Chapter III (2)

_September 24th._--Brigadier Grant, like dear Sir Henry
Lawrence, (though both married men themselves,) says that
soldiers have no business to marry; under the idea that
anxiety for their wives' welfare and safety often induces
men to hesitate to run risks which they would otherwise
cheerfully undergo. I, on a less selfish principle, question
very much whether men have any right to expose their wives
to such misery and anxiety as during the last few months
have fallen to the lot of so many; and yet it seems hard to
say that soldiers, who have so much to endure at times for
the sake of others and of their common country, should be
denied the happiness of married life, because times of
danger will sometimes occur, and certain I am that the love
of a noble-hearted woman nerves one's arm to daring and to
honor. Happy, however, is the woman whose husband is not a
soldier.... Really the rumors which travel about are too
ludicrous, though hardly more so than those which take rise
and are actually believed in camp.

The true account of the cavalry "demonstration" is this: on
the morning on which the city and palace were finally
evacuated (19th), the whole of the available cavalry (not
otherwise employed) moved out through the suburbs in the
direction of, though not on the road to, the Kootub, but
with strict orders not to go under fire! Well, we all
marched out to the top of the hill on which stands the
"Eedgah," and thence, from a safe and respectful distance,
overlooked the camp of the Bareilly and Nusseerabad force,
under "General" Bukt Khan, quondam Subadar of artillery.
While minutely examining the camp through my glass (I was
with Brigadier Hope Grant, to show the way), I perceived, by
unmistakable signs, that it was being evacuated. Shortly
after a loud explosion showed that they were blowing up
their ammunition previous to a flight; these signs were on
the moment confirmed by the arrival of my "Hurkaras"
(messengers), and I immediately got leave to go and tell the
General. I did so, galloping down along the front of the
city to see if that was quite clear. I then asked leave to
go down through the camp, and see what was really the state
of the case; and Macdowell and I started with seventy-five
men, and rode at a gallop right round the city to the Delhi
gate, clearing the roads of plunderers and
suspicious-looking objects as we went. We found the camp as
I had been told, empty, and the Delhi gate open; we were
there at 11 A. M. at latest, and it was not until 2 P. M.
that the order was given for the cavalry to move out, and
they were so long about it, that when at sunset Macdowell
and I were returning, (bringing away three guns left by the
enemy, and having made arrangements and collected camels for
bringing in the empty tents, &c.,) we met the advance-guard
coming slowly forward in grand array! We had been on to the
jail and old fort, two or three miles beyond Delhi, and
executed many a straggler. I brought in the mess plate of
the 60th Native Infantry, their standards, drums, and other
things. Macdowell and I had been for five hours inside the
Delhi gate, hunting about, before a guard was sent to take
charge of it.

The next day I got permission, after much argument and
entreaty, to go and bring in the King, for which (though
negotiations for his life had been entertained) no provision
had been made and no steps taken, and his favorite wife
also, and the young imp (her son) whom he had destined to
succeed him on the throne. This was successfully
accomplished, at the expense of vast fatigue and no trifling
risk.[52] I then set to work to get hold of the villain
princes. It was with the greatest difficulty that the
General was persuaded to allow them to be interfered with,
till even poor Nicholson roused himself to urge that the
pursuit should be attempted. The General at length yielded a
reluctant consent, adding "but don't let me be bothered
with them." I assured him it was nothing but his own order
which "bothered" him with the King, as I would much rather
have brought him into Delhi dead than living. Glad to have
at length obtained even this consent, I prepared for my
dangerous expedition. Macdowell accompanied me, and taking
one hundred picked men, I started early for the tomb of the
Emperor Humayoon, where the villains had taken sanctuary. I
laid my plans so as to cut off access to the tomb or escape
from it, and then sent in one of the inferior scions of the
royal family (purchased for the purpose by the promise of
his life) and my one-eyed Moulvie Rujub Alee, to say that I
had come to seize the Shahzadahs for punishment, and
intended to do so, dead or alive. After two hours of wordy
strife and very anxious suspense, they appeared, and asked
if their lives had been promised by the Government, to which
I answered "most certainly not," and sent them away from the
tomb towards the city, under a guard. I then went with the
rest of the sowars to the tomb, and found it crowded with, I
should think, some 6,000 or 7,000 of the servants,
hangers-on, and scum of the palace and city, taking refuge
in the cloisters which lined the walls of the tomb. I saw at
a glance that there was nothing for it but determination and
a bold front, so I demanded in a voice of authority the
instant surrender of their arms, &c. They immediately
obeyed, with an alacrity I scarcely dared to hope for, and
in less than two hours they brought forth from innumerable
hiding-places some 500 swords, and more than that number of
fire-arms, besides horses, bullocks, and covered carts
called "Ruths," used by the women and eunuchs of the palace.
I then arranged the arms and animals in the centre, and left
an armed guard with them, while I went to look after my
prisoners, who, with their guard, had moved on towards
Delhi. I came up just in time, as a large mob had collected,
and were turning on the guard. I rode in among them at a
gallop, and in a few words I appealed to the crowd, saying
that these were the butchers who had murdered and brutally
used helpless women and children, and that the Government
had now sent their punishment: seizing a carabine from one
of my men, I deliberately shot them one after another. I
then ordered the bodies to be taken into the city, and
thrown out on the "Chiboutra," in front of the Kotwalie,[53]
where the blood of their innocent victims still could be
distinctly traced. The bodies remained before the Kotwalie
until this morning, when, for sanitary reasons, they were
removed. In twenty-four hours, therefore, I disposed of the
principal members of the house of Timur the Tartar. I am not
cruel, but I confess I did rejoice at the opportunity of
ridding the earth of these wretches. I intended to have had
them hung, but when it came to a question of "they" or "us,"
I had no time for deliberation.

