced at having escaped from Mourzouk, feeding on milk and meat, and seeing with pleasure my camels pasturing on the excellent herbage which grows in the Wady of Shiatee.

On the arrival of Bou-Bekr the tribe collected in a general council to deliberate. Every one, old and young, came to discuss the general situation. I shall always remember the impression which this assembly produced upon me, and the freedom with which all the members expressed their opinions. Young people, children of from twelve to fifteen years of age, equally with the reverend people of the tribe, had a deliberative voice, and were listened to without excitement or indifference. No one held back from giving an opinion, and all opinions were duly weighed and considered. It was really a marvellous thing to see old men listening to, and weighing the words of, unbearded youths and mere children. The sight of no assembly ever moved me more. Such things are not seen, I believe, in any other country. An assembly so calm, so attentive, so grave, representing all ages, gathered together to discuss a question of general interest to all ranks, is a model to be imitated by the peoples of the earth. I know not how behave the deliberative councils of France and England, but I am persuaded that both French and English might go and take a lesson of gravity and freedom, an example for the forms of public discussion, in the deserts of Africa, among the children of the tribes of Bischr. There are savages who have some good in them; there is wisdom even among louts; there are simpletons who can teach the wise; just as in the desert there are some oases, some spots of greenery.

It was decided that some of the principal men of the tribe should go to Tripoli with Bou-Bekr, whilst the others remained at Shiatee. The preparations that were necessary—such as collecting provisions, getting together water-skins, and so forth— lasted five days. On the sixth we departed, with an escort of twenty Arabs, and entered upon vast plains beyond the limits of Fezzan. The Bischr who accompanied us talked much, but had no topics but their own incursions, battles, and robberies. “Do you remember,” would they say one to the other, “how on such a day we made such an expedition—how we were attacked by such a tribe—how I killed such an one?—the whole tribe saw me give that famous blow!” This was the matter of conversation among these Bedawins during the entire journey. We advanced for fifteen days over plains dotted with trees and covered with verdure. The Arabs constantly sent out scouts to watch the horizon and look sharp for ambuscades wherever the ground seemed to favour an attack. On the sixteenth day we reached the district of Gharian, which is well wooded and adorned with gardens, picturesque and wild places, springs of water and large ponds: saffron grows here, and fruits of various kinds. The people are good and hospitable. They lodge under ground; so that on approaching their villages only the minarets of the mosques are to be seen, and the houses set apart for strangers. We were well received, and generally halted at night near a village. All I had to complain of was the food. Their great dish is a thick paste soaked in oil, and seasoned with date-marmalade. I could never eat more than a couple of mouthfuls. We were five days in traversing this district, where we were in perfect safety, having nothing to fear but God.

I must say, however, that I was displeased with the Bischr, my companions, on account of their total indifference in matters of faith and law. They never pray; nothing is reprehensible or forbidden among them; crime and virtue are all one. They swear only by the oath of divorce. They continually boast of the number of enemies they have killed, of people they have robbed; and seem to think that time is lost which is not devoted to these occupations. I used to say to them, “Such works and such a life are criminal, forbidden by God. Give up such habits; be corrected.” They would answer: “We are men of forbidden things; we live in them and by them. God has created us Bedawins of the desert, that we may do them.” I quoted the Koran and the maxims of the Prophet, at which they laughed and treated me as a fool. One of them, named Katar, said, that if I had not been under the protection of Bou-Bekr, he would long ago have seized my camels and my slaves. In fact, these tribes regard nothing as sacred: if there are any pious men among them they are very aged and decrepit. All their Islamism consists in repeating the Profession of Faith.[61]

Leaving Gharian, we proceeded towards Tripoli, when the first thing we saw was a man hanging over the gateway. I did not long remain there. It is a city not nearly so great as its reputation. There are two gates, one towards the market-place; the other towards the sea. The houses remind me of those of Alexandria, before it was embellished by Mohammed Ali. All the merchants nearly are natives of the island of Jirbeh. At Tripoli I sold all my slaves, except one from Bagirmeh, named Zeitoun, whom I loved. Then I set out by sea for Tunis, and having visited Safakes, at length arrived in sight of my native place. We recognised it by its dazzling whiteness, by the glittering panes of its houses, by its eaves of shining tin, by its cupolas covered with semi-cylindrical tiles, and varnished green.

