Chapter XXIII: Book IV (8)

It was on the 28th of January that Sanuda and Adero were ordered to carry king Hezekias to Wechné, which they did, and left him there without disfiguring him in any part of his body, as is the cruel, but usual custom in such cases. But both the Iteghè and her son were of the most merciful disposition; and the general reputation they had for this was often the cause of tumults and rebellions that would not have had birth in severer reigns.

It was not long after this when there appeared a pretender to the crown, very little expected. He said he was the old king Bacuffa; that he had given it out that he was dead, for political reasons, and was come again to claim his crown and kingdom. Never was resurrection so little wished for as this; a violent fear fell upon part of the multitude for some time; but his name making no party, whether true or false, he was seized upon without bloodshed, tried, and condemned to die. This punishment was changed into one of a _supposed_ gentler kind, the cutting off his leg, and sending him to Wechné. The operation, always performed in the grossest manner by an ax, high up the leg, and near the knee, is generally fatal; for there is no one, having either skill or care, to take up the ends of the veins and arteries separated by the amputation; they only apply useless stiptics and bandages, of no effect, till the patient bleeds to death. This is the common case, so that the pretended Bacuffa died, in consequence of the operation, before he came to Wechné, though he was by his sentence reprieved from death.

The king, now arrived at the seventh year of his reign, proclaimed a general hunt, which is a declaration of his near approach to manhood; but he pursued it no length, and again returned to Gondar.

At that time, a great party of the queen’s relations was made against Ayo governor of Begemder, It began by a competition between Kasmati Geta the queen’s brother, and Ayo, who should have that province. The common voice was for Ayo, not only as a man of the greatest interest in the province, but in all respects unexceptionable throughout the kingdom. Welled de l’Oul, (brother to Geta) however, being now Ras and Betwudet, Geta governor of Samen, Eusebius, and all the rest of them in high places at court, Geta was preferred to the government of Begemder. Ayo, though avowedly a good subject of the king, was determined not to be made a sacrifice to a party. He therefore refused to resign his government, and prepared to defend himself.

Upon this, Adero, governor of Gojam, with the whole forces of that province, passed the Nile, and entered Begemder; Geta on the side of Samen, and last of all Welled de l’Oul marched with a royal army to join the forces that had already begun to lay waste the country, where unusual excesses were committed. Ayo’s house was burned to the ground, so were all those of his party, and their lands destroyed, greatly to the general damage of the province and capital. Ayo was now obliged to save himself by flight. It was said, that the king (though his army was ready) refused to march against Ayo; but with a party of his own set out for Aden, on the frontiers of Sennaar, to hunt there; nor did he return till the executions were over in Begemder.

Adero fell back to Gojam, and Welled de l’Oul to Gondar soon after. The king himself appeared very much contented with his own expedition, in which he had shown great dexterity and bravery, having killed two young elephants, and a gomari, or hippopotamus, with his own hands. Nor did he stay any time at Gondar, or make any preferments, the usual consequences of victories, but prepared again for another hunting-expedition, or an attack upon the Shangalla. The queen and Welled de l’Oul opposed strongly his resolution. But Yasous seemed to be weary of being governed. He was fast advancing to manhood, and of a disposition rather forward for his age. His expedition against the Shangalla was attended with no accident; and he returned to Gondar on the 3d of June, with a number of slaves, much better pleased that he had neglected, rather than taken, his mother’s advice.

It was on the 23d day of December that Yasous again set out on another hunting-party, and killed two elephants and a rhinoceros. He then proceeded to Tchelga, and from Tchelga to Waldubba; thence he went to the rivers Gandova and Shimfa. These are two rivers we shall have occasion frequently to speak of in our return through Sennaar, in which kingdom the one is called Dender, the other Rahad. Here he exercised himself at a very violent species of hunting, that of forcing the gieratacachin, which means long-tail; it is otherwise called giraffa in Arabic. It is the tallest of beasts; I never saw it dead, nor, I think, more than twice alive, and then at a distance. It is, however, often killed by the elephant-hunters. Its skin is beautifully variegated when young, but turns brown when arrived at any age. It is, I apprehend, the camelopardalis, and is the only animal, they say, that, in swiftness, will beat a horse in the fair field.

It was not with a view to hunt only, that Yasous made these frequent excursions towards the frontiers of Sennaar. His resolution was formed (as it appeared soon after) in imitation of his forefather Socinios, to revive his right over the country of the _Shepherds_, his ancient vassals, who, since the accession of strength by uniting with the Arabs, had forgot their ancient tribute and subjection, as we have already observed.

The king in five days marching from Gidara came to a station of the Daveina, which is a tribe of shepherds, by much the strongest of any in Atbara. He fell into their encampments a little before the dawn of day. The first shew they made was that of resistance, till they had got their horses and camels saddled; they then all fled, after the king had killed three of them with his own hand. Ras Woodage signalized himself likewise by having slain the same number with the king. The cattle, women, and provisions fell all into the king’s hand, and were driven off to Gondar. Their arrival gave the town an entertainment to which they had a long time been strangers. Many thousand camels were assembled in the plain, where stands the palace of Kahha, (upon a river of that name) large flocks of horned cattle, of extraordinary beauty, were also brought from Atbara, which the king ordered to be distributed among his soldiers, and the priests of Gondar, and such of the officers of state as had been necessarily detained on account of the police, and had not followed the army.