_September 24th._--The picture drawn from the usually
mendacious reports at Simla, is not even founded on fact.
The women of the palace had all escaped before the troops
entered.

The troops have behaved with singular moderation towards
women and children, considering their provocation. I do not
believe, and I have some means of knowing, that a single
woman or child has been purposely injured by our troops, and
the story on which your righteous indignation is grounded is
quite false; the troops have been demoralized by drink, but
nothing more.

_September 25th._--... I miss Colonel Seaton terribly, we
have lived in the same tent for months, and had become
brothers in affection as well as in arms. I mourn deeply for
poor Nicholson; with the single exceptions of my
ever-revered Sir Henry Lawrence, and Colonel Mackeson, I
have never seen his equal in field or council; he was
preeminently our "best and bravest," and his loss is not to
be atoned for in these days. I cannot help being pleased
with the warm congratulations I receive on all sides for my
success in destroying the enemies of our race; the whole
nation will rejoice, but I am pretty sure that however glad
---- will be at their destruction, he will take exception to
my having been the instrument, in God's hands, of their
punishment. That will not signify, however; I am too
conscious of the rectitude of my own motives to care what
the few may say while my own conscience and the voice of the
many pronounce me right.

A fuller account of the capture of the King will be found in a letter addressed to me shortly afterwards, and published by me in the _Times_, which I now reprint:--

"I have before explained to you what your brother's (Captain
Hodson's) position officially was,--namely, that he was
appointed Assistant Quartermaster-General and Intelligence
Officer on the Commander-in-Chief's own Staff. His reports
were to be made to him direct, without the intervention of
the Quartermaster-General or any other person.

"For this appointment, which was then a most responsible
one, as intelligence of the enemy's movements and intentions
was of the utmost importance, his long acquaintance with
Sikhs and Affghans, and his having been similarly employed
in the Punjaub war, had peculiarly fitted him. Of course,
there were always plenty of traitors in the enemy's camp
ready to sell their own fathers for gain, or to avoid
punishment, and he was invested with full power to promise
reward or punishment, in proportion to the deserts of those
who assisted him.

"On our taking possession of the city gate, reports came in
that thousands of the enemy were evacuating the city by the
other gates, and that the King also had left his palace. We
fought our way inch by inch to the palace walls, and then
found truly enough that its vast arena was void. The very
day after we took possession of the palace, (the 20th,)
Captain Hodson received information that the King and his
family had gone with a large force out of the Ajmere Gate to
the Kootub. He immediately reported this to the General
commanding, and asked whether he did not intend to send a
detachment in pursuit, as with the King at liberty and
heading so large a force, our victory was next to useless,
and we might be besieged instead of besiegers. General
Wilson replied that he could not spare a single European. He
then volunteered to lead a party of the Irregulars, but this
offer was also refused, though backed up by Neville
Chamberlain.

"During this time messengers were coming in constantly, and
among the rest one from Zeenat Mahal, (the favorite Begum,)
with an offer to use her influence with the King to
surrender on certain conditions. These conditions at first
were ludicrous enough--viz: that the King and the whole of
the males of his family should be restored to his palace and
honors; that not only should his pension be continued, but
the arrears since May be paid up, with several other equally
modest demands. I need not say these were treated with
contemptuous denial. Negotiations, however, were vigorously
carried on, and care was taken to spread reports of an
advance in force to the Kootub. Every report as it came in
was taken to General Wilson, who at last gave orders to
Captain Hodson to promise the King's life and freedom from
personal indignity, and make what other terms he could.
Captain Hodson then started with only fifty of his own men
for Humayoon's Tomb, three miles from the Kootub, where the
King had come during the day. The risk was such as no one
can judge of, who has not seen the road,[54] amid the old
ruins scattered about of what was once the real city of
Delhi.