We went to the okella (hotel) of travellers from Safakes. I hired two asses, and placing on them my kitchen-utensils and bedding, mounted one myself, and placed my slave on the other. Then we penetrated into the interior of the town, asking for my father’s house. I found that he had gone to a country dwelling, and proceeding thither, found at length my father walking in the garden. He had a dozen concubines, five fellow-servants, and the black servant; and he had given a young slave to his mother.

I was received with distinction and apparent joy. My two cousins, young girls, came to salute me, and so did my sister and my grandmother. I related my adventures, but said nothing of the money which was in my belt, and begged my slave to keep the secret.

Towards evening my father caused a bath to be prepared, and told me to wash myself from the dust of travel. Unsuspecting, I complied; and the attendant, when I was undressed, took up my old garments and carried them away, leaving in their place a new Tunisian dress. It happened that my father took up my girdle, and finding it heavy, knew that it contained money. He accordingly appropriated the whole. I dared not at first remonstrate, but did so at length through the medium of a friend. My father was very angry, and said that whatever I had belonged to him; that he had supplied the capital, and was the cause of the favour of the Sultan of Wadaï; and that if I ever alluded to the subject again I should be turned out of doors. So I was reduced to silence.

Some time afterwards, however, my father, feeling the roving disposition come over him again, called to me, and said: “I wish to undertake a second journey to Wadaï, and bring back my children with the rest of my family, and arrange all my affairs. Remain, then, at the sanieh. I give it to you, with the land adjoining, in exchange for the money I have had of yours. Watch over this little domain and cultivate it. I leave for that purpose oxen and tools. In the warehouse is abundance of barley for cattle, and of wheat for seed. I leave to your care my mother and your cousins.” I requested my father not to undertake such a journey, and offered to go in his place, but he would not listen to my advice; and having made his preparations, started with many presents for the Sultan of Wadaï.

I settled at the sanieh without money, but with my grandmother and cousins to support. I cultivated the ground; and when I was in want sold a portion of my store of barley. Soon after my father’s departure, my grandmother advised me to marry the younger of my cousins, and I at length consented. Two years passed, and I received news of my father’s death from Tripoli. I repaired there, and met Sedan, my father’s slave. He told me that he had been sent to Mourzouk to sell slaves, and had realised nine hundred and sixty dollars; but that Moknee, who was then governor of Fezzan, had taken them from him. This determined me to return across the desert. I reached Mourzouk in safety, and with some difficulty got back my money. Then I started for Wadaï again; but on the borders of the country of the Tibboo-Reshad I met a large caravan, with which was my Uncle Zarouk. I found that he had appropriated my father’s property; and it was only after a violent quarrel that I got back a portion—namely, a number of slaves.

I returned to Tunis with my slaves, and soon afterwards disposed of my sanieh, which I found to be a losing concern. Then I went to live in Tunis itself, and passed there two years, during which I spent a great part of my fortune. Fearing poverty, I determined to undertake the pilgrimage to Mekka, and carry merchandise with me. My wife refused to accompany me; so I started alone, on board a brig, which touched first at Susa. Whilst we stayed here I made a little excursion to Cairawan. Eleven days afterwards we sighted Alexandria. From this place I went to Cairo, where I was rejoiced to find my mother alive and well. I gave her a hundred piastres for her expenses. Seven days after my arrival I bought an Abyssinian slave, a beautiful girl, gentle and honest. Her heart was good and loving, and she shared my joys and sorrows. I kept her for six years, until she died (A.D. 1821) of the plague. No loss ever grieved me more than the loss of my beautiful Abyssinian girl, whom may God regard with mercy!

* * * * *

CONCLUDING NOTE.

The Sheikh now reverts to his last voyage to Fezzan, and gives further details. After this he promises to write what befell him during his pilgrimage to Mekka, and in a visit he subsequently made to the Morea; but this portion of his work he has not yet executed. I have thought it best to give but a mere outline of the concluding section of his travels. What I have presented will impart some idea of the kind of life led by these Oriental wandering merchants, and enable us to understand the working of the Mohammedan social system, and especially of polygamy. The reader will not have failed to perceive that the intercourse of the sexes becomes almost fortuitous; that filial and parental affection are necessarily weakened and nearly destroyed; and that natural sentiments, though they show themselves now and then, do so in a merely episodical and unimportant way. The great bane of Muslim civilisation is this idea, that women are an article of property. The worthy Sheikh, who so regrets his Abyssinian girl, forgets to tell us what became of Zeitoun. He had loved another slave also, but had endeavoured to change her away to satisfy a momentary caprice. These reflections, however, will have suggested themselves to the sagacious reader.

