Chapter II: Introduction (1)

The volume herewith given to the members of the Hakluyt Society, contains six narratives by Italians, of their travels in Persia about the time of Shah Ismail. Mr. Charles Grey, who has translated and edited four of these travels, having accompanied Sir Bartle Frere to Zanguibar, has been unable to finish the printing of his book, and the correction of his proofs has been entrusted to me. As all these travellers were almost contemporaries, and as they refer to one another, the council have thought it best to give them to members in one single volume.

Shah Ismail, or Ismail Sufy, is the chief personage in this volume; he found Persia in disorder, and reunited it; he revived the Persian nationality, and very much increased the division which existed between Persia and the rest of the Mussulman States; a division or schism which has been erroneously called religious, but which originally was national and political, and, as revived and augmented by Shah Ismail, entirely national. The feelings which animated the earlier Persians to reject the first three caliphs, were the national repulsion of the Persians to their Arab conquerors, and a preference for hereditary succession instead of popular election. Shah Ismail took advantage of these national sentiments and dynastic traditions, without which Persia, overrun as it was by Turkish tribes, would have merged into the Ottoman Empire. Shah Ismail did his work so effectually, that Nadir Shah was unable to undo it, and was assassinated for attempting it; and, though the greater part of the Persian population and the reigning dynasty at this day speak Turkish as their own language, yet they are as Persian in feeling as the Persian inhabitants of Shiraz and Isfahan.

Of the Italian travellers and envoys, whose narratives are here given, Josafa Barbaro is the most interesting personage: but none of them attract the same interest which attaches to Varthema, or to the Portuguese and Spanish travellers and voyagers of the same period.

The travels of Barbaro and Contarini have long been ready for publication, but have been delayed hitherto, for want of an editor. The work was undertaken by Sir Henry Rawlinson and Lord Strangford, but the former had not time to attend to it, and the latter died before he had really commenced it.

The translation of Contarini was done by Mr. Roy of the British Museum, who also made a translation of Josafa Barbaro, and a question arose whether Mr. Roy’s translation, or the quaint old translation of William Thomas, should be published by the Society. I decided in favour of Thomas’ translation, partly in deference to what I knew was the opinion in its favour of Lord Strangford, on account of its interest as English of the time of Edward VI, shewing much better orthography than that current at a later period (Fanshaw’s translation of Camoens for instance), and partly on account of the interest which attaches (especially to members of the Hakluyt Society) to Mr. Thomas and his unfortunate end.

Chalmers’ Biography tells us that Mr. William Thomas was a learned writer of the sixteenth century, and was born in Wales, or was at least of Welsh extraction, and was educated at Oxford. Wood says, that a person of both his names was in 1529 admitted a bachelor of Canon Law, but does not say that it was this person. In 1544, being obliged to quit the kingdom on account of some misfortune, he went to Italy, and in 1546 was at Bologna, and afterwards at Padua; in 1549 he was again in London, and on account of his knowledge of modern languages, was made clerk of the council to King Edward VI, who soon after gave him a prebend of St. Paul’s, and the living of Presthend, in South Wales. According to Strype, he acted very unfairly in procuring the prebend, not being a spiritual person; and the same objection undoubtedly rests against his other promotion. On the accession of Queen Mary, he was deprived of his employment at Court, and is said to have meditated the death of the Queen; but Ball says it was Gardiner whom he formed a design of murdering. Others think that he was concerned in Wyatt’s rebellion. It is certain, that for some of these charges he was committed to the Tower in 1553, together with William Winter and Sir Nicholas Throgmorton. Wood says, “He was a man of a hot fiery spirit, had sucked in damnable principles, by his frequent conversations with Christopher Goodman, that violent enemy to the rule of women. It appears that he had no rule over himself, for about a week after his commitment he attempted suicide, but the wound not proving mortal, he was arraigned at Guildhall, May 9th, 1553, and hanged at Tyburn on the 18th.”

Chalmers gives the following list of his works:—

1. “The History of Italy.” Lond. 1549, 1561, 4to.

2. “The Principal Rules of the Italian Grammar, with a
Dictionary for the better understanding of Boccace, Petrarch,
and Dante.” _Ibid._ 1550, 1561, 1567, 4to.

3. “Le Peregrynne, or, a defence of King Henry VIII to Aretine,
the Italian poet.” MSS. Cott., Vesp. D 18, in Bodl. Library.
This, Wood says, was about to be published in the third volume
of Brown’s “Fasciculus.”

4. “Common Places of State,” written for the use of Edward VI.
MS. Cotton.

5. “Of the Vanity of the World.” Lond. 1549, 8vo.

6. “Translation of Cato’s speech, and Valerius’s answer; from
the 4th Decade of Livy.” _Ibid._ 1551, 12mo.

He also made some translations from the Italian, which are
still in manuscript.

Mr. Thomas might have rendered further service to letters, instead of mixing himself up in conspiracies, had he received a favourable answer to an application which he made to Cecil, to be sent at the expense of the Government to Italy. A copy of his letter to Cecil, taken from the original at the Record Office, here follows:—

_To the right honorable Sʳ William Cecill Knight one of the
King’s Mag. twoo principall Secretaries._

Sʳ myne humble comᵉndacons remembered According to yoʳ pleasʳᵉ
declared unto me at my departure I opened to my L of Pembroke
the consideracon of the warde which you procured for yoʳ Sister
wherein he is the best contented man that may be and made me
this answer that though he wrote at his friends request yet he
wrote unto his friende to be considered as it might be wᵗʰ yoʳ
owne comoditie and none otherwise ffor if he had knowen so much
before as I tolde him he wolde for nothing have troubled yᵒ wᵗʰ
so unfriendly a request Assuring yoᵘ faithfully that I who have
knowen him a good while never sawe him more bent to any man
of yoʳ degree than I perceave he is unto yoᵘ and not without
cause he thanketh yoᵘ hertily for yoʳ newes yoᵘ sent him And
Sʳ whereas at my departure we talked of Venice considering the
stirre of the worlde is nowe like to be very great those waies
I coulde finde in myne hert to spende a yere or two there if I
were sent I have not disclosed thus much to any man but to yoᵘ
nor entende not to do. wherefore it may please yoᵘ to use it
as yoᵘ shall thinke good Howe so ever it be yoʳ may be sure to
commande me as the least in yoᵘ house. And so I humbly take my
leave. ffrom Wilton the xiiijᵗʰ of August 1552.