"He concealed himself and men in some old buildings close by
the gateway of the Tomb, and sent in his two emissaries to
Zeenat Mahal with the _ultimatum_,--the King's life and that
of her son and father (the latter has since died). After two
hours passed by Captain Hodson in most trying suspense, such
as (he says) he never spent before, while waiting the
decision, his emissaries (one an old favorite of poor Sir
Henry Lawrence,) came out with the last offer--that the King
would deliver himself up to Captain Hodson only, and on
condition that he repeated with his own lips the promise of
the Government for his safety.

"Captain Hodson then went out into the middle of the road in
front of the gateway, and said that he was ready to receive
his captives and renew the promise.

"You may picture to yourself the scene before that
magnificent gateway, with the milk-white domes of the Tomb
towering up from within, one white man among a host of
natives, yet determined to secure his prisoner or perish in
the attempt.

"Soon a procession began to come slowly out, first Zeenat
Mahal, in one of the close native conveyances used for
women. Her name was announced as she passed by the Moulvie.
Then came the King in a palkee, on which Captain Hodson rode
forward and demanded his arms. Before giving them up, the
King asked whether he was 'Hodson Bahadoor,' and if he would
repeat the promise made by the herald? Captain Hodson
answered that he would, and repeated that the Government had
been graciously pleased to promise him his life, and that of
Zeenat Mahal's son, on condition of his yielding himself
prisoner quietly, adding very emphatically, that if any
attempt was made at a rescue he would shoot the King down on
the spot like a dog. The old man then gave up his arms,
which Captain Hodson handed to his orderly, still keeping
his own sword drawn in his hand. The same ceremony was then
gone through with the boy (Jumma Bukh); and the march
towards the city began, the longest five miles, as Captain
Hodson said, that he ever rode, for of course the palkees
only went at a foot pace, with his handful of men around
them, followed by thousands, any one of whom could have shot
him down in a moment. His orderly told me that it was
wonderful to see the influence which his calm and undaunted
look had on the crowd. They seemed perfectly paralyzed at
the fact of one white man (for they thought nothing of his
fifty black sowars) carrying off their King alone. Gradually
as they approached the city the crowd slunk away, and very
few followed up to the Lahore gate. Then Captain Hodson rode
on a few paces and ordered the gate to be opened. The
officer on duty asked simply as he passed what he had got in
his palkees. 'Only the King of Delhi,' was the answer, on
which the officer's enthusiastic exclamation was more
emphatic than becomes ears polite. The guard were for
turning out to greet him with a cheer, and could only be
repressed, on being told that the King would take the honor
to himself. They passed up that magnificent deserted street
to the palace gate, where Capt. Hodson met the civil officer
(Mr. Saunders), and formally delivered over his Royal
prisoners to him. His remark was amusing, 'By Jove! Hodson,
they ought to make you Commander-in-Chief for this.'

"On proceeding to the General's quarters to report his
successful return, and hand over the Royal arms, he was
received with the characteristic speech, 'Well, I'm glad you
have got him, but I never expected to see either him or you
again!' while the other officers in the room were loud in
their congratulations and applause. He was requested to
select for himself from the Royal arms what he chose, and
has therefore two magnificent swords, one with the name of
'Nadir Shah,' and the other the seal of Jehan Gire engraved
upon it, which he intends to present to the Queen.

"On the following day, as you already know, he captured
three of the Princes; but of this more hereafter. I am
anxious now that you should fully understand that your
brother was bound by orders from the General to spare the
King's life, much against his own will; that the capture
alone was on his own risk and responsibility, and not the
pledge."[55]

I am allowed to insert here a most graphic letter, written by Lieut. Macdowell, 2d in command of Hodson's Horse:--