THE END.

* * * * *

London: Printed by G. BARCLAY, Castle St. Leicester Sq.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: If the reader should wish to consult Dr. Perron’s work in the British Museum, he will find the “Voyage au Darfour” under the head “Muhammad Ibn Umar,” in the Old Catalogue, p. 98 _b_; and the “Voyage au Wadaï” under the same head in the New Catalogue. I believe that, after “Mehemet,” it would be impossible to select a system of spelling more likely to mislead in pronunciation. The Arabic version will be found in the New Catalogue—also under Muhammad, but further on, p. 103 _a_.]

[Footnote 2: See the introduction for observations on the chronology of the Sheikh.]

[Footnote 3: It will be observed that our Sheikh here drops all allusion to his mother, who, perhaps, to a certain extent, abandoned him. Altogether, this narrative illustrates the slightness of the family bond in the East.]

[Footnote 4: The Arabs rarely start on a journey on Friday before the mid-day prayer, it being considered unlucky.—_Perron_.]

[Footnote 5: The Sheikh had better fortune, if his memory did not betray him, than most travellers. It generally takes a good day’s sail to reach as far as Benisouef.]

[Footnote 6: This was during the French occupation of Egypt.]

[Footnote 7: The Darfur caravan still starts from the same neighbourhood.]

[Footnote 8: The eunuchs of high rank in Darfur marry, that they may appear to have a family.]

[Footnote 9: Rashid was one of the titles of the Orphan.]

[Footnote 10: Basy is a title meaning great, and is applied to most of the courtiers.]

[Footnote 11: It is evident that this is the account of a partisan; and, if we could interest ourselves in these distant politics, we might perhaps become convinced that Zawanah was the victim of that jealousy and fear which all powerful foreigners excite in Darfur. We shall presently see that, in one case at least, Abd-er-Rahman did not merit the title of Rashid. It is very possible that he regretted the wealth he had bestowed upon the Mamlouk.]

[Footnote 12: The Sheikh, who had already abandoned his personal narrative to relate the historical incidents that preceded or were contemporary with his residence in Darfur, now assumes a didactic tone, and gives the result of his observations, interspersing personal adventures and anecdotes. It is, perhaps, necessary to repeat that Darfur is pronounced Darfoor.]

[Footnote 13: Aghadez, described in Mr. Richardson’s “Mission to Central Africa.”]

[Footnote 14: It is possible that some filthy custom of this kind, among our ancestors, was the origin of the contemptuous expression of lick-spittle.]

[Footnote 15: Read the private histories of most courts for instances equally absurd: the origin of high cravats, of shaving in some periods, of beard-wearing in others; of long hair, of short hair, of wigs, of pantaloons; of Protestantism, of Romanism, of adultery, and piety. The poor Forians, falling off their saddle, in imitation of their sovereign, would, perhaps, feel offended by this comparison.]

[Footnote 16: A similar ceremony is celebrated in China by the emperors.]

[Footnote 17: This singular custom of concealing the face with the Litham, as a mark of sovereignty, is found in most parts of Central Africa. The whole conquering tribe of Touaricks, and, indeed, all people of Berber race, keep it up. I noticed it at Siwah.]

[Footnote 18: I once saw at Cairo a Zikr of the kind, in which a woman stood behind the performers and excited them by her singing.]

[Footnote 19: Previously called Anbousah. See p. 45.]

[Footnote 20: In Egypt I have observed that, in spite of the great number of black concubines, there absolutely exists no class of mulattoes. The children almost all die young.]

[Footnote 21: The Sheikh gives a detailed account of the operation, as also of various other kinds of treatments for different diseases, which it may be curious for medical men to consult. I have no doubt that many barbarous nations are in possession of valuable medical secrets.]

[Footnote 22: So the Forians, as well as the English, regard as a delicacy meat in which the process of putrefaction has commenced.]

[Footnote 23: The zhalym has on each wing eight beautiful white plumes, and the rabdah eight grey ones.]

[Footnote 24: I suppose this is the same tree as the tholukh, so often mentioned in Mr. Richardson’s “Journal.”]

[Footnote 25: Chloroform?]

