Chapter XXXVIII: How to Help the Negro to Help Himself 468 (1)

THE EDITOR'S BIOGRAPHY, BY WALTER I. LEWIS.

Daniel Wallace Culp, compiler and editor of this book, was
born about forty-seven years ago, of slave parents, four
miles from Union Court House in South Carolina. His mother,
Marilla by name, was an excellent type of the devout
Christian woman of her day; she believed firmly in that God,
whose inscrutable wisdom directed the ways of her race
through paths that were truly hard. She hesitated not to
teach her son Daniel to love, fear and obey the God in whom
she trusted, using whatever light she had.

Christopher Brandon, to whom Daniel and his mother belonged,
was one of those slave-holders in South Carolina who did not
believe in the institution of slavery, but being uncertain
as to whether his slaves would be better off if he freed
them, he held them, establishing a sort of patrimony in
which his slaves were allowed such superior opportunities
and advantages that the less favored neighbors styled them
"Brandon's free Negroes." This distinction carried with it
its disadvantages as well, for on account of the ease and
comfort allowed them, they were despised alike by the
hard-hearted slave-owners and the less fortunate slaves.
Brandon was kind to his slaves, who were made to work enough
to keep a plenty at home to live upon. He also protected
them against whatever ill treatment begrudging neighbors
might be prompted to offer.

Brandon was a bachelor. He made a favorite and close
companion of Daniel to the extent of having him occupy the
same bed with him. This affection of the bachelor master
lasted until his death, which occurred several years after
the emancipation.

It is said that in his expiring moments this good man,
Brandon, called for young Daniel, who was then too far away
to be on hand in time to hear what was to have been said
before death ensued. Thus died a man who was brave enough,
in the midst of environments that were exacting to the
extent of active ostracism for his assertion of his belief
that the Negro is a real human being, possessed of a mind,
soul and rights to happiness, and should share in the
community of responsibilities.

At an early age Daniel became anxious to know what is in
books. This ambition was fed by his former master, who
became his first teacher. This make-shift tutelage continued
until 1869, when this rapid little learner caught a sight of
better intellectual food. Accordingly he left his rural
home, his soul charged with greater things, and entered
Biddle Memorial Institute, now Biddle University, at
Charlotte, N. C.

As a student Daniel did not attract any special attention
until he had passed the preparatory and entered the regular
classical course of that institution. It was here that he
won great distinction in his faculty for acquiring a ready
knowledge of the languages and the higher mathematics. So
rapidly did he advance in these studies that it was found
necessary to place him in a class alone, none of his mates
being able to keep up with him. This separation was from a
class of about twenty young men from the Carolinas,
Virginia, Georgia and Tennessee. For five years he studied,
making an advancement that was frequently a marvel to the
teachers, some of whom were at times puzzled to sustain
their place of superiority over him.

In 1876 Daniel Wallace Culp graduated from Biddle
University, being the first graduate from the classical
department of that institution, with the degree of Bachelor
of Arts.

Having decided to study theology, he, in the fall of the
same year in which he graduated from Biddle, entered
Princeton Theological Seminary. At the same time he entered
Princeton College to study the History of Philosophy and
Psychology under the great Dr. McCosh.

The presence of a colored student in the classes at
Princeton College (which has no connection with the
Theological Seminary) was particularly obnoxious to the
young men of the South, of whom there were several then in
attendance. This brought on a crisis. The young white men of
the South packed their trunks and left for their homes,
declaring with much emphasis that they would not sit in the
lecture room with a "nigger." But, strange to relate, their
parents showed better sense by requiring them to promptly
return. In the meanwhile efforts were made to have Dr. Culp
discontinue his attendance at these lectures, all of which
he positively refused to do. The young men from the South
finally became friendly, and things moved on smoothly, Dr.
Culp winning the respect of all the students by his
gentlemanly conduct and scholarship.

In the Theological Seminary he was regarded as one of the
brightest students in his class, excelling in the study of
the Hebrew language and theology. He graduated from this
seminary in the spring of 1879.