This year, 1736, there happened a total eclipse of the sun which very much affected the minds of the weaker sort of people. The dreamers and the prophets were everywhere let loose, full of the lying spirit which possessed them, to foretel that the death of the king, and the downfal of his government were at hand, and deluges of civil blood were then speedily to be spilt both in the capital and provinces. There was not, indeed, at the time any circumstance that warranted such a prediction, or any thing likely to be more fatal to the state, than the expenditure of the large sums of money that the turn the king had taken subjected him to.

He had built a large and very costly church at Koscam, and he was still engaged in a more expensive work in the building of a palace at Gondar. He was also rebuilding his house at Riggobee-ber, (the north end of the town) which had been demolished by the rebels; and had begun a very large and expensive villa at Azazo, with extensive groves, or gardens, planted thick with orange and lemon trees, upon the banks of a beautiful and clear river which divides the palace from the church of Tecla Haimanout, a large edifice which, some time before, he had also built and endowed. Besides all these occupations, he was deeply engaged in ornamenting his palace at Gondar. A rebellion, massacre, or some such misfortune, had happened among the Christians of Smyrna; who, coming to Cairo, and finding that city in a still less peaceable state than the one which they had left, they repaired to Jidda in their way to India; but missing the monsoon, and being destitute of money and necessaries, they crossed over the Red Sea for Masuah, and came to Gondar. There were twelve of them silver-smiths, very excellent in that fine work called filligrane, who were all received very readily by the king, liberally furnished both with necessaries and luxuries, and employed in his palace as their own taste directed them.

By the hands of these, and several Abyssinians whom they had taught, sons of Greek artists whose fathers were dead, he finished his presence-chamber in a manner truly admirable. The skirting, which in our country is generally of wood, was finished with ivory four feet from the ground. Over this were three rows of mirrors from Venice, all joined together, and fixed in frames of copper, or cornices gilt with gold. The roof, in gaiety and taste, corresponded perfectly with the magnificent finishing of the room; it was the work of the Falasha, and consisted of painted cane, split and disposed in Mosaic figures, which produces a gayer effect than it is possible to conceive. This chamber, indeed, was never perfectly finished, from a want of mirrors. The king died; taste decayed; the artists were neglected, or employed themselves in ornamenting saddles, bridles, swords, and other military ornaments, for which they were very ill paid; part of the mirrors fell down; part remained till my time; and I was present when the last of them were destroyed, on a particular occasion, after the battle of Serbraxos, as will be hereafter mentioned.

The king had begun another chamber of equal expence, consisting of plates of ivory, with stars of all colours stained in each plate at proper distances. This, too, was going to ruin; little had been done in it but the alcove in which he sat, and little of it was seen, as the throne and person of the king concealed it.

Yasous was charmed with this multiplicity of works and workmen. He gave up himself to it entirely; he even wrought with his own hand, and rejoiced at seeing the facility with which, by the use of a compass and a few straight lines, he could produce the figure of a star equally exact with any of his Greeks. Bounty followed bounty. The best villages, and those near the town, were given in property to the Greeks that they might recreate themselves, but at a distance, always liable to his call, and with as little loss of time as possible. He now renounced his favourite hunting-matches and incursions upon the Shangalla and Shepherds of Atbara.

The extraordinary manner in which the king employed his time soon made him the object of public censure. Pasquinades began to be circulated throughout the capital; one in particular, a large roll of parchment, intituled, “The expeditions of _Yasous the Little_.” The king in reality was a man of short stature. The Ethiopic word Tannush, joined to the king’s name Yasous el Tannush, applied both to his stature and actions. So Tallac, the name given to another Yasous, his predecessor, signified great in capacity and atchievement, as well as that he was of a large and masculine person.

These expeditions, though enumerated in a large sheet of parchment, were confined to a very few miles; from Gondar to Kahha, from Kahha to Koscam, from Koscam to Azazo, from Azazo to Gondar, from Gondar to Koscam, from Koscam to Azazo, and so on. It was a similar piece of ridicule upon his father Philip, as we are informed, that, in the last century, cost Don Carlos, prince of Spain, his life.

This satire nettled Yasous exceedingly; and, to wipe off the imputation of inactivity and want of ambition, he prepared for an expedition against Sennaar. It was not, however, one of those inroads into Atbara upon the Arabs and Shepherds, whom the Funge had conquered and made tributary to them; but was a regular campaign with a royal army, aimed directly at the very vitals of the monarchy of Sennaar, the capital of the Funge, and at the conquest or extirpation of those strangers entirely from Atbara.

We have seen, in the course of our history, that these two kingdoms, Abyssinia and Funge, had been on very bad terms during several of the last reigns; and that personal affronts and slights had passed between the cotemporary princes themselves. Baady, son of L’Oul, who succeeded his father in the year 1733, had been distinguished by no exploits worthy of a king, but every day had been stained with acts of treachery and cruelty unworthy of a man. No intercourse had passed between Yasous and Baady during their respective reigns; there was no war declared, nor peace established, nor any sort of treaty subsisting between them.