Yoʳˢ assuredly to thuttermost

WILLM THOMAS.

From the following extracts from the indictment, and other records of his trial, taken from the Record Office, it will be seen that he did conspire against Queen Mary, and not only, as Ball supposes, against Gardiner.

_Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records_, iv, p. 248.

Pouch Nᵒ. xxx in the Record Office contains a file of 11
membranes, relating to the Trial and conviction of William
Thomas for high treason. The Indictment found against him at
Guildhall, dated 8 May, 1 Mary, 1554, charges that, he hearing
of the proposed marriage between the Queen and Philip, Prince
of Spain, had a discourse with one Nicholas Arnolde, late of
London, Knight, as to the manner in which such marriage could
be prevented or impeded, upon which the said William Thomas
put various arguments against such marriage in writing, and
afterwards, to wit 21 December, 1 Mary, at London, in the
parish of Sᵗ Alban, in the ward of Cripplegate, the said
William Thomas compassed and imagined the death of the Queen.

And afterwards, on the 22ᵈ December, in order to carry his
wicked intentions into effect, he went into the house of
the said Sir Nicholas, in the parish of Sᵗ. Bartholomew the
Less, in the ward of Farringdon Without, and there had a
traitorous discourse with the said Nicholas, to the following
effect:—“_Whether were it not a good ‘devise’ to have all these
perils that we have talked of, taken away with very little
bloodshed, that is to say, by killing of the Queen. I think
John Fitzwilliams might be persuaded to do it, because he seems
by his countenance to be so manly a man, that he will not
refuse any peril that might come to his own person, to deliver
his whole native country from so many and so great dangers,
as be offered thereunto, if he might be made to understand
them_”; which words the said Sir Nicholas, afterwards, viz.,
24 December, at London, in the parish of Sᵗ. Anne, in the ward
of Aldersgate, repeated to James Croftes, Knight, one of the
conspirators with Sir Thomas Wyatt, a traitor who had been
attainted for levying war against the Queen, whereof the said
James Croftes was also attainted.

And the said William Thomas, not contented with the
before-mentioned treasons, in order more fully to fulfil such
his imaginations, 27 December, went from London to Devonshire,
to a place called Mount Sautrey, then inhabited by Peter Caro,
Knight, with which Peter Caro, an abominable traitor, the said
William Thomas had a traitorous conference and consultation,
and then and there aided the said Peter Caro; and afterwards,
to wit, 4 February, fled from Mount Sautrey, from county to
county, in disguise, not knowing where to conceal himself; and
yet he did not desist from sending seditious bills and letters
to his friends, declaring his treasonable intentions, in order
that he might induce them to join him in his treasons.

Membrane I, Wednesday, 9 May, 1 Mary, London.

Record of Sessions, held at Guildhall, before the
said Sir Thomas Whyte, and his fellows setting forth.

1 May, 1 Mary, London—Special Commission of Oyer
Terminer.

8 May, 1 Mary, London—Indictment as before mentioned.

William Thomas, being brought to the bar by the
Constable of the Tower, pleads Not Guilty.

Venire, awarded instanter.

Verdict, Guilty.

Judgment as usual in cases of High Treason.

Execution at Tyburn.

Record delivered into Court, by William, Marquis of
Winchester, on Monday next, after the Octaves of the
Holy Trinity, 1 Mary.

TRAVELS OF JOSAFA BARBARO.

TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAᴵᴱ.

Whan I consider the state of foreyn cuntreys, and do compare this yoʳ Ma’ˢ realme to the rest of the worlde as well for justice and civilitie as for wealth and commodities, I do so much reioice in my cuntrey that as I do yelde contynuall and most hertie thanks unto God for His goodness unto us that are born in it, so I wishe all other Englishemen to do, seeing that nombers there be who, puffed up wᵗʰ wealthe, wote not why they whyne. For undoubtedly if the whole worlde were divided into ix partes, as the quarter of the spheare is into nynetie degrees, and that viii of those ix partes shulde be iudged to be evill cuntreys, the ixth parte only remaining good, this realme of Englande must needes be taken into that one good parte for all respects. The heat is never extreame, and the colde seldome fervent, because we are little further than mydde waye between the sunne and the northe. We have grayne of all kindes necessarie, fyshe, fowle, and fleshe, and some fruites. The sea environeth the cuntrey, to serve us both for carieng out of our owne habundance, and also for fetching of strange comodities hither, in such sort as beside the nedeful we wante nothing to serve us for pleasʳᵉ. Our justice cannot be amended if the faulte be not in the ministers. The subiects are the King’s children, and not sklaves, as they be otherwheare. And finally oʳ civilitie is great, and wolde be p’fict if some mennes barbarousenes did not nowe and then corrupt it. So that wᵗhout affection me seemeth, I may by good reason advaunce my cuntrey for goodness to be one of the best p’ts of that ixᵗʰ parte if it shulde be divided againe. For the better proof whereof to thentent it may appeare what barbarouse people are in other regions, what wante of good foode they have, what miserable lyves they leade, what servitude and subiection they endure, what extremities of heate and colde they suffer, what sup’stitions they folowe, and what a nombre of other inconveniences do hange upon them, the least whereof is ferre from us.