Now came the most trying time in the life of the young man
who had been sated with frequent conquests while in the
pursuit of knowledge. Dr. Culp was assigned to an humble
Presbyterian Church at Laurens, S. C., under the auspices of
the Freedman's Board of the Northern Presbyterian Church.
His work was to preach and teach at that place. He remained
at Laurens one year, when he was called to the pastorate of
Laura Street Presbyterian Church in Jacksonville, Fla.

In the fall of 1881 he was appointed principal of Stanton
Institute, the largest colored college in the state of
Florida. For a while he filled both the pastorate of the
church and the principalship of Stanton, but finding it
impracticable to hold both he finally resigned the
pastorate, after having served the church for five years. He
was principal of Stanton four years. Rev. F. J. Grimke, D.
D., succeeded Dr. Culp as pastor of Laura Street
Presbyterian Church.

Desiring to help his people in what is known as the "black
belt" of Florida, he severed his connection with the Stanton
Institute and went to Lake City and established the Florida
Normal and Industrial Institute. There he prepared many
young men and women to teach in the district schools. This
school was operated under the General Congregational
Association of Florida, of which Dr. Culp is a member.

In 1886 he accepted an appointment from the American
Missionary Association to take charge of the church and
school at Florence, Ala. He did not remain there long before
the same board appointed him to the pastorate of the First
Congregational Church in Nashville, Tenn. It was here that
Dr. Culp became deeply concerned about the physical
salvation of his race. To fit himself to do actual work
along this line, he resigned his pastorate over the
strongest protests of his members, and entered the Medical
School of the University of Michigan, at Ann Arbor. After
remaining in this college for some time, studying with the
avidity and success of former years, he left and entered the
Ohio Medical College, where he could enjoy the advantages of
the study of the superior hospital facilities. Here he
graduated with honors in 1891, and again came South,
locating in Augusta, Ga.

Shortly after his arrival in Augusta, Dr. Culp having
demonstrated his high capabilities and fitness, was elected
by the City Council to be superintendent and resident
physician of the Freedmen's Hospital in that city. This
position was coveted by several white physicians, hence the
election of Dr. Culp created no small stir. The excitement
was great for some time. Finally it became apparent that to
continue to hold this position would be hazardous in a
number of ways, and upon the advice of his wife and friends
Dr. Culp resigned, after serving one year.

Afterwards he built up an excellent practice of medicine in
the city of Augusta, but owing to the fast failing health of
his family he moved to Palatka, Fla., and after two years of
successful practice he moved to Jacksonville to give his
children, a promising girl and boy, the advantages of the
schools.

After remaining in Jacksonville for about seven years, Dr.
Culp yielded to the entreaties of the people of Palatka and
returned to that city, where he now is, having won the
fullest confidence of the people as a successful physician.

Dr. Culp married Mrs. Mary Emily Jefferson, of Jacksonville,
in 1884. She was at that time a prominent teacher in the
public schools of that city. His union has been blessed with
two children, a girl, Charlotte Marilla, fourteen years old,
and Julian McKenzie, twelve years old.

Dr. and Mrs. Culp are both profoundly interested in the
education of these children, hoping to fit them to be useful
to their race.

Dr. Culp is classed as a thorough race man. Freed from the
monstrous visions which many delight to parade as arguments,
he abides by a strong faith in the destiny of the valuable
elements of his race. That his people are destined to reach
a high point in civilization has been his private conviction
for years, not being very free, however, to say that this
will be attained in America.

Dr. Culp also seriously believes that if the race problem is
ever solved in this country, it will be done by the combined
efforts of the intelligent elements of both races. His great
interest in the physical salvation of his race has moved him
to both lecture extensively and write books and pamphlets on
health topics during the past seven years. Notable among
these are his books on smallpox and vaccination,
consumption, etc., all of which have done good among the
people whose means of information on the proper care of
health are the poorest.