"On the morning of the 19th we formed up and saw the
townspeople coming in thousands out of the Delhi gate (still
in the enemy's possession), and passing through their camp,
taking the high road to the Kootub. Too far off to do any
damage, we waited (the ground a mass of hard rocks,
impracticable for cavalry) till 9 A. M., and then retired.
Hodson, my commanding officer, then went to the General, and
at ten I received a note from him, 'Gallop down with fifty
men and meet me at the Cashmere gate as sharp as possible.'
Down I went, and he told me he had volunteered to ride
through the enemy's camp and reconnoitre; that no one knew
if they were there in force or not, and he asked me if I
would accompany him. Of course I was only too glad, and off
we went. They fired at us as we approached, from gardens
and places all round, but I imagine they thought more men
were coming, and bolted, we (only fifty of us) cutting up
all their stragglers to the tune of some fifty or sixty. As
we came back we intercepted a whole lot of townspeople
escaping. Well, I must not linger on this. Having done our
work (and it wasn't a bad thing to do, to gallop through
their camp with fifty men, not knowing whether they were
there or not), we cautiously approached the Delhi gate. It
was open, but all was silent. Our troops had not as yet
ventured so far. Afar off we heard the firing in the city in
other quarters; leaving our men outside, with four Sowars
behind us with cocked carabines, we rode in, holding our
revolvers ready for a row. Not a soul was there; all still
as death. I looked round, and close to where I was sitting
were two bottles of beer amidst a heap of plate, silver,
clothes, &c. Perhaps I didn't jump off sharp! It was all
right; real beer! madam; we uncorked, and drank the Queen's
health at once. After a little time, as the firing
approached, and we found all was right, we rode away, and
reported what we had done. The General was very pleased.

"And now for my great adventure. On the 20th the King gave
himself up, and was lodged securely in Delhi under a guard.
On this day all had evacuated the place, of which we were
complete masters. On the 21st a note from Hodson, 'Come
sharp, bring one hundred men.' Off I went, time 6 o'clock A.
M. To explain why he wrote to me, I must tell you that
although he commanded the regiment, he was also the head of
the Intelligence Department, and lived in the General's
quarters, while I lived with the regiment, commanding it in
his absence, as being second in command. Well, down I went.
He told me he had heard that the three Princes[56] (the
heads of the rebellion and sons of the King) were in a tomb
six miles off, and he intended going to bring them, and
offered me the chance of accompanying him. Wasn't it
handsome on his part! Of course I went; we started at about
eight o'clock, and proceeded slowly towards the tomb. It is
called Humayoon's Tomb, and is an immense building. In it
were the princes and about 3,000 Mussulman followers. In the
suburb close by about 3,000 more, all armed, so it was
rather a ticklish bit of work. We halted half a mile from
the place, and sent in to say the princes must give
themselves up unconditionally, or take the consequences. A
long half hour elapsed, when a messenger came out to say the
princes wished to know if their lives would be promised
them, if they came out. 'Unconditional surrender,' was the
answer. Again we waited. It was a most anxious time. We
dared not take them by force, or all would have been lost,
and we doubted their coming. We heard the shouts of the
fanatics (as we found out afterwards) begging the princes to
lead them on against us. And we had only one hundred men,
and were six miles from Delhi. At length, I suppose,
imagining that sooner or later they must be taken, they
resolved to give themselves up unconditionally, fancying, I
suppose, as we had spared the King, we would spare them. So
the messenger was sent to say they were coming. We sent ten
men to meet them, and by Hodson's order I drew the troop up
across the road, ready to receive them, and shoot them at
once if there was any attempt at a rescue. Soon they
appeared in a small 'Ruth' or Hindostanee cart drawn by
bullocks, five troopers on each side. Behind them thronged
about 2,000 or 3,000 (I am not exaggerating) Mussulmans. We
met them, and at once Hodson and I rode up, leaving the men
a little in the rear. They bowed as we came up, and Hodson,
bowing, ordered the driver to move on. This was the minute.
The crowd behind made a movement. Hodson waved them back; I
beckoned to the troop, which came up, and in an instant
formed them up between the crowd and the cart. By Hodson's
order I advanced at a walk on the people, who fell back
sullenly and slowly at our approach. It was touch and go.
Meanwhile Hodson galloped back, and told the sowars (10) to
hurry the princes on along the road, while we showed a front
and kept back the mob. They retired on Humayoon's Tomb, and
step by step we followed them. Inside they went up the
steps, and formed up in the immense garden inside. The
entrance to this was through an arch, up steps. Leaving the
men outside, Hodson and myself (I stuck to him throughout),
with four men, rode up the steps into the arch,[57] when he
called out to them to lay down their arms. There was a
murmur. He reiterated the command, and (God knows why, I
never can understand it) they commenced doing so. Now you
see we didn't want their arms, and under ordinary
circumstances would not have risked our lives in so rash a
way, but what we wanted was to gain time to get the princes
away, for we could have done nothing, had they attacked us,
but cut our way back, and very little chance of doing even
this successfully. Well, there we stayed for two hours,
collecting their arms, and I assure you I thought every
moment they would rush upon us. I said nothing, but smoked
all the time, to show I was unconcerned; but at last, when
it was all done, and all the arms collected, put in a cart,
and started, Hodson turned to me and said, 'We'll go, now.'
Very slowly we mounted, formed up the troop, and cautiously
departed, followed by the crowd. We rode along quietly. You
will say, why did we not charge them? I merely say, we were
one hundred men, and they were fully 6,000. I am not
exaggerating; the official reports will show you it is all
true. As we got about a mile off, Hodson turned to me and
said, 'Well, Mac, we've got them at last;' and we both gave
a sigh of relief. Never in my life, under the heaviest fire,
have I been in such imminent danger. Everybody says it is
the most dashing and daring thing that has been done for
years (not on my part, for I merely obeyed orders, but on
Hodson's, who planned and carried it out). Well, I must
finish my story. We came up to the princes, now about five
miles from where we had taken them, and close to Delhi. The
increasing crowd pressed close on the horses of the sowars,
and assumed every moment a more hostile appearance. 'What
shall we do with them?' said Hodson to me. 'I think we had
better shoot them here; we shall never get them in.'