Yasous, without any previous declaration, and without any provocation, at least as far as is known, raised a very numerous and formidable army, and gave the command of it to Ras Welled de l’Oul; and Kasmati Waragna was appointed his Fit-Auraris. The king commanded a chosen body of troops, separate from the rest of the army, which was to act as a reserve, or as occasion should require, in the pitched battle. This he ardently wished for, and had figured to himself that he was to fight against Baady in person. Yasous, from the moment he entered the territory of Sennaar, gave his soldiers the accustomed licence he always had indulged them with, when marching through an enemy’s country. He knew not, in these circumstances, what was meant by mercy; all that had the breath of life was sacrificed by the sword, and the fire consumed the rest.

An universal terror spread around him down to the heart of Atbara. The Shepherds and Arabs, as many as could fly, dispersed themselves in the woods, which, all the way from the frontiers of Abyssinia to the river Dender, are very thick, and in some places almost impenetrable. Some of the Arabs, either from affection or fear, joined Yasous in his march; among these was Nile Wed Ageeb, prince of the Arabs; others taking courage, gathered, and made a stand at the Dender, to try their fortune, and give their cattle time to pass the Nile, and then, if defeated, they were to follow them. Kasmati Waragna, (as Fit-Auraris) joined by the king, no sooner came up with these Arabs on the banks of the Dender, than he fell furiously upon them, broke and dispersed them with a considerable slaughter; then leaving Ras Welled de l’Oul with the king, and the main body to encamp, taking advantage of the confusion the defeat of the Arabs had occasioned, he advanced by a forced march to the Nile, to take a view of the town of Sennaar.

Baady had assembled a very large army on the other side of the river, and was preparing to march out of Sennaar; but, terrified at the king’s approach, the defeat of the Arabs, and the velocity with which the Abyssinians advanced, he was about to change his resolution, abandon Sennaar, and retire north into Atbara.

There is a small kingdom, or principality, called Dar Fowr, all inhabited by negroes, far in the desert west of Sennaar, joining with two other petty negro states like itself, still farther westward, called Selé and Bagirma, while to the eastward it joins with Kordofan, formerly a province of Dar Fowr, but conquered from it by the Funge.

Hamis, prince of Dar Fowr, had been banished from his country in a late revolution occasioned by an unsuccessful war against Selé and Bagirma, and had fled to Sennaar, where he had been received kindly by Baady, and it was by his assistance the Funge had subdued Kordofan. This prince, a gallant soldier, could not bruik to see the green standard of his prophet Mahomet flying before an army of Christians; and, being informed of the king’s march and separation from the main body nearly as soon as it happened, he proposed to Baady, that, as an allurement to Yasous to pass the river with only the troops he had with him, he should do from prudence what he resolved to do from fear, and fall back behind Sennaar, leaving it to Yasous to enter; but, in the mean time, that, he should dispatch him with 4000 of his best horse, armed with coats of mail, to pass the Nile at a known place below, on the right of Welled de l’Oul, on whom he should fall by surprise, and, if lucky enough to defeat him, as was probable, he would then close upon Yasous’s rear, which would of necessity either oblige him to surrender, or lose his life and army in attempting to repass the river between the two Nubian armies. This counsel, for many reasons was perfectly agreeable to Baady, who instantly fell back from covering Sennaar, and then detached Hamis to make a circuit out of sight, and cross the Nile as proposed.

In the mean time, Yasous advanced to Basboch, where he found the current too rapid, and the river too deep for his infantry. He dispatched, therefore, a messenger to Welled de l’Oul for a reinforcement of horse, and gave his infantry orders to retire to the main body upon the arrival of the reinforcement of cavalry. This resolution he had taken upon advancing higher up the river from Basboch, till opposite to the town of Sennaar, and when divided only from it by the Nile. He there saw the confusion that reigned in that large town. No preparation for resistance being visible, the cries of women at the sight of an enemy so near them, and the hurry of the men deserting their habitation loaded with the most valuable of their effects, all increased the king’s impatience to put himself in possession of this capital of his enemy.

It happened that an Arab, belonging to Nile Wed Ageeb, had seen the manœuvre of Hamis and his cavalry. This man, crossing the Nile at the nearest ford, came and told his master, Wed Ageeb, what he had seen, who informed the king of his danger. Upon interrogating the Arab, it was found that the affair of Welled de l’Oul would certainly be over before the king could possibly join him; and in that case he must fall in the midst of a victorious army, and his destruction must then be inevitable, if he attempted it. It was, therefore, agreed, as the only means possible to save the king and that part of the army he had with him, to retreat in the route Shekh Nile should indicate to them, marching up with the river Nile close on their right hand, and leaving the desert between that and the Dender, which is absolutely without water, to cover their left. This was executed as soon as resolved.

In the mean time, Hamis had crossed the Nile, and continued his march with the utmost diligence, and, in the close of the evening, had fallen upon Welled de l’Oul as unexpectedly as he could have wished. The Abyssinians were everywhere slaughtered and trodden down before they could prepare themselves for the least resistance. All that could fly sheltered themselves in the woods: but this refuge was as certain death as the sword of the Funge; for, after leaving the river Dender, all the country behind them was perfectly destitute of water. Ras Welled de l’Oul, and some other principal officers, under the direction of some faithful Arabs, escaped, and, with much difficulty, two days after, joined the king.