Dr. Culp has good standing with the editors of the leading
magazines. By these he has been invited repeatedly to write
articles on the Race Problem. This invitation he has
accepted more than once, and when he writes, he displays a
degree of literary ability that is striking. His purpose in
compiling and editing this book is but one of the several
great plans he has in reserve to publicly demonstrate what
he regards as actual service for the inspiration of his day
and generation.

TWENTIETH CENTURY NEGRO LITERATURE.

TOPIC I.

DID THE AMERICAN NEGRO MAKE, IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, ACHIEVEMENTS ALONG THE LINES OF WEALTH, MORALITY, EDUCATION, ETC., COMMENSURATE WITH HIS OPPORTUNITIES? IF SO, WHAT ACHIEVEMENTS DID HE MAKE?

BY MARY B. TALBERT.

MRS. MARY B. TALBERT.

Mary Burnett Talbert was born at Oberlin, Ohio, in 1866, her
father's family having gone there from Chapel Hill, N. C.
She is descended on her maternal side from Richard Nichols,
who compelled Peter Stuyvesant to surrender New Amsterdam
and who for a short while was Governor of the State of New
York.

She graduated at the early age of sixteen from the Oberlin
High School, and through the generosity of Ex-President
James H. Fairchild was enabled to attend Oberlin College.

When applying for admission to the class in trigonometry,
the instructor doubtfully admitted her, as so many of the
High School pupils had found the subject very hard and
preferred a review of other mathematics. She entered the
class, however, on trial, and made a term's record of 5 per
cent, with an examination of 5.5 per cent, 6 per cent being
the highest mark for lessons in college.

During the next term she entered the class of mechanics, and
made a perfect record for term's work and examination.

While attending school she was well liked by her classmates,
being made Treasurer of Aeolian, one of the two college
societies for young women, and was also one of six
representatives chosen for Class Day Exercises. She was
given the place of honor upon the programme, and recited an
original poem, "The Lament of the Old College Bell, Once
First, Now Second."

Mrs. Talbert graduated from Oberlin at the early age of
nineteen, being the only colored member of her class after
the withdrawal of the late Lieutenant John Alexander.

She started out in life equipped not only with a great love
of learning but with all the encouragement which made it
possible for her to follow the inclinations of her mind.

In 1886 she accepted a position in Bethel University, Little
Rock, Ark.

Some women make themselves teachers, but Mrs. Talbert was a
born teacher. The late Professor John M. Ellis, in writing
of her, said: "She is a lady of Christian character and
pleasing address. As a student she has an excellent record
and standing in her class, showing good abilities and
industry and fidelity in her work. She has the qualities
natural and acquired to make a superior teacher."

In January, 1887, she was elected Assistant Principal of the
Little Rock High School, the highest position held by any
woman in the State of Arkansas, and the only colored woman
who has ever held the position. Mrs. Talbert resigned her
place after her marriage to Mr. William H. Talbert, one of
Buffalo's leading colored young men, and was urged after
marriage to reconsider her resignation and take up her work
again.

Leading educators and literary men, such as Charles Dudley
Warner, Samuel A. Greene of Boston, L. S. Holden of St.
Louis, and others who visited her classes, and, having seen
them at work, registered their names with written comments.

Professor Albert A. Wright of Oberlin writes as follows:
"Mary Burnett received her education in the public schools
and college of this place, where her parents have resided
for many years. She has won the respect and approval of her
teachers by her successful accomplishments of the tasks set
before her." Mrs. Talbert received the degree granted to
students of the Literary Course in 1894, and is a member of
the Association of Collegiate Alumnae, being the only
colored woman in the city of Buffalo eligible.

As the hand upon the dial of the nineteenth, century clock pointed to its last figure, it showed that the American Negro had ceased to be a thing, a commodity that could be bought and sold, a mere animal; but was indeed a human being possessing all the qualities of mind and heart that belong to the rest of mankind, capable of receiving education and imparting it to his fellow man, able to think, act, feel, and develop those intellectual and moral qualities, such as characterize mankind generally.