"We had identified them by means of a nephew of the King's
whom we had with us, and who turned King's evidence.
Besides, they acknowledged themselves to be the men. Their
names were Mirza Mogul, the King's nephew and head of the
whole business; Mirza Kishere Sultamet, who was also one of
the principal rebels, and had made himself notorious by
murdering women and children; and Abu Bukt, the
commander-in-chief nominally, and heir-apparent to the
throne. This was the young fiend who had stripped our women
in the open street, and cutting off little children's arms
and legs, poured the blood into their mothers' mouths; this
is literally the case. There was no time to be lost; we
halted the troop, put five troopers across the road behind
and in front. Hodson ordered the Princes to strip and get
again into the cart; he then shot them with his own hand. So
ended the career of the chiefs of the revolt, and of the
greatest villains that ever shamed humanity. Before they
were shot, Hodson addressed our men, explaining who they
were, and why they were to suffer death; the effect was
marvellous, the Mussulmans seemed struck with a wholesome
idea of retribution, and the Sikhs shouted with delight,
while the mass moved off slowly and silently. One of the
sowars pointed out to me a man running rapidly across a
piece of cultivated ground, with arms gleaming in the
sunlight. I and the sowar rode after him, when I discovered
it was the King's favorite eunuch, of whose atrocities we
had heard so much. The sowar cut him down instantly, and we
returned, well satisfied that we had rid the world of such a
monster. It was now four o'clock; Hodson rode into the city
with the cart containing the bodies, and had them placed in
the most public street, where all might see them. Side by
side they lay where, four months before, on the same spot,
they had outraged and murdered our women. I went quietly
home with the troop, nearly dead, having had nothing (except
water) since six o'clock the previous night. I have not time
to write you of my subsequent adventures, but will next
mail. We have gained a great deal of [Greek: kudos] for this
business, and I hear are to be rewarded in some way or
other."

Some months later my brother wrote with reference to this matter:--

CAMP, ON THE LEFT BANK OF THE GANGES, OPPOSITE CAWNPORE,
_Feb. 12th, 1858_.

... I see that many people suppose that I had promised the
old King his life _after_ he was caught. Pray contradict
this. The promise was given two days before, to induce him
to leave the rebel troops and return to the near
neighborhood of Delhi within reach. General Wilson refused
to send troops in pursuit of him, and to avoid greater
calamities I then, and not till then, asked and obtained
permission to offer him his wretched life, on the ground,
and solely on the ground, that there was no other way of
getting him into our possession. The people were gathering
round him. His name would have been a tocsin which would
have raised the whole of Hindostan, and the Rajahs and
Rajpootana in the south would have been forced to have
joined in the rising, which would then have been universal.
Was it not better to get rid of all this, and secure
ourselves from further mischief at the simple cost of
sparing the life of an old man of ninety? It must be
remembered, too, that we had no troops left to meet any
further augmentation of our enemies. A small force under
Colonel Greathed was with difficulty found, some days later,
to go towards Agra; and it was clear to me then (as
experience has since shown) that we had still months to wait
for reinforcements from home. Here is February; the King
was caught in September, and yet up to this present day the
Commander-in-Chief has not been able to send a single
soldier of all that have arrived from England up as far as
Delhi; and all Rohilcund, all Oude, a great part of Central
India, all Bundelcund, and most of Behar, are still in the
hands of the enemy. Would it have been wise to have given,
in addition to all this, so strong an incentive to
combination, to the warlike men of the northwest, as they
would have had in the person of a sacred and "heaven-born"
monarch, dethroned, wandering, and homeless, but backed by a
whole army in rebellion? I am blamed for it now; but knowing
that there was no other way of getting him into our power, I
am quite content to take the obloquy. It will hereafter be
admitted that one of the greatest blows was struck at the
root of the rebellion when the old King was led a captive
into his own palace on the 21st of September, 1857.[58]
Strange, that some of those who are loudest against me for
sparing the King, are also crying out at my destroying his
sons. "Quousque tandem?" I may well exclaim. But in point of
fact, I am quite indifferent to clamor either way. I made up
my mind at the time to be abused. I was convinced I was
right, and when I prepared to run the great physical risk of
the attempt, I was equally game for the moral risk of praise
or blame. These have not been, and are not times when a man
who would serve his country dare hesitate as to the
personal consequences to himself of what he thinks his duty.