I have thought good to translate out of the Italian tonge this litell booke, written by a Venetian of good fame and memorie, who hath travailed many yeres in Tartarie and Persia, and hath had greate experience of those p’tes, as he doth sufficiently declare, which I determined to dedicate unto yoʳ Maᵗⁱᵉ as vnto him that I knowe is most desirouse of all vertuouse knowledge. Trusting to God yoᵘ shall longe lyve and reigne a most happie king over a blessed countrey, most humbly beseeching yoʳ highnes to accept this poore newe yeres gift, being the worke of myne owne hande, as a token of the faithfull love that I am bounde to beare vnto yoᵘ as well naturally as through the speciall goodnesse that I have founde in yoᵘ.

Yoʳ Maᵗˢ most bounden Servant,

WILLM. THOMAS.

[Here beginne the things that were seene and herde by me, Josaphat Barbaro, citizen of Venice, in twoo voiages that I made thone vnto Tana and thother into Persia.]

Thearthe (as the geometricians by evident reasons do prove) is as little in respect of the firmament, as a pricke made in the middest of the circumference of a circle; whereof by reason that a great parte is either covered wᵗʰ water or else intemperate by excesse of heat or colde, that parte which is inhabited is by a great deale the lesser parte. Nevertheles, so little is the power of man, that fewe have been founde that have seene any good porc̃on of it, and if I be not deceaved, none at all that hath seene the whole. In our time those that have seene some parte most com̄only are merchauntmen or maryners, in which two exercises from the beginneng vnto this daie my Lordes and fathers the Venetians have beene and are so excellent that I believe they may verylie be called the principall. For syns the decaie of the Romaine estate (that sometime ruled over all) this inferior worlde hath been so divided by diversitie of languages, customes and religion, that the greatest parte of this little that is enhabited shulde have been unknowen, if the Venetian merchandise and marinership had not discovered it. Amongst whom, if there be any that have seene ought at this daye, I may reaken myself one: seeing I have spent all my yoʷthe and a great parte of myne age in ferre cuntries, amongst barbarouse people and men wᵗhout civilitie, much different in all things from our customes, wheare I have proved and seene many things that, bicause they be not vsed in our parties, shulde seem fables to them (as who wolde saie) that were never out of Venice. Which in dede hath been the cause that I have not much forced either to write or to talke of that that I have seene.

Neverthelesse, being constrayned through the requeste of them that may com̄ande me, and considering that things which seeme more incredible than these are writen in PLINIO SOLINO, POMPONIO MELA, STRABONE, HERODOTO, DIODORO, DIONISIO HALICARNASSEO, and others of late as MARCO PAULO, NICOLO CONTE, our Venetians, and John Mandevile thenglisheman: and by other last of all as PIETRO QUIRINI, ALUISE DA MOSTO, and AMBROGIO CONTARINI, me thought I coulde no lesse do than write the things that I have seene to the honor of God that hath preserved me from infinite dangers and to his contentac̃on that hath required me; the rather for their proffitt that in tyme to com̄e shall happen to travaile into the ꝑties wheare I have beene, and also for the com̄oditie of oʳ noble citie in case the same shulde hereaftre have occasion to sende those waies. Wherfore I shall divide my woʳke into twoo partes. In the first wherof I shall declare my voiage vnto Tana, and in the seconde myne other voiage into Persia, and speake little of the perills and trowbles that I endured, myself.

* * * * *

The yere of oʳ Lorde mccccxxxvi I beganne my voiage towardes Tana, wheare for the most parte I contynewed the space of xvi yeres, and have compassed all those cuntreys as well by sea as by lande not only wᵗʰ diligence, but in maner curiousely.

The plaine cuntrey of Tartarie to one that were in the middest thereof hath on theast the ryver of Ledil, on the west and northwest parte POLONIA, on the northe Russia, and on the sowthe partes towards the sea called Mare Maggiore, the regions of Alania, Cumania, and Gazaria. All which places do confyne upon the sea called Tabacche; and to thentent I be the better vnderstanded, I shall declare it partely by the costes of the Sea Maggiore, and partely by Lande to the ryver called Elice, which is within xl miles of CAPHA: and passing that ryver it goeth towards MONCASTRO, wheare the notable ryver of DANUBE renneth. From which place forwardes I woll speake of nothing because those places are familiar and knowen well enough.

The cuntrey of ALANIA is so called of the people Alani, which in their tonge they call As. These have been Christen men, and were chased awaie and destroied by the Tartares.

In that region are hills, ryvers, and plaines: wheare are to be seene an infinite nombre of little hills forced in signe or steede of sepultures, and on the toppe of everie of them a great stone wᵗʰ an hole: wherein standeth a crosse of one peece made of an other stone.

[Sidenote: Cairo is the greatest citie in Egipt.]

[Sidenote: Zena is a sleade.]