Besides these, the army, consisting of 18,000 men, either perished by the sword, by thirst, or were taken prisoners; all the sacred reliques, which the Abyssinians carry about with their armies to ensure victory, and avert misfortune; the picture of the crown of thorns, called _sele quarat rasou_; pieces of the true cross; a crucifix that had on many occasions spoke, (which should ever after be dumb since it spoke not that day); all these treasures of priestcraft were taken by the Funge, and carried in triumph to Sennaar. Great part of those Arabs, who had joined the king in his march northward, had now quitted him and attached themselves to the pursuit of the fugitive remains of Welled de l’Oul’s army. As these Arabs were those that lived nearest the Abyssinian frontier, and to whom the king had done no harm, because they had mostly joined him, no sooner was he informed of their treachery, but just arrived in their country, and scarcely out of danger from the pursuit of the Funge, Yasous turned short to the left, destroying with fire and sword all the families of those that had forsaken him, and so continued to do till arrived on the banks of the Tacazzé.

The Arabs and Shepherds there, many of whom had just returned from the destruction of Welled de l’Oul’s army at Sennaar, and were now rejoicing their families with the news of so complete a victory, and that all danger from the Christian army was over, were astonished to see Yasous at the head of a fresh and vigorous army, burning and destroying their country, and committing all sort of devastation, when they thought him long ago dead, or fugitive, and skulking half-famished on the banks of the Dender.

The king returned in this manner to Gondar, carrying more the appearance of a conqueror than one who had suffered the loss of a whole army, his soldiers being loaded with the spoils of the Arabs, and multitudes of cattle driven before them. It was but too visible, however, by the countenances of many, how wide a difference there was between the loss and the acquisition.

It was, indeed, not from the presence or behaviour of the king, nor yet from his discourse, that it could be learned any such misfortune had befallen him. On the contrary, he affected greater gaiety than usual, when talking of the expedition; and said publicly, and laughing, one day, as he arose from council, “Let all those who were not pleased with the song of Koscam sing that of Sennaar.” From this many were of opinion, that he enjoyed a kind of malevolent pleasure from the misfortune which had befallen his army, who, not content with seeing him cultivate and enjoy the arts of peace, had urged him to undertake a war of which there was no need, and for which there was no provocation given, though in it there was every sort of danger to be expected.

Although Yasous gave no consolation to his people, the priests and fanatics soon endeavoured to prepare them one. Tensa Mammo arrived from Sennaar with the crown of thorns, the true cross, and all the rest of that precious merchandise, safe and entire, only a little profaned by the bloody hands of the Moors. Ras Welled de l’OuL’s army, consisting of 18,000 of their fellow-citizens, was lying dead upon the Dender. It was no matter; they had got the speaking crucifix, but had paid 8000 ounces of gold for it. Still it was no matter; they had got the crown of thorns. The priests made processions from church to church, singing hallelujahs and songs of thanksgiving, when they should have been in sackcloth and ashes, upon their knees deprecating any further chastisement upon their pride, cruelty, and profaneness. All Gondar was drunk with joy; and Yasous himself was astonished to see them singing the song of Sennaar much more willingly than that of Koscam.

At this time died Abuna Christodulus; and it was customary for the king to advance the money to defray the expence of bringing a successor. But Yasous’s money was all gone to Venice for mirrors; and, to defray the expence of bringing a new Abuna, as well as of redeeming of the sacred reliques, he laid a small tax upon the churches, saying merrily, “that the Abuna and the crosses were to be maintained, and repaired by the public; but it was incumbent upon the church to purchase new ones when they were worn out.”

Theodorus, priest of Debra Selalo, Likianos of Azazo, and Georgis called Kipti, were consigned to the care of three Mahometan merchants and brokers at court, whose names were Hamet Ali, Abdulla, and Abdelcader, to go to Cairo and fetch a successor for Christodulus. They arrived at Hamazen on April 29th 1743, where the Mahometan guides chose rather to pass the winter-season than at Masuah, as at that place they were apprehensive they would suffer extortions and ill-usage of every sort. We know not what came of Georgis Kipti; but, as soon as the rainy season was over, Theodorus and Likianos came straight to Masuah.

As soon as the Naybe got the whole convoy of priests and Mahometans into his hands, he demanded of them half of the money the king had given them to defray the expences of fetching the Abuna. He pretended also, that both Mahometans and Christians should have passed the rainy season at Masuah. He declared that this was his perquisite, and that he had prepared great and exquisite provisions for them, which, being spoiled and become useless, it was but reasonable they should pay as if they had consumed them: till this was settled, he declared that none of them should embark or stir one step from Masuah.