I am indebted to Sir T. Seaton for an answer to inquiries addressed to my brother, which never reached him:--

"I see you are anxious to clear up the two 'vexed
questions:'--Why did he guarantee the life of the King? Why
did he strip the princes? He guaranteed the life of the
King, because he was ordered to do so by General Wilson; and
I think that under the circumstances it was wise and prudent
(though highly distasteful to the General), for it enabled
us to get hold of the nominal head of the great rebellion,
and to secure the capture of those greater scoundrels, the
princes. No one ever thought out here of asking why he
stripped the princes, or rather why he made them take off
their upper garments. It certainly was not as the French
stupidly assert, 'pour ne pas gater le butin,' for if the
upper corresponded with the nether clothes in which the
bodies were laid out, they would have been dear at a
shilling the lot. He made them strip off their upper
garments, to render their death and subsequent exposure at
the Kotwalla more impressive and terrible. Some people ask,
'Why did he shoot them himself?' To this I will reply by
another question, 'What would have been the effect on that
vast crowd of a single moment's hesitation or appearance of
hesitation?'"

Before this chapter closes, I will insert one or two anecdotes and descriptions of my brother, from letters written at this time by officers before Delhi, which have been kindly placed at my disposal. They will help to fill up the picture of him, which may be drawn from his own diary.

* * * * *

One says:--

"The way Hodson used to work was quite miraculous. He was a
slighter man and lighter weight than I am. Then he had that
most valuable gift, of being able to get refreshing sleep on
horseback. I have been out with him all night following and
watching the enemy, when he has gone off dead asleep, waking
up after an hour as fresh as a lark; whereas, if I went to
sleep in the saddle, the odds were I fell off on my nose.

"He was the very perfection of a 'free-lance,' and such an
Intelligence Officer! He used to know what the rebels had
for dinner in Delhi.

"In a fight he was glorious. If there was only a good hard
skrimmage he was as happy as a king. A beautiful swordsman,
he never failed to kill his man; and the way he used to play
with the most brave and furious of these rebels was perfect.
I fancy I see him now, smiling, laughing, parrying most
fearful blows, as calmly as if he were brushing off flies,
calling out all the time, 'Why, try again, now,' 'What's
that?' 'Do you call yourself a swordsman?' &c.

"The way that in a pursuit he used to manage his hog-spear
was miraculous. It always seemed to me that he bore a
charmed life, and so the enemy thought.

"His judgment was as great as his courage, and the heavier
the fire or the greater the difficulty, the more calm and
reflecting he became."

Another (Sir T. Seaton):--

"You know that, during the whole of the terrible siege of
Delhi, we lived together in the same tent, and, excepting
while on duty, we were never separate. It was there I saw,
in all their splendor, his noble soldierly qualities; never
fatigued, never downcast, always cool and calm, with a
cheerful countenance and a word of encouragement for every
one.

"I used often to say, 'Here, Hodson, is somebody else coming
for comfort.'

"It was there I learned the depth and intensity of his
affection for his wife; like the man, it was out of the
common. You know how he nursed me when I was wounded. I am
indebted for my rapid recovery, in a very great measure, to
his care and forethought; and it was whilst lying helpless
and feeble I saw that the brave and stern soldier had also
the tenderness of a woman in his noble heart. His constant
care was to prevent Mrs. Hodson from feeling any anxiety
that he could save her; so that, whenever he went out on any
expedition that would detain him beyond twenty-four hours,
he invariably asked me, and I used to make it my duty, to
write to Mrs. Hodson daily, accounting for his absence and
giving such details as I could of his doings.

"He was ever ready to carry out my wishes and aid me with
his best knowledge, skill, and courage. He supported me with
the devotion of a brother; never, never shall I see his like
again."

Another says:--

"He has wonderful tact in getting information out of the
natives, and divining the movements of the enemy. He is
scarcely out of the saddle day or night, for not only has he
to lead his regiment and keep the country clear, but being
Intelligence Officer, he is always on the move to gain news
of the progress of affairs, and acts and intentions of the
enemy.