In one of these little hilles we were ꝑsuaded there shulde be hidden a great treasure. For in the tyme that MR. PIETRO Lando had beene consule at Tana, there came one named GULBEDIN from EL CAIRO, wheare he had learned of a Tartarien woman that in one of these little hylles called Contebe,[1] the Alani had hidden a great treasᵉ. And for proofe thereof the woman had given this man certein tokens as well of the hill as of the grounde. So that this Gulbedin entreprised to make certein holes or pittes like wells into this hill in divers places; and having so contynued the space of twoo yeers he died: whereby it was iudged that only for lacke of habilitie he coulde not bringe this treasure to light. Wherefore vij of us merchant men being togither in Tana on Saint Catherines night the yere 1437, fell in reasoning howe this matter might be brought to passe. The names of those merchants were FRANCESCO CORNARO, brother vnto JACOMO CORNARO of the banke, Catarino Contarini, who afterwards vsed to CONSTANTINOPLE. Giovan Barbarigo sonne vnto ANDREA of CANDIA. Giovan da Valle, that died master of the fooyste in the Lake of Garda, and that with certein other Venetians the yere 1428 went vnto Derbenthe wᵗʰ a fooyste that he had made, and there by appointment of the Lorde of that place, spooyled certein shipps that came from STRANA, which was a marveilouse acte. Moises Bon, sonne to Alessandro of Judecca, Bartolomeo Rosso, a Venetian, and owner of the house in Tana that we were in at that tyme, and I the vijᵗʰ. In effect three of this companie having beene at the place before, ꝓsuaded the rest that the thinge was faisible, so that we agreed and bound ourselfs both by othe and by writing, made by Catarino Contarini, the copie whereof I have yet to shewe, to go digge this hill; whereupon the matter being thus concluded, we hired cxx men to go wᵗʰ us for that purpose, vnto whom we gave three ducates a peece for the moonthe. And about viij daies aftre we vij wᵗʰ oʳ cxx men departed from Tana, wᵗʰ stuff, vittaills, weapons, and instruments necessarie, which we caried vpon those zena that they use in Russia, and went vp the ryver on the yse, so that the next daie we arryved at the place, for it standeth neere the ryver, and about lx miles distant from Tana. This little hyll is lᵗⁱᵉ paces high and is plaine above, on which plaine is an other little hill like a round bonett, compassed about wᵗʰ a stone so large that ij men a fronte may walke on the bryme, and this little hill is xii paces high. The hill bylowe was round as if it had been made wᵗʰ a compasse, and was lxxx paces by diameter.

After all things were readie we beganne to cutt and digge on the plaine of this greater hill, which is the beginneng of the little hill, entending to make a large waie to enter into the botome: but the earthe was so harde frozen that neither wᵗʰ mattockes nor yet wᵗʰ pickaxes we coulde well break it. Nevertheles, after that we were a little entred we founde thearthe softer, so that we wrought meetely well that daie. But whan we retoʳned the next morneng we founde thearthe so harde frozen that we were constraigned to forgoo our enterprise, and to retoʳne vnto Tana; determyneng nevertheles to com̄e thither again an other tyme.

About thende of Marche we retoʳned thither by boates and litle vessells wᵗʰ cl men, which beganne to digge of newe. So that in xxij daies we made a waie of lx paces longe, viij paces brode, and x paces high. Nowe shall yoᵘ hear wonders and things almost incredyble.

[Sidenote: Miglio is a graine almost as small as mustard seed.]

We founde all things as it had been tolde us before, which putt vs in the more compforte of the rest. So that the hope of finding of this treasure made vs that had hyred the laborers to carie the barowes better than they: and I myself was master of making of the barowes. The great wonder was that first next vnto the grasse thearthe was blacke. Than next vnto that all was coles, but this is possible, for having willowes enough there by, they might easilie make fyre on the hill. Vnder this were asshes a spanne deep—and this is also possible; for having reades there by which they might burne, it was no great matter to make asshes. Then were there rynds of MIGLIO an other spanne deepe, and bicause it may be said that that they of the cuntrey lyved wᵗʰ bread made of MIGLIO, and saved the ryndes to bestowe in this place, I wolde faine knowe what proportion of miglio wolde furnishe that quantitie to cover such an hill of so great a breadth wᵗʰ the onlie ryndes thereof for a spanne deepe? Under this an other spanne deepe were skales of fishe as of carpes and such other. And bicause it may be saied that in the ryver there are carpes and other fishe enough whose skales wolde suffise to cover such an hill, I referre it vnto the reader’s iudgment wheather this thinge either be possible or like to be trewe: and yet do I tell it for trewe. And do consider besides that he which caused this sepulture to be made being named Indiabu, mynding to vse all these ceremonies which ꝑchaunce were used in those daies, did thinke on it longe before: and made all these things to be gathered and laied togither by some processe of tyme.[2]

Thus having cutt in and finding hitherto no treasʳᵉ, we determyned to make ij trenches into the great hill of iiij paces in breadeth and height. This doon we founde a white harde earthe into the which we made steppes to carie up the barrowes by. And so being entred v. paces deeper we founde in the botome certein vessels of stone, some of them wᵗʰ asshes, some wᵗʰ coles, some emptie and some full of fishe back bones. We founde also v or vi beadestones as bigge as oranges made of bricke and covered wᵗʰ glasse such as in the marke of ANCONA they used to plaie wᵗʰall. We founde also halfe the handle of a little ewer of sylver, made with an adders hedde on the toppe. Finally in the passion week theast winde beganne to blowe so vehemently that it raysed thearthe wᵗʰ the stoanes and cloddes that had been digged and threwe them so in the workemens faces that the blowdde folowed. Wherfore we determined to leave of and to prove no further; which we did on the Easter Monday after.

[Sidenote: The Tartares call in maner all nations of Europe franchi.]