Let us glance at the intellectual Negro and see if he has made any progress commensurate with his opportunities during the nineteenth century.

Intuitively we turn to that great historian of our race--who for seven years worked with such care and zeal to write a thoroughly trustworthy history of the American Negro, and to-day stands as our first and greatest historian--George W. Williams. In prefacing his second volume, he says: "I have tracked my bleeding countrymen through widely scattered documents of American history; I have listened to their groans, their clanking chains, and melting prayers, until the woes of a race and the agonies of centuries seem to crowd upon my soul as a bitter reality. Many pages of this history have been blistered with my tears; and although having lived but a little more than a generation my mind feels as if it were cycles old.

"A short time ago the schools of the entire North were shut in his face; and the few separate schools accorded him were given grudgingly. They were usually held in the lecture room of some colored church or thrust off to one side in a portion of the city or town toward which aristocratic ambition would never turn. These schools were generally poorly equipped; and the teachers were either colored persons whose opportunities of securing an education had been poor, or white persons whose mental qualifications would not encourage them to make an honest living among their own race."

It will not be necessary to enumerate the various insults and discouragements which faced the noble pioneers of our race who, seeing their fellow men denied the opportunities and privileges of securing an education, scorned by the press and pulpit, in public and private gatherings for their ignorance, set about to lift the Negro from his low social and mental condition.

The Negro turned his attention to the education of himself and his children; schools were commenced, churches organized, and a new era of self-culture and general improvement began.

In Boston we see Thomas Paul, Leonard A. Grimes, John T. Raymond, Robert Morris and John V. DeGrasse.

In 1854 John V. DeGrasse was admitted to the Massachusetts Medical Society, being the first instance of such an honor being conferred upon a colored man in this country.

In New York we find Rev. Henry Highland Garnet, Dr. Charles B. Ray, Charles L. Reason and Jacob Day doing what they could to elevate the Negro and place him on a higher intellectual plane.

Philadelphia also added her quota to the list of noble men who were striving to show to the world that the American Negro, although enslaved, was a human being. We find such men as Robert Purvis, William Still and Stephen Smith.

In Western Pennsylvania and New York were John Peck, John B. Vashon and Peyton Harris and all through the North, each state held colored men who were anxious to do what they could to elevate the race, and it seems as if God gave each one a special duty to perform, which combined, made one mighty stimulus to the young colored youth to do what he could to build up the Negro race.

Do you ask if the Negro has advanced intellectually, I need only to refer you to the showing made by the men and women of our race to-day. The works of Frederick Douglass, John M. Langston, Blanche K. Bruce, J. C. Price, are living testimonials of what the Negro accomplished a generation ago.

When we consider the fact that the Negro was of such import that laws were made making it a misdemeanor to educate the Negro, both before and after the Civil War; when we consider the Greek text books of Professor Scarborough of Wilberforce used by one of the oldest Colleges in America; when we consider the Presidents and Principals of various Negro schools in our country, such as Livingston, N. C.; Spellman Seminary, Atlanta, Ga.; Wilberforce, Ohio; Virginia Normal and Collegiate; Shaw University; when we consider the place that our honored clergy occupy among the intellectual men of the world; when we consider the work of Booker T. Washington, we must admit that the love of knowledge seems to be intuitive. No people ever learned more in so short a time.

Every year since the Civil War the American Negro has been taking on better and purer traits of character.

The Negro of to-day is materially different from the Negro of yesterday. He delights in the education of his children, and from every section of our Southland come letters asking for competent colored teachers and educated ministers. The young man and woman who educate themselves in our Northern colleges and normal schools do not always have to turn their attention to the far South to seek fields of labor, but in an honest competition, gain places of honor and trust in the North.