The news of this detention soon arrived at Gondar; and Yasous gave orders that Michael Suhul, governor of Tigré, (afterwards Ras) and the Baharnagash, should with an army blockade Masuah, so as to starve the Naybe into a more reasonable behaviour. But, before this could be executed, the Naybe had called the priests before him, and declared, if they did not surrender the money that instant, he would put them to death; and, in place of giving them time to resolve, he gave them a very plain hint to obey, by ordering the executioner to strike off the heads of two criminals condemned for other crimes, after having brought them into their presence. The poor wretches, Theodorus and Likianos, did not resemble Portuguese, who would have braved these threats in the pursuit of martyrdom. The sight of blood was the most convincing of all arguments the Naybe could use. They gave up the money, leaving the division of it to his own discretion. He then hurried them on board a vessel, giving Michael and the Baharnagash notice that they were gone in safety, and that he had obeyed the king’s orders in all respects. Michael was at that time in the strictest friendship with the Naybe, who was his principal instrument in collecting fire-arms in Arabia to strengthen him in the quarrel he was then meditating against his sovereign.

On the 8th of February 1744 the priests and their guides sailed from Masuah; and they did not arrive at Jidda till the 14th of April. There they found that the ships for Cairo were gone, and that they had lost the monsoon; and, as no misfortune comes single, the Sherriffe of Mecca made a demand upon them for as much money as they had paid the Naybe; and, upon refusal, he put Abdelcader in prison, nor was he released for a twelvemonth after, when the money was sent from Abyssinia; and it was then agreed, that 75 ounces of gold[94] should in all future times be paid for leave of passage to those who went to Cairo to fetch the Abuna; and 90 ounces a piece to the Sherriffe, and to the Naybe, for allowing him to pass when chosen, and furnishing him with necessaries during his stay in their respective government; and this is the agreement that subsists, to this day.

In this interim, Likianos of Azazo, one of the priests, weary of the journey and of his religion, and having quarrelled with Abdulla, renounced the Christian faith, and embraced that of Mahomet; and Theodorus, Abdulla, and Hamet Ali, being the only three remaining, hired a vessel at Jidda to carry them to the port of Suez, the bottom of the Arabic Gulf. Before they had been a month at sea, Abdulla died, as did Hamet Ali seven days after they arrived at Suez. They had been on sea three months and six days from Jidda to that port, because they sailed against the monsoon.

It was the 25th of June that Theodorus arrived at Cairo, delivered the king’s present, the account of the Abuna’s death, and the king’s desire of having speedily a successor. The patriarch, having called together all his bishops, priests, and deacons, conferred the dignity on a monk of the Order of St Anthony, the only Order of monks the Coptic church acknowledges. These pass a very austere life in two convents in a dreary desert, never tasting flesh, but living on olives, salt sardines[95], wild herbs, and the worst of vegetables. Yet so attached are they to this solitude, that, when they are called to be ordained to this prelature of Abyssinia, a warrant from the basha, and a party of Turks, is necessary to bring this elect one to Cairo in chains, where he is kept in prison till he is ordained; guarded afterwards, and then forced on board a vessel which carries him to Abyssinia, whence he is certain never to return.

The Abuna departed from Suez the 20th of September; the beginning of November he arrived at Jidda; in February 1745 he sailed from Jidda, taking with him Abdelcader, now freed from prison; he arrived at Masuah the 7th of March, and immediately sent an express to notify his arrival to the king and queen, and to Ras Welled de l’Oul. Congratulations upon the event were returned from each of them; they requested he would immediately come to court; but this the Naybe refused to permit, till he had first received his dues; and Yasous seemed inclined to pay no more for him than what he had cost already.

The priests, and devout people in Tigré, were very desirous to free the Abuna from his confinement in Masuah. They saw that the king was not inclined to advance money, and all of them knew perfectly, that, whatever face he put upon the matter, the Ras would not give an ounce of gold to prevent the Abuna from staying there all his life. In this exigency they applied to Janni, a Greek, living at Adowa, (of whom I shall hereafter speak), a confidential servant and favourite of Michael, and also well acquainted at Masuah, to see if he could get him released by stratagem. Janni concerted the affair with the monks of the monastery of Bizan, two of whom conducted the Abuna by night out of the island of Masuah, and landed him safely in their monastery in the wilderness, with the _myron_, or consecrated oil, in one hand, and his missal, or liturgy, in the other. So far the escape was complete; but unluckily no orders had been given for Theodorus, who accordingly remained behind at Masuah.

The Naybe, exasperated at the Abuna’s flight, wrecked his vengeance on poor Theodorus; he put him in irons, and threw him into close prison, where he remained for two months. There was no remedy but paying 80 ounces of gold to the Naybe for his release; he might else have remained there for ever.

The king, not a little surprised at these frequent insolences on the part of the Naybe, began to inquire what could be the reason; for he perfectly knew, not only Suhul Michael, the governor of Tigré, but even the Baharnagash could reduce Masuah to nothing with their little finger; and he was informed, that a strong friendship subsisted between the Naybe and Suhul Michael, and that it was by relying on his friendship that the Naybe adventured to treat the king’s servants, at different times, in the manner he had done.