This place was before called the caves of Gulbedin, but after our digging there it hathe beene called the cave of the FRANCHI, and is so called vnto this daie. For the worke that we did in those few daies is so great, that it seemeth a m men coulde skarsalie have done it in so shorte a tyme. And yet we had no certaintie of this treasure, but (as we coulde learne), if there be any treasʳᵉ the cause why it shulde be hidde there was that Indiabu Lorde of the Alani hearing that Themꝓoʳ of the Tartares came against hym; for hydeng of his treasure feigned to make his sepulture after their custome, and so conveigheng thither secretlie that which seemed him good, he afterwardes caused this litell hill to be made upon it. The faith of Macomett beganne to take place amonge the Tartariens about an Cᵗʰ yeres past. In dede some of them were Macomettanes before, but everie man was at his libertie to believe what hym best liked; so that some worshipped ymags of woode, and of ragges, which they carried on their carts about with them. The beginneng of Macometts faith was in the tyme of Hedighi capitaigne of the people of Sidahameth Can Emperoʳ of Tartarie. This Hedighi was father vnto Naurus, of whom we shall speake at this present.

There reigned in the champaignes of Tartarie the yere 1438 an emperoʳ called Vlumahumeth Can, that is to saie, the great Macomett emperoʳ, who, having alreadie reigned certein yeres, and being in the champaignes towards Russia wᵗʰ his Lordo[3] (that is to saie, his people), had this Naurus as his capitaigne, sonne vnto Hedighi before named, by whose meanes Tartarie was constreigned to receave the faith of Macomett. Betwene this Naurus and Thempoʳ, there happened such a discorde, that Naurus wᵗʰ such people as wolde folowe him left him, and went towards the river Ledil vnto Chezimameth, that is to say Litle macomett, one of the bloudde of thother emperor, and there agreed wᵗʰ both their forces to go against Vlumahumeth. Wherevpon they tooke their waie by Citerchan into the champaignes of Tumen, and coming about by Circassia they went towards the ryver Tana, and towards the golfe of the sea called Tabacche, which, with the ryver of Tana, were both frozen. And bicause their people was great and their beasts innumerable, therefore it behoved them to go the more at large to thentent they that went before shulde not destroie the grasse, and other such thinges as served for the refresshing of them that came aftre. So that the formost of this people and cattaill were at a place called Palastra whan the hindermost were at a place called Bosagaz (which signifieth grayye woodde), on the river of Tana, the distance between which two places is cxx myles, which space of grounde this foresaid people occupied, though in dede they were not all apt to travaile.

We had newes of their cōmyng iiij moonthes before. But a moneth before this Lordes arryvall there beganne to cōme towardes the Tana certain skowltes, being younge men, iij or iiij on horsebacke, eche of them wᵗʰ a spare horse in hande. Those that came into Tana were called before the consule and well entreated. But whan they were examyned whither they went and what was their busynes, they answered they were yonge men that went about for their passetyme, and more coulde not be had of them. And they never taried passing an howre or twoo, but that they goon againe, and so it contynewed daylie, saving their nombre did somewhat more and more encrease. But whan this Lorde was wᵗhin v or vi ioʳneys of Tana than they begane to come by xxv and lᵗⁱᵉˢ togither, well armed and in good ordre, and as he drewe nearer they encreased by the hundrethes.

[Sidenote: Moschea is the name of the Maccomettanes church.]

[Sidenote: Turcimanno signifieth an interpretoʳ.]

At length he came himself, and was lodged in an auncient MOSCHEA, wᵗhin an arrowe shoot of Tana. Incontinently the consule determined to send him presents, and sent him a NOUENA, an other to his moother, and an other to NAURUS, capitaigne of the armie. NOUENA is called a present of nyne divers things, as who wolde saie sylkes, skarlette and other such to the numbre of ix. For such is the maner of presenting the Lordes of those ꝑties. So there was caried vnto hym breade, wyne made of honye, ale and other divers things, to the nombre of ix: and I was appointed to go wᵗʰ all. Being thus entered into the MOSCHEA, we founde the Lorde lyeng on a carpett, leanyng his hedde vnto NAURUS, he himself being of the age of xxij, and Naurus xxv. Whan I had presented the things that we brought, I recōmended the towne, wᵗʰ the people, vnto him, and telled him that they were all at his cōmandement: wherevpon he answered wᵗʰ most gentle woordes, and aftre looking towardes me beganne to laughe and to clappe his handes togither, saieng, beholde what a towne is this, wheare as iij men have but iij eyes, which he saied, bicause BURAN TAIAPIETRA, our TURCIMANNO, had but one eye; Zuan Greco, the consules servant, one other eye; and he that caried the wyne of honye likewise but one. And than we tooke oʳ leave, and departed.

And bicause some woll skarse thinke it likely that, as I have saied, the skowltes shulde go by iiij, by x, xx, and xxx, through those plaines x, xv, and sometime xx ioʳneys before the people; constrewing whareof they might lyve. I answere that every of them which so departe from the people carieth wᵗʰ him a bottell, made of a goates skynne, full of meale of the grayne called MIGLIO, made in past wᵗʰ a litle honye, and hath a certain litle dishe of woodde, so that whan he misseth to take any wylde game (whereof there is great store in those champaignes which they can well kyll, specially wᵗʰ their bowes) than taketh he a litle of this meale, and putting a litle water vnto it maketh a certein potion, of the which he feedeth. For whan I have asked some of them what thinge they lyve vpon in the champaigne, they have asked me again, Why do men die for hunger? as who wolde saie, If I may have wherewᵗʰ sleightlie to susteigne the lief, it suffiseth me. And, in dede, they passe their lyves well enough wᵗʰ herbes and rootes and such other as they can gett, so they wante not salte. For, if they lacke salte, their mowthes woll so swell and fester that some of them die thereof: and in that case they cōmonly fall into the fluxe.

[Sidenote: Peloponesus is nowe called Morea.]

[Sidenote: This is skarse an English halfpeny.]