"Even when he might take rest he will not, but will go and
help work at the batteries, and expose himself constantly,
in order to relieve some fainting gunner or wounded man."

I have this anecdote from another:--

"In the camp at Delhi, when the incessant fatigue to which
the soldiers were exposed forbade the strict enforcement of
the continual salute, it was remarked that Hodson never
passed down the lines without every man rendering to him
that mark of respect. The soldiers loved him as their own.
'There goes that 'ere Hodson,' said a drunken soldier as he
cantered down the lines; 'he's sure to be in everything;
he'll get shot, I know he will, and I'd a deal rather be
shot myself; we can't do without him.'"

I venture to quote from Mr. H. Greathed's Letters (published by his widow) some further notices of my brother:--

"Hodson keeps an Argus eye on the rear and left flank, and
is always ready for an adventurous ride. I am not surprised
at Gough liking him; he has a rare gift of brains as well as
of pluck! The uniform of his men, 'khakee' tunics, with a
scarlet sash and turban, is very picturesque.

"Hodson is certainly the most wide-awake soldier in camp.

"A charge of cavalry was turned by a few musket shots from a
party under Hodson, who always turns up in moments of
difficulty."

Again, speaking of him while absent at Rohtuck, August 19th:--

"We have no further intelligence from Hodson. He is employed
on just the wild work he likes, and will be loth to return.
The public still amuses itself with giving his regiment new
names, 'the Aloobokharas' and Ring-tailed Roarers' are the
last I have heard of.

... "There was some alarm yesterday about Hodson's safety. I
cannot say I shared the feeling, I have such confidence in
his audacity and resource.

... "Hodson is quite safe, he will now return to camp, and
after being in for an hour, he will be seen looking as
fresh, clean-shaved, and spruce, as if he had never left
it."

FOOTNOTES:

[41] _Extract from Letter of_ MAJOR-GENERAL WILSON.

"The Major-General commanding the force having received from Lieut. Hodson a report of his proceedings and operations from the 14th, when he left camp, till his return on the 24th, has much pleasure in expressing to that officer his thanks for the able manner in which he carried out the instructions given him. The Major-General's thanks are also due to the European and native officers and men composing the detachment, for their steady and gallant behavior throughout the operations, particularly on the 17th and 18th inst., at Rohtuck, when they charged and dispersed large parties of horse and foot."

[42] Referring to his charge of the Intelligence Department.

[43] An artillery officer told me of my brother, that even when he might have taken rest he would not; but instead, would go and help work at the batteries, and exposed himself constantly in order to relieve some fainting gunner or wounded man.--_Ed._

[44] The story referred to was told by an officer: visiting the sick in hospital in the fort at Agra, he asked a man, severely wounded, whether he could do anything for him. "Oh yes, sir," was the answer, "if you would be so good as to read us anything in the papers about that Captain Hodson; he's always doing something to make us proud of our country, and of belonging to the same service as that noble fellow; it makes one forget the pain."

[45] The following account of the assault, by an officer of the 1st European Bengal Fusileers, will supply many particulars of interest:--

"At 2 o'clock A. M. we formed in front of our camp 250 strong, and marched down to Ludlow Castle, which we reached about daybreak. There we paused some time to receive our ladders, and advanced at sunrise to the assault. Every man felt this day would repay him for four months of hard knocks, and that we should give the murderous ruffians a wholesome lesson, and teach them that a hand-to-hand struggle with armed men was quite another affair to one with defenceless women and children. We cross the glacis, the fire is hot; descend and reascend the ditch, mount the berme and escalade. Hark! what noise is that? not the Sepoy's war-cry 'Bum, Bum ram, ram, Oh King' for which you are intently listening; but the wild, thrilling cheer of the British, which announces to friend and foe that the ramparts are won. We descend and meet in the Cashmere Bastion, and-are astonished at our rapid success. A general shaking of hands takes place. 'Oh, General, is that you?' 'Paddy, my boy, how are you?' these and such like greetings take place, whilst the different regiments form. We moved out rapidly and stormed the church and adjacent buildings, and killed a number of Sepoys as they retreated from the Water Bastion. After this, we proceeded round the ramparts to our right without very much opposition, and halted at the Cabul Gate for some time; again the word was forward, and in leading on the men, my glorious friend George Jacob was mortally wounded; he, poor fellow, was shot in the thigh, and died that night. As he lay writhing in his agony on the ground, unable to stand, two or three men went to take him to the rear, but a sense of duty was superior to bodily pain, and he refused their aid, desiring them to go on and take the guns. Twice did the enemy repulse us from this strong position, our third attempt was successful, but two guns hardly repaid us for our loss. 'Sergeant Jordan,' I said, 'spike that gun on the rampart.' 'I can't, sir, I've no spikes.' 'Then take a ramrod, break it in, and throw it down to me;' and I spiked the other gun in the same way. The enemy eventually retook this position, but found only useless guns. A little in advance, the enemy had a gun and bullet-proof breastwork, behind which they fired on us with impunity. This was on the rampart, and we were in a narrow lane about twelve feet below, where not more than four men could go abreast. In one charge, Nicholson, our best and bravest, was struck down. Speke, gentle everywhere but in the field, was mortally wounded, and I, in re-forming the regiment for a renewed attempt, was shot through the right shoulder, which will prevent my being bumptious for some time; out of our small party, seven officers and many, very many men had fallen. It was felt to be madness to continue the struggle where the enemy had all the advantage, and the troops were withdrawn to the Cabul Gate, but the British and Sikh soldiers had done their work, they had opened the road for our unrivalled artillery to bring in their guns, and in six days they cleared the city with very trifling loss on our side."