Yasous, desirous to verify this himself, and to dissolve the bands of so unnatural a friendship, marched into Tigré with a considerable army. Passing by Adowa, the residence of Suhul Michael, he was pleased with the warlike appearance of this his feat of government, and the perfect order and subordination that reigned there. Certain disorders and tumults were said to prevail in the neighbouring province of Enderta where Kasmati Woldo commanded. The savage people, called Azabo, living at Azab, the low country below Enderta and the Dobas, (a nation of _Shepherds_ near them, still more savage, if possible, than them) had laid waste the districts that were next to their frontier, burning the churches, and slaying the priests in the daily inroads which they made into Abyssinia. All these things, bad enough indeed, were at this time aggravated, as was thought, for two reasons; the first was to cast an odium upon Kasmati Woldo, Michael’s great enemy, as incapable of governing his province; the second, to prevent the king in his progress to Masuah, as he openly professed his fixed intention was to punish the Naybe with the utmost severity.

The protection of his subjects, therefore, from the savages, was represented to the king as the most pressing service; and, marching with his usual diligence straight to Enderta, he was met there by Kasmati Woldo, an old experienced officer, who aiming at no preferment, paying his tribute punctually, and having been constantly occupied in repelling the incursions of the Pagans on the frontier, had not been at court since the reign of Theophilus.

After receiving the necessary information about the country he intended to enter, and taking Kasmati Woldo’s two sons with him, the king descended into the low country of Dancali, once a petty Mahometan kingdom, and friendly to Abyssinia, now a mixture of Galla and the natives called Taltal. Without delay he pushed on to Azab, spreading desolation through that little province, always desert enough from its nature, though formerly, from its trade, one of the richest spots in the world.

The king then turned to the right upon the Dobas, who, not expecting an army of that strength, fled and left their whole cattle a prey to Yasous and his soldiers; a greater number was scarce ever seen in Abyssinia. The king now returned to Enderta, where he confirmed Kasmati Woldo in his government with distinguished marks of favour; and he this year again came back victorious to Gondar, leaving his campaign against the Naybe for another season.

In passing by Adowa, a fray happened among the king’s troops and those of Michael; several were killed on both sides; and, as the dispute was between Tigré and Amhara, the two great divisions of the country, it threatened to create a party-quarrel between the soldiers of one division and those of the other. No notice was taken of this when Yasous marched eastward; but, on his return, Michael begged the king to interfere, and make peace between the two parties. To this Yasous answered, That he did not think it worth his while, for they would make peace themselves when they were tired of quarrelling.

Whether this was the motive of sending for Michael to Gondar, or whether it was the story of the Naybe, or what else was the king’s motive, we do not know; but, so soon as he was arrived in the capital, he sent Kasmati Ephraim, and Shalaka Kefla, into Tigré, commanding Michael’s attendance at Gondar. This Michael absolutely refused; he pretended Kasmati Woldo had estranged the king’s affection from him, and that Yasous had called him to Gondar now to put him to death, upon a pretence of his soldiers quarrel with the king’s troops. This refusal was repeated to Yasous, without any palliation whatever; and he instantly marched from Gondar, and encamped upon the river Waar, where he was reinforced a few days afterwards by Ras Welled de l’Oul, whose intention was to persuade Michael to submission; for he had been advised not to trust the king’s oath of forgivenness unless he had likewise that of Welled de l’Oul.

The king’s readiness disconcerted Suhul Michael. Tho’ well armed and appointed himself, as also an excellent general, he did not risk the presenting himself against the king on a plain; for Yasous was much beloved by the soldiers, and always very kind and liberal to them.

The mountain Samayat, though not the most inaccessible in Tigré, was a place of great consequence and strength, when possessed by an army and officer such as Michael. To this natural fortress he carried all his valuable effects, occupied and obstructed all the avenues to it, and resolved there to abide his fortune. The king, with his army, sat down at the foot of the mountain; and, encircling it with troops, he ordered it to be assaulted on four sides at once; on one, by Kasmati Ayo, governor of Begemder; on the second, by Kasmati Waragna; the third, by Kasmati Woldo; and the fourth, by Ras Welled de l’Oul. The king himself went round about to every place, giving his orders, encouraging his men, and fighting himself in the foremost ranks like a common soldier. The mountain was at length carried, with much bloodshed on both sides, and Michael was beat from every part of it but one, which, though not strong enough to hold out against the king’s army, if well defended could not be carried without great loss of men.

Here Michael desired to capitulate. But, before he left the mountain and surrendered to the king, he desired that an officer of trust might be sent to him, because he had then upon the mountain a large collection of treasure, which he desired to keep for the king’s use, otherwise it would be dissipated and lost in the hands of the common soldiers. The Ras sent two confidential officers, who took from the hands of Michael a prodigious sum of gold, the precise amount of which is not named. He then descended the mountain, carrying, as is the custom of the country for vanquished rebels, a stone upon his head, as confessing himself guilty of a capital crime. A violent storm of rain and wind prevented, for that day, his coming into the presence of the king; and the devil, as the Abyssinians believe, began in that storm a correspondence with him which continued many years; I myself have often heard him vaunt of his having maintained, ever since that time, an intercourse with St Michael the archangel.

On the morning of the 27th of December, Ras Welled de l’Oul ordered Michael to attend him in the habit of a penitent; and, followed by his companions in misfortune, (that part of his troops which was taken on the mountain) and surrounded by a number of soldiers, with drums beating and colours flying, he was carried into the king’s presence.