But to retoʳne wheare we lefte, whan this Lorde was departed than this people wᵗʰ their cattaill folowed. First, heardes of horses by lx-c.cc, and more in an hearde. Aftre them folowed heardes of camells and oxen, and aftre them heards of small beastes, which endured for the space of vi daies, that as ferre as we might kenne wᵗʰ oʳ eyes the champaigne, every waie was full of people and beasts folowing on their waie. And this was only the first parte; whereby it is to be considered what a much greater nombre shulde be in the myddle parte. We stood on the walles (for we kept the gates shutt), and thevening we were weerie of looking, for the moltitude of these people and beasts was such that the dyameter of the plaine which they occupied seemed a PAGANEA of cxx myles. This is a Greeke woorde that I learned in MOREA, being in a gentleman’s house that brought an c plowemen in wᵗʰ him: every one of them wᵗʰ a staffe in his hande. The maner of this people was, that they went in ordre a rowe, one distant from an other an c paces, strikeng on the arthe wᵗʰ their stafes, and sometime throwing fooʳthe a woʳde to raise the game, for the which the hunters and fawkeners, some on horsebacke and some on foote, wᵗʰ their hawkes and dogges, waited whereas they thought best; and whan their tyme came lett their hawkes flee or their dogges renne, as the game required. And amongest the other game that thei hunted there were ꝑtriches and certain other birdes that we call hethecockes, which are shorttailed like an henne, and holde up their heades like oʳ cockes, being almost as great as pecocks, which they resemble altogether in coloʳ, saving in the tayle. And, by reason that Tana standeth between litle hills and hath many diches for x miles compasse, as ferre as wheare the olde Tana hath beene, therefore a great nombre of these fowle and game fledde amongst those litle hilles and valeys for succoʳ; insomuch that about the walls of Tana and wᵗhin the diches were so many pertriches and hethecockes that all those places seemed rich mennes poultries. The boies of the towne tooke some of them and solde them twoo for an aspre, which is viij baggatims of ours a peece. There was a freere at that tyme in Tana called freere Thermo, of Saint Frauncs order, who (wᵗʰ a birdeng nett, making of ij cereles one great and stickeng it out on a croked poll wᵗhout the walls) tooke x and xx at a tyme, and with the selling of them gate so much mooney as bought him a litell boye, CIRCASSO, which he named Pertriche, and made him a freere: and all the night they of the towne wolde leave their wyndowss open wᵗʰ a certain light in it to allure the fowle to flee vnto it. Sometimes the hartes and other wilde beastes wolde renne into the houses and in such nombres, that almost it is not to be belieued: but that happened not neere vnto Tana.

From the plaine through which this people passed, it did well appeare that their nombre was very great, and so many that at a certain place called BOSAGAZ, wheare I had a fissheng place about xl miles from Tana, the fisshers telled me that they had fisshed all the wynter, and had salted a great quantitie of MORONI and CAUIARI, and that certain of this people cōmyng thither had taken all their fishe, aswell freshe as salte, and all their CAUIARI, and all their salte, which was as bigge as that of SIENIZA, in such wise that there was not a crome of salte to be founde after they were goon. Thei brake also the pipes and barells, and tooke the barell stafes wᵗʰ them, perchaunce to trym̄e their cartes withall. And further, they brake iij litle mylles there made to grynde salte, only for covetousenes of that litle yron that was in the myddest of them. But that which was doon to me was cōmon to all other. For ZUAN DA VALLE, who had a fisshing there also, hearing of this lordes cōmyng, digged a great diche, and putt therein about xxx barrells of cauiari and to the entent it shulde not be ꝑceaued, when he had covered wᵗʰ earth again, he burned woodde upon it: but it availed not, for they founde it and left not a iote thereof.

This people carie wᵗʰ them innumerable cartes of twoo wheeles higher than ours be, which are closed wᵗʰ mattes made of reades, and ꝓte covered wᵗʰ felte, parte wᵗʰ clothe, if they apꝓteigne vnto men of estimacōn. Some of these cartes carie their houses vpon them which are made on this wise. They take a cercle of tymber, whose dyameter is a pase and an halfe, crossed wᵗhin fooʳthe wᵗʰ other halfe cercles: betwene the which they bestowe their mattes of reade, and than is it covered wᵗʰ felte or cloth, according to the habilitie of the person. So that whan they lodge they take downe these howses to lodge in.

Two daies after that this Lorde was departed, certain of the towne of Tana came vnto me, willing me to go to the walles, wheare one of the Tartares taried to speake wᵗʰ me. I went thither and founde one that tolde me howe EDELMUGH, the Lordes brother-in-lawe, was not ferre of, and desired (if I coulde be so contented) to entre vnto the towne and to be my ghest. I asked licence of the consule, which being obteigned, I went to the gate and receaued him in wᵗʰ iij of his companye. For the gates were all this while kept shutt. I had him to my hawse and made him good cheare, specially wᵗʰ wyne, which pleased him so well that he taried twoo daies wᵗʰ me: and being disposed to departe entreated me to go wᵗʰ him, for he was become my brother; and, wheare as he went, I might go saufely; and so spake some what to the merchaunts, whereof there was none there, but that he wondered at it.

So, being determined to go wᵗʰ him, I tooke wᵗʰ me twoo Tartariens of the towne on foote: rode on horsebacke myself, and about the iijᵈᵉ howre of the daie sett forwarde. But he was so dronke that the bloudde ranne out of his nose; and whan I wolde ꝓsuade him not to drynke so much, he wolde make mowes like an ape, saieng, Lette me drynke; whan shall I finde eny more of this?