[Footnote 26: This royal way of paying debts appears to be common in Soudan. See the exploits of the Sarkee of Zinder, in Richardson’s “Journal.”]

[Footnote 27: Those who are acquainted with the history of recent political events, need not go to the centre of Africa for an example of a prince pausing in the midst of massacre to perform those pious duties which public opinion is always ready to set down to the account of the powerful.]

[Footnote 28: I cannot again refrain from pointing out the singular similarity which exists between the histories of all nations in which the idea of authority is developed, and in which a man or a family presumes to look upon a whole people as personal property. The fact of this similarity is, perhaps, the only useful information we can derive from a study of the bloody annals of empires, present or past, expiring or nascent.]

[Footnote 29: It is amusing to see the right divine of kings asserted in the person of the ferocious Saboun, and how priests of all forms of faith are ready to justify bloodshed in the interest of authority. It must be observed, that the learned men to whom this case was submitted made no allusion to the mild alternative expressed in the last words of the law.]

[Footnote 30: This splendid description of how an African prince wades through slaughter to a throne, and at once becomes an idol, is an unconscious satire of some of the great events of modern history.]

[Footnote 31: I have preserved with some regret the constant reference to a sacred Name in this Chapter, because the frightful picture it contains, and the terrible code of political morals which it represents, would be otherwise incomplete. The Sheikh, who has no suspicion of wrong, goes on to give his theory of absolute government, and, naturally taking the optimist view, uses the old comparison of the shepherd and the flock. I may remark that it is peculiarly characteristic of the bloodiest despotic governments, and their defenders of all degrees of refinement, to make a wanton use of the Divine Name.]

[Footnote 32: M. Fresnel, French consul at Jeddah, has published a memoir on the abou-kern, which he considers to be the unicorn, and not the rhinoceros.—_Perron_. In this case, however, the Sheikh clearly marks that he means the khartit; and in no part of his work makes allusion to the unicorn.]

[Footnote 33: This title corresponds to the Ab of Wadaï and Darfur.]

[Footnote 34: The Sheikh here enters into considerable details on the revolution by which this change of government took place. Those who have read the “Journal” of Mr. Richardson will be aware that his principal servant was a descendant of the Moknee mentioned in the text.]

[Footnote 35: It is just possible that Saboun may have been ruthless only against his political enemies. The glowing character, however, which I have given complete in the text, is evidently the work of a parasite. The Sheikh has as little respect for human life as a Soudan prince. In a lengthy episode, which I am obliged to omit, he refers to Saboun’s murder of his brother, and says that a man who gets his enemies into his power, and pardons them, prepares for himself dangers which may cost him his life, “for according to the Prophet, on whom be the benediction of God, no wise man suffers himself to be twice stung by a viper;” and then he goes on to tell an illustrative story of Noman the One-eyed.]

[Footnote 36: Let us here admire the Sheikh’s modesty—a quality not common in travellers. An European doctor, after a week or two’s residence in a country of which he does not know the language, will send home to a learned society an elaborate account, not only of the present state, but of the history and origins of all its tribes and families. The Sheikh resided more than a year in Wadaï, and nearly eight years in the neighbouring country of Darfur.]

[Footnote 37: This is the punishment prescribed by the Muslim law. In most countries, however, the same feeling which forces women to use the veil leads to the employment of the sack for women taken in adultery.]

[Footnote 38: These observations may be transferred from the Bornouese to the classes which check public opinion at present in France, and, to a certain extent, in England. I notice that most people who are opposed to war on principle—setting aside those who are guided by religious motives, the smallest number—are comfortable and fat.]

[Footnote 39: In a former Chapter it is said that the palace has seven gates, the fourth of which is the iron gate.]

[Footnote 40: This state ought scarcely to be reckoned amongst those of Soudan. It more properly belongs to the Sahara, although the neighbourhood of Soudan has certainly influenced its manners and its population. It is inhabited by people of Berber origin, mixed with blacks.]

[Footnote 41: The Sheikh speaks loosely and from report. The route from Bornou to Adagez (Aghadez) is first slightly north of west, as far as Zindar, and then turns north-north-west. Adagez is the capital of the kingdom of Aheir, the northern limits of which form, in fact, the southern limits of the Central Sahara.]

[Footnote 42: The Sheikh seems distressed lest the Jengueh should stifle themselves; but it is evident that, after having anointed their bodies, they simply roll in the ashes, and collect, as it were, in this way a peculiar kind of counterpane.]