Ras Welled de l’Oul had, with difficulty, engaged the king’s promise that he was not to put him to death. The good genius of Yasous and his family was labouring by one last effort to save him. On seeing Michael upon the ground, Yasous fell into a violent transport of rage, spurned him with his foot, declaring he retracted his promise, and ordered him to be carried out, and put to death before the door of his tent. Ras Welled de l’Oul, Kasmati Waragna, Kasmati Woldo, and all the officers of consideration, either of the court or army, now fell with their faces upon the ground, crying to the king for mercy and forgivenness. Yasous, if in his heart he did not relent, still was obliged to pardon on such universal solicitation; and this he did, after making the following observation, which soon after was looked on as a prophecy: “I have pardoned that traitor at your instance, because I at all times reward merit more willingly than I punish crimes; but I call you all to witness, that I wash my hands before God to-day of all that innocent blood Michael shall shed before he brings about the destruction of his country, which I know in his heart he has been long meditating.”

I cannot help mentioning it as an extraordinary circumstance, that at the time I was at Gondar, in the very height of Suhul Michael’s tyranny, a man quarrelled with another who was a scribe, and accused him before Michael of having recorded this speech of the king, as I have now stated it, in a history that he had written of Yasous’s reign. The book was produced, the passage was found and read; and I certainly expected to have seen it torn to pieces, or hung upon a tree about the author’s neck. On the contrary, all the Ras said was, “If what he writes is true, wherein is the man to blame?” And turning with a grin to Tecla Haimanout, one of the judges, he said, “Do you remember? I do believe Yasous did say so.” The book was restored to the author, and no more said of the matter, not even an order was given to erase the passage. He had no objection to Yasous and to his whole race being prophets; he had only taken a resolution that they should not be kings.

A general silence followed this speech of Yasous, instead of the acclamations of joy usual in such cases. The king then ordered Ras Welled de l’Oul to lead the army on to Gondar, which he did with great pomp and military parade, while the king, who could not forget his forebodings, retired to an island, there to fast some days in consequence of a vow that he had made. This being finished, Yasous returned to Gondar; and, as he was now in perfect peace throughout his kingdom, he began again to decorate the apartments of his palace. A large number of mirrors had arrived at this time, a present from the Naybe of Masuah, who, after what had happened to his friend Michael, began to feel a little uneasy about the fate of his island.

While Yasous was thus employed, news were sent him from Kasmati Ayo, governor of Begemder, that he had beat the people of Lasta in a pitched battle in their own country, had forced their strong-holds, dispersed their troops, and received the general submission of the province, which had been in rebellion since the time of Hatzè Socinios, that is, above 100 years. Immediately after these news, came Ayo himself to parade and throw his _unclean_ trophies of victory before the king, and brought with him many of the principal people of Lasta to take the oaths of allegiance to the king.

Yasous received the accounts of the success with great pleasure, and still more so the oaths and submissions made to him. He then added Lasta to the province of Begemder, and cloathed Ayo magnificently, as well as all those noblemen that came with him from Lasta. The end of this year was not marked with good fortune like the beginning. A plague of locusts fell upon the country, and consumed every green thing, so that a famine seemed to be inevitable, because, contrary to their custom, they had attached themselves chiefly to the grain. This plague is not so frequent in Abyssinia as the Jesuits have reported it to be. These good fathers indeed bring the locusts upon the country, that, by their pretended miracles, they may chace them away.

Michael had continued some time in prison, in the custody of Ras Welled de l’Oul. But he was afterwards set at full liberty; and it was now the 17th year of Yasous’s reign, when, on the 17th of September 1746, at a great promotion of officers of state, Michael, by the nomination of the king himself, was restored to his government of Tigré; and, a few days after, he returned to that province. All his ancient friends and troops flocked to him as soon as he appeared, to welcome him upon an event looked upon by all as nearly miraculous. Nor did Michael discourage that idea himself, but gave it to be understood, among his most intimate friends, that a vision had allured him that he was thenceforward under the immediate protection of St Michael the archangel, with whom he was to consult on every emergency.

As soon as he had got a sufficient army together, the first thing he did was to attack Kasmati Woldo, without any provocation whatever; and, after beating him in two battles, he drove him from his province, and forced him to take refuge among the Galla, where, soon after, by employing small presents, he procured him to be murdered; the ordinary fate of those who seek protection among those faithless barbarians.

It will seem extraordinary that the king, who had such recent experience of both, the one distinguished for his duty, the other for his obstinate rebellion, should yet tamely suffer his old and faithful servant to fall before a man whom in his heart he so much mistrusted. But the truth is, all Michael’s danger was past the moment he got free access to the king and queen, though he was deservedly esteemed to be the ablest soldier in Abyssinia of his time, he was infinitely more capable in intrigues, and private negociations at court, than he was in the field, being a pleasant and agreeable speaker in common conversation; a powerful and copious orator at council; his language, whether Amharic or Tigré, (but above all the latter) correct and elegant above any man’s at court; steady to the measures he adopted, but often appearing to give them up easily, and without passion, when he saw, by the circumstances of the times, he could not prevail: though violent in the pursuit of riches, when in his own province, where he spared no means nor man to procure them, no sooner had he come to Gondar than he was lavish of his money to extreme; and indeed he set no value upon it farther than as it served to corrupt men to his ends.