By the waie, it behoved vs to passe a ryver which was frozen over; and being alighted, I endeavored myself to go wheare the snowe was on the yse. But he who was overcome wᵗʰ wyne, going wheareas his horse ledde him, chaunced on the yse in divers placs wheare no snowe was, by reason whareof the horse was nowe up, nowe downe, aftre which sorte he contynewed the thirde parte of an howre. Finallie, being passed that river, we came to an other water, and passed it, wᵗʰ much a doo, aftre the like maner: so that, being wearied, he rested him wᵗʰ certain of the people that lodged there: wheare we taried all that night, as yll provided, as may be thought. The next morneng we rode fooʳthe, though not so lustylie as we had done the daie before, and when we weare passed an other arme of the foresaid ryver: following the waie that the people travailed (which were over all as a meyny of ants) wᵗhin two daies ioʳney, we approached vnto the place, wheare the Lorde himself was: and there was my conductoʳ much honored of all men, and fleshe, breade and mylke, wᵗʰ other like things given him: so that we wanted no meate. The next daie folowing coveting to see howe this people rode, and what order they obserued in their things, I did see so many wonders, that if I wolde ꝓticulerlie write them, I shoulde make a great volume.

We went to the Lordes lodging, whom we founde vnder a pavilion wᵗʰ innumerable people about him. Of the which those that desired audience kneeled all separate one from an other, and had left their weapons a stones caste off ere they came to their Lorde. Vnto some of them the Lorde spake, and demaunding what they wolde, he alwaies made a signe to them wᵗʰ his hande that they shulde arise. Whereupon they wolde arise, but not approache eight paces more till they kneeled againe: and so neerer and neerer till they had audience.

The justice that is vsed throughout their campe is verie soddaine, aftre this maner: Whan a difference groweth betwene partie and partie, and wordes multiplied (not aftre the maner of oʳ quarters, for these do vse no violence), thei both or moo (if they be moo) arise and go what waie they thinke good: and to the first man of any estimacōn that they meete they saie: Master, do vs right, for we here are in controversie, wherevpon he tarieth and heareth what both ꝑties can saie: determyneng therevpon what he thinketh best wᵗhout further writing, and what so ever he determineth is accepted wᵗhout any contradiction. For vnto these iudgements many ꝓsons assemble, vnto whom he that maketh the determīacōn saieth yoᵘ shal be all witnesses, with which kinde of iudgements the campe is continually occupied. And if any like difference happen by the waie they observe the verie same ordre.

I did see on a daie (being in this Lordo) a treene[4] dishe overwhelmed[5] on thearthe: vnder the which I founde a litle loofe baken: and demaunding of a Tartarien that was by me, What thinge it was, he answered, It was putt there for HIBUCH-PERES, that is to wete for the Idolatrers. Why, qᵈ I, are there Idolatrers amongst this people? O, oh, qᵈ he, that there be enough, but they are verie secret.

To nombre the people surely, in my iudgement, it was impossible; but to speake according to myne estimacōn, I believe, vndoubtedly, that in all the Lordo whan they came togither there were not so fewe as ccc thousand ꝑsons. This I saie because VLU MAHUMETH had also parte of the Lordo, as it hath been rehearsed before.

The hablemen are verie valiaunt and hardie, in such wise that some of them for their excellencie are called TULUBAGATOR, which signifieth a valiaunt foole: being a name of no lesse reputacōn amongst them than the sernames of wisedome or beaultie wᵗʰ vs, as Peter, ec., the wiseman, Paule, ec., the goodly man. These haue a certein preemynence that all things they do (though partely it be against reason) are rekened to be well doon: because that proceading of valiauntnes it seemeth to all men that they do as it best becometh them. Wherefore there be many of them that in feates of armes esteeme not their lyves, feare no perill, but stryke on afore to make waie wᵗhout reason: so that the weake harted take cowraige at them and become also very valiaunt. And this sername, to my seemyng, is verie convenient for them: bicause I see none that deserueth the name of a valiaunt man, but he is a foole in dede.[6] For, I pray yoᵘ, is it not a folie in one man to fight against iiij? Is it not a madnes for one wᵗʰ a knyfe to dispose himself to fight against divers that haue sweardes? Wherefore to this purpose I shall write a thinge that happened on a tyme while I was at TANA.

[Sidenote: Semenzina is a certein kinde of drugge.]

Being one daie in the streate, there came certein TARTARIENS into the towne, and saied that in a litle woodde not past iii miles of there were about an cᵗʰ horsemen of the Circasses hidden, entending to make a roade even to the towne, as they were wonte to do. At the hearing whereof I happened to be in a fletchers shoppe, wheare also was a Tartarien merchaunt that was cōme thither wᵗʰ SEMENZINA, who, as soone ahe hearde this, rose vp and saied, why go we not to take them? howe many horses be they? I answered, an c. Well, said he, we are five, and howe many horses woll yoᵘ make? I answered, xl. O, qᵈ he, the Circasses are no men, but women: let us go take them. Wherevpon, I went to seeke Mr. Frauncs, and tolde him what this man had saied. And he, alwaies laugheng, folowed me, asking me wheather my hert serued me to go. I answered yea; so that we tooke oʳ horses and ordeyned certein men of ours to come by water. And about noone we assaulted these Circasses, being in the shadowe, and some of them on sleepe, but by mishappe a litle before oʳ arryvall, our trumpett sowned: by reason wheʳof many of them had tyme to eskape. Nevertheles, we killed and tooke about xl of them. But to the purpose of these valiaunt fooles, the best was that this Tartarien wolde needes have had us folowe them still to take them: and seeing no man offer unto it, ranne aftre those that were eskaped himself alone, crieng NOI MAHE TORNA.[7] And about an howre after retoʳned lamenting wonders much that he coulde take never a one of them. Beholde, wheather this were a madnesse or no, for if iiij of them had retoʳned they might haue hewen him to peecs, for the which whan we reproved him, he laughed vs to skorne. The skowtes here before menc̃oned that came before the campe vnto Tana, went alwaies before the campe into viij costes to descrie if there were daungier any waie.