Think of the scores of young colored women all over our Northern states teaching the "young idea how to shoot," and not a black face in the class. We find colored women with large classes of white pupils in St. Paul, Minn.; Chicago, Ill.; Detroit, Mich.; Cleveland, Ohio; Buffalo, N. Y.; and other Northern cities. "From the state of semi-civilization," says Williams, "in which he cared only for the comforts of the present, his desires and wants have swept outward and upward into the years to come and toward the Mysterious Future."

Several hundred weekly newspapers, a dozen monthly magazines, conducted by Negroes, are feeding the mind of the race, binding communities together by the cords of common interest and racial sympathy. The conditions around which the Negro was surrounded years ago have disappeared and the Negro is as proud of his own society as the whites are of theirs. Sociological study and laws have given to our present generation the will power and tenacity to establish and maintain a social standing equal with any of the races of the world. Without a question of doubt he has shown moral qualities far in advance of those which dominated in slave history and under which he was constantly subjected.

Has the Negro made any achievements along the lines of wealth? needs only a review of statistics to answer the above question, for where once was the rude cabin, and one-room hut, we now see the beautiful homes with well kept stock and farm, hygienic stables as well as artistic lawns. The first experiment the general masses of negroes had in the saving of money was under that institution known as "The Freedman's Saving and Trust Company." The institution started out under the most favorable auspices. The depositors numbered among its rank and file, day laborers, farmers, mechanics, house-servants, barbers and washerwomen; thus showing to the entire country that the emancipated Negro was not only working but by industry and economy was saving his earnings. We know too well of the misplaced confidence in that bank and how after a short time the bank failed and thousands of colored men and women lost their earnings. During the brief period of its existence $57,000,000 were deposited. Although the Freedman's Bank caused many a colored person to shrink from any banking institution, yet some were hopeful and again began to save money. Throughout the entire South we find scores of colored men who have excellent farms, elegant homes and small fortunes.

"In Baltimore a company of colored men own a ship-dock and transact a large business. Some of the largest orange plantations in Florida are owned by colored men. On most of the plantations, and in many of the large towns and cities colored mechanics are quite numerous."

The total amount of property owned by the colored people in all the states is rated at over $400,000,000.

In the North, East and West we see many colored men with handsome estates run high into the hundred thousands. Almost every large city and town will show among her population a Negro here and there whose wealth is rated between five and ten thousand dollars or more.

Rev. A. G. Davis of Raleigh, N. C., in an address at the North Carolina Agricultural Fair, said, "Scan, if you will, the long line of eight million Negroes as they march slowly but surely up the road of progress, and you will find in her ranks such men as Granville T. Woods, of Ohio, the electrician, mechanical engineer, manufacturer of telephones, telegraph and electrical instruments; William Still, of Philadelphia, the coal dealer; Henry Tanner, the artist; John W. Terry, foreman of the iron and fitting department of the Chicago West Division Street Car Company; J. D. Baltimore, engineer, machinist, and inventor, of Washington, D. C.; Wiley Jones, of Pine Bluff, Arkansas, the owner of a street car railroad, race track and park; Richard Hancock, foreman of the pattern shops of the Eagle Works and Manufacturing Company, and draughtsman; John Beack, the inventor, whose inventions are worth tens of thousands of dollars; W. C. Atwood, the lumber merchant and capitalist."

And now in review let me add that the social conditions of the American Negro are such that he has shown to the world his aptitude for study and general improvement.

Before character, education and wealth, all barriers will melt, and these are necessary to develop the growth of the race.

From abject serfdom and pauperism he has risen to a plane far above the masses of any race of people.

By his industry and frugality he has made himself master of any situation into which he has been placed, and none will deny that his achievements along all lines have been commensurate with his opportunities.

SECOND PAPER.

DID THE AMERICAN NEGRO MAKE, IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, ACHIEVEMENTS ALONG THE LINES OF WEALTH, MORALITY, EDUCATION, ETC., COMMENSURATE WITH HIS OPPORTUNITIES? IF SO, WHAT ACHIEVEMENTS DID HE MAKE?