When he surrendered his treasure at the mountain Samayat, he is said to have divided it into several parcels with his own hand. The greatest share fell to the king, who thought he had got the whole; but the officers who received it, and saw different quantities destined for the Iteghé and Ras Welled de l’Oul, took care to convey them their share, for fear of making powerful enemies. Kasmati Waragna had his part; and even Kasmati Woldo, though Michael soon after plundered and slew him. All Gondar were his friends, because all that capital was bribed on this occasion. It was gold he only lent them, to resume it, (as he afterwards did) with great interest, at a proper time.

It still remained in the king’s breast to wipe off his defeat at Sennaar, as he had, upon every other occasion, been victorious; and even in this, he still flattered himself he had not been beat in person. He set out again upon another expedition to Atbara; instead of coasting along the Dender, he descended along the Tacazzé into Atbara, where, finding no resistance among the Shepherds, he attached himself in particular to the tribe called Daveina, which, in the former expedition, had joined Welled de l’Oul’s army. Upon the first news of his approach they had submitted; but, notwithstanding all promises and pretences of peace, he fell upon them unawares, and almost extirpated the tribe.

Suhul Michael, while the king was thus occupied in the frontier of his province, did every thing that a faithful, active subject could do. He furnished him constantly with the best intelligence, supplied him with the provisions he wanted, and made, from time to time, strong detachments of troops to reinforce him, and to secure such posts as were most commodious and important in case of a retreat becoming necessary.

Yasous, who had succeeded to his wish, was fully sensible of the value of such services, and sent, therefore, for Michael, commanding his attendance at Gondar. There was no fear, no hesitation now, as before in the affair of Samayat. He decamped upon the first notice, even before the rainy season was over, and arrived at Gondar on August 30th 1747, bringing with him plenty of gold; few soldiers, indeed, but those picked men, and in better order, than the king had ever yet seen troops.

It was plain now to everybody, that nothing could stop Michael’s growing fortune. He alone seemed not sensible of this. He was humbler and less assuming than before. Those whom he had first bribed he continued still to bribe, and added as many new friends to that list as he thought could serve him. He pretended to no precedency or pre-eminence at court, not even such as was due to the rank of his place, but behaved as a stranger that had no fixed abode among them.

One day, dining with Kasmati Geta, the queen’s brother, who was governor of Samen, and drinking out of a common-glass decanter called Brulhé, when it is the privilege and custom of the governor of Tigré to use a gold cup, being asked, Why he did not claim his privilege? he said, All the gold he had was in heaven, alluding to the name of the mountain Samayat, where his gold was surrendered, which word signifies Heaven. The king, who liked this kind of jests, of which Michael was full, on hearing this, sent him a gold cup, with a note written and placed within it, “Happy are they who place their riches in heaven;” which Michael directed immediately to be engraved by one of the Greeks upon the cup itself. What became of it I know not; I often wished to have found it out, and purchased it. I saw it the first day he dined, after coming from council, at his return from Tigré, after the execution of Abba Salama; but I never observed it at Serbraxos, nor since. I heard, indeed, a Greek say he had sent it by Ozoro Esther, as a present to a church of St Michael in Tigré.

Enderta was now given him in addition to the province of Tigré, and, soon after, Siré and all the provinces between the Tacazzé and the Red Sea; so he was now master of near half of Abyssinia.

The rest of this king’s reign was spent at home in his usual amusements and occupations. Several small expeditions were made by his command, under Palambaras Selassé, and other officers, to harrass the Shepherds, whom he conquered almost down to Suakem. His ravages, however, had been confined to the peninsula of Atbara, and had not ever passed to the eastward of the Tacazzé, but he had impoverished all that country. After this, by his orders, the Baharnagash, and other officers, entered that division called Derkin, between the Mareb and the Atbara, and, still further, between the Mareb and the mountains, in a part of it called Ajam. In this country Hassine Wed Ageeb was defeated by the Baharnagash with great slaughter; and the Shekh of Jibbel Musa, one of the most powerful of the Shepherds, was taken prisoner by Palambaras Selassé, without resistance, and carried, with his wife, his family, and cattle, in triumph to Gondar, where, having sworn allegiance to the king, he was kindly treated, and sent home with presents, and every thing that had been taken from him.

This year, being the 24th of Yasous’s reign, he was taken ill, and died on the 21st day of June 1753, after a very short illness. As he was but a young man, and of a strong constitution, there was some suspicion he died by poison given him by the queen’s relations, who were desirous to secure another minority rather than serve under a king, who, by every action, shewed he was no longer to be led or governed by any, but least of all by them.

Yasous was married very young to a lady of noble family in Amhara, by whom he had two sons, Adigo and Aylo. But their mother pretending to a share of her husband’s government, and to introduce her friends at court, so hurt Welleta Georgis the Iteghé, or queen-regent, that she prevailed on the king to banish both the mother and sons to the mountain of Wechné.