As soone as the Lorde is lodged, incontinently they vnlade their baggaige, leaving large waies betweene their lodgings. If it be in the wynter the beastes are so many that they make wondrefull mooyre: and if it be in som̄er spreading much dust. Incontinently, aftre they haue untrussed their baggaige they make their ovens roste and booyle their fleshe: and dresse it wᵗʰ mylke, butter, and cheese, and most com̄only they are not wᵗhout some venyson, or wilde fleshe, specially redde deere. In this armie are many artisanes, as clothiers, smythes, armorers, and of all other craftes and things that they neede. And if it shulde be demaunded wheather they go, like the Egiptians oʳ no?[8] I answer, no. For (saving that they are not walled about) they seeme verie great and faire cities. And to this purpose, as I retoʳned on a tyme to TANA, on the gate whereof was a very faire towre, I saied vnto a Tartarien marchānt that was in my companie: who earnestly behelde this towre, howe thinkest thoᵘ, is not this a faire thinge? But he, smiling, againe answered, he that is afearde buyldeth towres: wherein me seemeth he said trewly.

[Sidenote: Carauana is a company of merchauntes with their merchandise, assembled to go strongely togithers.]

And because I have spoken of merchaunt men, retoʳneng to my purpose of the armie, I saie there be alwaies merchauntes which carie their wares divers waies though they passe wᵗʰ the Lordo, entending to go otherwheare. These Tartariens are good fawkeners, have many jerfaulcones, and their flight is much to the CAMMELEONS, which is not vsed wᵗʰ vs.[9] They hunte the harte and other great beastes also. These hawkes they carie on their fistes, and in the other hande they haue a crowche:[10] which, whan they be weerie, they leane their hande vpon. For one of these hawkes is twise as bigge as an egle. Sometimes there passeth over the armie a flocke of gheese, to the which some of the campe shoote certein croked arrowes vnfeathered, which, in the ascending, hurle abowt breaking all that is in their waie, neckes, leggs, and whinges: and sometyme there passe so many that it seemeth the ayre is full of them: and than do the people showte and crie wᵗʰ so extreame a noyse, that the gheese astonied wᵗhall do fall downe. And bicause I am entered into talking of byrdes, I shall here rehearse one thinge that I thinke notable. Rideng through this Lordo, on the banke of a litle ryver, I founde a man that seemed of reputacōn talking wᵗʰ his serūnt, who called me vnto him and made me alight, demaunding of me wheareabouts I went. I answered as the case required, wherevpon, looking aside, I ꝑceaued beside him iiij or v tesells:[11] on the which were certein lynettes; he furthew cōmaunded one of his serūnts to take one of those lynetts: who tooke two threades of his horsetayle, made a snare which he putt on the tasells, and streight waie tooke a lynett, which he brought to his master, who furthwᵗʰ did bidde hym dresse it: so that the serūnt tooke him, quickely pulled him, made a broche of woode, rosted him and retoʳned wᵗhall vnto his mʳ, who tooke it in his hande, and beholding me, said: I am not nowe, whereas I may shewe the that honoʳ and courtesie that thoᵘ mearitest, but of such as I haue that God hath sent me we wolde make mearie; and so tooke the linett in his hande, brake it in three partes, gave me one, eate an other himself: and the iijᵈᵉ, which was verie litle, he gave vnto him that tooke it. What shall I saie of the great and innumerable moltitude of beastes that are in this Lordo? Shall I be believed? But, be as it be may, I haue determyned to tell it. And, beginneng at the horses, I saie there be many horsecorsers which take horses out of the Lordo and carie them into divers places: for there was one CARAUANA that came into Persia er I deꝑted thense, which brought iiij thousand of them; whereof ye neede not to mervaile, for if yoᵘ were disposed in one daie to bie a thousande or ijᵐˡ horses yoᵘ shulde finde them to sell in this Lordo, for they go in heardes like sheepe, and as they go, if you saie to the owner I woll haue an cᵗʰ of these horses he hath a staffe wᵗʰ a coller on thende of it, and is so connyng in that feate that it is no sooner spoken, but he hath streight cast the coller about the horse necke, and drawen him out of the hearde: and so by one and one which he lyst, and as many as yoʷ bidde him. I have divers tymes mett these horsecorsers on the waie wᵗʰ such a nombre of horses as haue covered the champaigne, that it seemed a wonder. The countrey breedeth not verie good horses, for they be litell, haue great bealies, and eate no provander: and whan thei be brought into Persia the greatest praise yoᵘ can give them is, that they woll eate provander: wᵗhout the which they woll not endure any laboʳ to the purpose. The seconde sorte of their beastes is oxen, which are verie faire and great, and such a nombre wᵗʰall, that they serve the shambles of Italie, being sent by the waie of Polonia, and some throwgh Valacchia into Transilvania, and so into Allemaigne, from whense they are brought into Italie. The thirde sorte of beasts that they have are camells of twoo bonches, great and rowghe, which they carie into Persia, and there sell them for xxv ducats a peece: whereas they of theast haue but one bonche, are litle, and be solde for x ducats a peece. Their iiijᵗʰ kinde of beasts are sheepe, which be unreasonable great, longe legged, longe woll, and great tayles, that waie about xijˡ a peece. And some such I haue seene as haue drawen a wheele aftre them, their tailes being holden vp. Whan for a pleasʳᵉ they haue been put to it, with the fatt of which tayles they dresse all their meates and serueth them in steede of butter, for it is not clammye in the mowthe.