BY JOSEPHINE SILONE YATES.

MRS. JOSEPHINE SILONE YATES.

Mrs. Josephine Yates, youngest daughter of Alexander and
Parthenia Reeve-Silone, was born in Mattiluck, Suffolk
County, N. Y., where her parents, grandparents and
great-grandparents were long and favorably known as
individuals of sterling worth, morally, intellectually and
physically speaking. On the maternal side Mrs. Yates is a
niece of the Rev. J. B. Reeve, D. D., of Philadelphia.

Mrs. Silone, a woman of education and great refinement of
character, began the work of educating this daughter in her
quiet, Christian home, and both parents hoping that she
might develop into a useful woman spared no pains in
endeavoring to secure for her the education the child very
early showed a desire to obtain; and with this end in view
she was sent to Newport, R. I., in her fourteenth year,
having already spent one year at the Institute for Colored
Youth in Philadelphia, and Mrs. Coppin, then Miss Fannie
Jackson, with her vigorous intellect, aided the inspiration
the mother had begun. In 1877 Miss Silone graduated as
valedictorian of a large class from Rogers High School of
Newport; and although the only Colored member of her class,
and the first graduate of color, invariably she was treated
with the utmost courtesy by teachers, scholars and such
members of the School Board as Thomas Wentworth Higginson,
T. Coggeshall, and others.

Two years later she graduated from the Rhode Island State
Normal School in Providence, and soon began her life work as
a teacher. During the eight years spent in Lincoln
Institute, Jefferson City, Mo., she had charge of the
Department of Natural Science, and was the first woman to be
elected to a professorship in that institution.

In 1889 Miss Silone was married to Prof. W. W. Yates,
principal of Phillips School, Kansas City, Mo., and removed
to that city, where since she has been engaged in either
public or private school work.

From the age of nine years she has been writing for the
press, and her articles have appeared in many leading
periodicals--for a long time under the signature "R. K.
Potter." Mrs. Yates has long been a zealous club worker and
is well known as a lecturer East and West. She was one of
the organizers and the first President of the Kansas City
Woman's League; and in the summer of 1901 was elected
President of the National Association of Colored Women,
which organization she had already served as Treasurer for a
period of four years.

Mrs. Yates is the mother of two children, whose education
she carefully superintends, and is ever ready to comfort the
sick or to stop her round of duties to give counsel or
render help along any line possible to the many young people
and others who seek her door.

The measure of the success of a race is the depths from which it has come, and the condition under which it has developed. To know what the Negro actually accomplished in the nineteenth century, one must know something of his life and habitat previous to the year 1619, when against his will or wish, he was brought to the Virginian coast; must also know his life as a slave, and his opportunities since emancipation.

History shows that the Negroes brought from Africa to this country to be sold into slavery were at the time in a more or less primitive stage of uncivilized life; while the methods used to capture and transport them to this "land of the free and home of the brave," recently revived through the vivid pen pictures and other illustrations running in serial form in Scribner's, Pearson's and other reliable periodicals (accounts which bear the impress of truth, and are hardly liable to the charge of having been written within too close range of time and space, or vice versa, to be strictly truthful), indicate the demoralizing and debasing effects of the "system" from its initial period, this followed up by the blighting influences of slave life, even under the most favorable conditions, for nearly two hundred and fifty years, left upon Negro life and character just the traits it would have left upon any other people subjected to similar conditions for the same length of time.

It may be said, and with truth, that slavery gave to the Negro some of the arts of civilized life; but it must be added, that, denying him the inalienable rights of manhood, denying him the right to the product of his labor, it left him no noble incentive to labor at these arts, and thus tended to render him improvident, careless, shiftless, in short, to demoralize his entire nature.

It is further stated that the system gave him Christianity. Did it give him piety? Could it give him morality in the highest sense of these terms?