[Footnote 43: The French traveller, Le Vaillant, gives, I remember, some still more curious facts of this nature. Among the tribes which he visited, advancing towards Central Africa from the south, he saw bulls which seemed, at first sight, to have four or even eight horns. He afterwards learned that the owners, as soon as the horns began to grow, used to split them carefully into two or four parts, and afterwards carefully bend and twist them into the shapes they desired.]

[Footnote 44: Assertions of this kind, so common among travellers, have generally been disproved by more careful research.]

[Footnote 45: In fact, they appear to mean only a single country, the capital of which is Kanou.]

[Footnote 46: News travels quicker than we are apt to think amongst the Easterns, especially if it concerns their faith. Probably Zaky was excited to begin his crusade by the news that came from Arabia.]

[Footnote 47: Niffy is situated on the easternmost bend of the Niger. It appears certain that the American slave-traders penetrate sometimes thus far with their schooners. Mr. Richardson heard, on the confines of Soudan, a very detailed account of white men who came up the great river to Niffy.]

[Footnote 48: “This,” says Mr. Perron, “refers probably to the foundation of Sakkatou, which name, however, was not given till 1805.”]

[Footnote 49: These bags are used to carry water. Two of them form a camel-load. The water-dealers fill from them the sheep-skin bags which they carry on their backs.]

[Footnote 50: It would be difficult to invent any more effective way of exciting a feeling of horror against this wretched institution of slavery, which still lags in the rear of the army of abuses that has been put to flight, than this cold-blooded statement.]

[Footnote 51: See “Voyage to Darfur.”]

[Footnote 52: The Sheikh here relents from his uncompromising condemnation of the Forian character, which probably had its origin in the rough treatment he himself received on some occasions.]

[Footnote 53: It is worth while to reflect on the frightful state of society that must be produced by a consistent adherence to the laws of the Koran, which it is the fashion among sensualists in all times, and politicians at this particular moment, to praise directly, or by implication.]

[Footnote 54: There is something very ludicrous in this excessive severity against women expressed by a man like the Sheikh. The same one-sided feeling, in a mitigated form, dictated a clause in the proposed divorce bill of this last session.]

[Footnote 55: I have myself noticed the rapidity with which a Bedawin encampment prepares to meet what may seem to be a surprise. When our caravan rose over the little hills that command the settlement of Mudar, scarcely a minute elapsed before the women were engaged in driving away the cattle on the opposite side, whilst the men came running to meet us, imagining us to be an attacking party.]

[Footnote 56: Here follows a singular story, the principal incident of which, however, can scarcely be adapted to European reading.]

[Footnote 57: I suppose he means “capable of bearing arms.” He had not previously mentioned that there were any Tibboos with him, except the family of Ahmed.]

[Footnote 58: I have given the Sheikh’s account of the incidents of this journey in some detail—although his geographical information is wonderfully meagre—because I think it is the only record we have of personal observation in that desert. What he says of the manners of the Tibboos agrees well with other accounts.]

[Footnote 59: The Sheikh is prejudiced against Fezzan, which, however, is not a very delightful oasis. Besides, he was impatient to reach his own country; and nothing appears so disagreeable as the vestibule of a house you are anxious to enter, if you are kept long waiting.]

[Footnote 60: This tribe was subsequently driven into the Saharah, and forced to retreat as far as the borders of Soudan, where its turbulent and marauding disposition engaged it in constant quarrels with its black neighbours. It was nearly exterminated in 1851.]

[Footnote 61: The Sheikh seems to have understood pretty well the character of the Bedawins, who are, in fact, a set of coarse barbarians, with some few fine qualities, which sound very well when spoken of in poetry or romance, apart from the vulgar and repulsive realities of their ordinary existence.]

Transcriber's note:

pg x Changed: Story of Passon to: Passion pg 27 Changed: Story of Passon to: Passion pg 33 Added period after: the Kaliph, Abou-Bekr footnote 18 (pg 109) Changed: a woman tood behind to: stood pg 135 Changed: what is call the narrah to: called pg 168 Changed: Ab-el-Kerim to: Abd-el-Kerim pg 249 Changed: Spina Celtica to: Spica pg 263 Changed: a frightful punish- was to: punishment pg 309 Changed: many soldie to: soldiers Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.