[46] 66 officers, 1,104 men, was the official return.

[47] On the 16th.

[48] One of the officers present on this occasion, speaking of it in a letter to his wife, says, "I found time, however, for admiration of Hodson, who sat like a man carved in stone, and as calm and apparently as unconcerned as the sentries at the Horse Guards, and only by his eyes and his ready hand, whenever occasion offered, could you have told that he was in deadly peril, and the balls flying amongst us as thick as hail."

[49] _Extract from the Despatch of_ BRIGADIER HOPE GRANT, _Commanding Cavalry Division_.

"HEAD-QUARTERS, DELHI, _Sept. 17th, 1857_.

"The behavior of the Native Cavalry was also admirable.
Nothing could be steadier, nothing more soldierlike, than
their bearing. Lieutenant Hodson commanded a corps raised by
himself, and he is a first-rate officer, brave, determined,
and clear-headed."

[50] Hervey H. Greathed, Commissioner and Political Agent.

[51] _Extract from the Despatches of_ GENERAL WILSON _on the Fall of Delhi_.

"DELHI, _Sept. 22d, 1857_.

"I beg also to bring very favorably to notice the officers
of the Quartermaster-General's Department, ... and Captain
Hodson, who has performed such good and gallant service with
his newly raised regiment of Irregular Horse, and at the
same time conducted the duties of the Intelligence
Department, under the orders of the Quartermaster-General,
with rare ability and success."

[52] Vide p. 342 for more detailed account.

[53] It was on this spot that the head of Gooroo Teg Bahadoor had been exposed by order of Aurungzebe, the Great Mogul, nearly 200 years before. The Sikhs considered that in attacking Delhi they were "paying off an old score." A prophecy had long been current among them, that by the help of the white man they should reconquer Delhi. After this they looked on Captain Hodson as the "avenger of their martyred Gooroo," and were even more ready than before to follow him anywhere.

[54] "At a short distance, about a mile before reaching the tomb, the road passes under the Old Fort,--a strong tower, commanding the road on two sides, in which the King and his party first took refuge on their escape from Delhi. This was filled with his adherents, and it was a moment of no small danger to Hodson and his little troop, when passing under it on his way out to the tomb, any stray shot from the walls might have laid him low."--_Note by a Friend._

[55] All the notice taken of this remarkable exploit in Major-General Wilson's despatch of September 22d, was,--

"The King, who accompanied the troops for some short distance last night, gave himself up to a party of Irregular Cavalry whom I sent out in the direction of the fugitives, and he is now a prisoner under a guard of European soldiers."

We may well remark on this _anonymous_ version, "id maxime formidolosum, privati hominis nomen supra principis attolli."--_Ed._

[56] Called Shahzadahs.

[57] "When within the inclosure, Hodson observed the balcony resting on the Archway of Ingress filled with the followers of the royal party, many with arms. Facing it, he looked up calmly, pointed his carabine, and said, 'The first man that moves is a dead man.' The effect was instantaneous. Not a hand was raised, and by the glance of that eye, and effect of that voice, every disposition to interfere by word or deed was quelled."--_Note by a friend, who afterwards visited Humayoon's Tomb in company with Lieut. Macdowell._

[58] _From_ MR. MONTGOMERY, _now Chief Commissioner of Oude_.

"_Sept. 29th._

"MY DEAR HODSON,--All honor to you (and to your 'Horse') for
_catching_ the King and slaying his sons. I hope you will
bag many more! In haste,

"Ever yours,
"R. MONTGOMERY."