Constantine could march the refractory Saxons to the banks of a stream and give them their option between Christianity and the sword, but the haughty monarch soon found that a religion forced in this peremptory and wholesale fashion did not change the moral nature of the soldier; and we submit that Christianity, language, and the arts of civilized life, absorbed amidst the debasing influences of a cruel and infamous bondage could not be productive of a harmonious development of body, mind and soul; of strong moral and intellectual fiber; or of ideas of the dignity of labor; of habits of thrift, economy, the careful expenditure of time and money; or knowledge of the intimate relationship of these two great factors in the process of civilization. These are results attained only where the rights of manhood and womanhood are acknowledged and respected. The lack of these results or basic impulses to advancement represent defects in the Negro character, preventing a more rapid development in the nineteenth century and directly traceable to his enslaved state; and the origin or cause, the growth and subsequent development of these, and other defects, must be taken into consideration before the Negro is stamped as the greatest criminal on earth, wholly irredeemable; before he is condemned in wholesale manner for not having made more rapid strides toward advanced civilization in little more than one generation of freedom. Indeed, it speaks well for the intrinsic merit of the race, that although public opinion freely admits that the natural outcome of bondage is a cowardly, thieving, brutal, or abject specimen of humanity, even in the darkest hours of slavery, there were many, many, high-born souls who, if necessary, at the price of life itself, maintained their integrity, rose superior to their surroundings, taught these same lofty sentiments to others.

Emancipation and certain constitutional amendments brought freedom to the material body of the erstwhile slave, but the soul, the higher self, could not be so easily freed from the evils that slavery had fastened upon it through centuries of debasement; and because of this soul degradation the Negro, no less than the South, needed to be physically, mentally and morally reconstructed.

Reconstruction, the eradication of former characteristics, the growth and development of new and more favorable ones, is with any race the work of time. Generations must pass, and still it need not be expected that the process will be full and complete; meanwhile, what measure of success is the Negro achieving? Were his achievements in the nineteenth century, educationally, morally, financially and otherwise at all commensurate with his opportunities?

The year 1863 saw four million Negroes come forth from a state of cruel bondage with little of this world's goods that constitute capital; with few of those incentives to labor that universally are requisites to the full and free development of labor and capital. The knowledge the Negro had of agriculture, of domestic life, and in some cases, his high-grade mechanical skill, gave him something of a vantage ground, but for nearly two hundred and fifty years he had been so "worked" that it would be expecting too much to demand that he at once comprehend the true dignity of labor. Nor was it to be expected that to his untutored mind freedom and work were terms to be intimately associated. Then there was a certain amount of constitutional inertia to be overcome, a natural heritage of the native of a tropical or semi-tropical climate, but quite incompatible with the fierce competition of American civilization, or with the material conditions of a people who owned in the entire country forty years ago, only a few thousand dollars; and among whom education was limited to the favored few whose previous estate either of freedom, or by other propitious circumstance, had rendered its acquisition possible. Organizations for business enterprise or any purpose of reform and advancement, outside of the Northern cities, was practically unknown.

Evidently one of the first things to be done by which the Negro could be reconstructed and become an intelligent member of society was to educate him; teach him to provide for himself; making him more provident and painstaking; teaching him self-reliance and self-control; teaching him the value of time, of money, and the intimate relationship of the two. Certainly not a light task. These lessons could only be learned in the practical school of experience, then, not in a day. And what has been accomplished? Forty years ago there was not in the entire Southland a single Negro school; before the close of the nineteenth century there were twenty thousand Negro school houses, thirty thousand Negro teachers, and three million Negro school children happily wending their way to the "Pierian Spring."

Under the "system," generally speaking, it had been considered a crime to teach the Negro to read or write; and the census of 1870 shows that only two-tenths of all the Negroes of the United States, over ten years of age, could write. Ten years later, the proportion had increased to three-tenths of the whole number; while in 1890 only a generation after emancipation, forty-three per cent of those ten years and over were able to read and write; this proportion before the close of the century reached forty-five per cent.

To wipe out forty-five per cent of illiteracy in less than forty years; to find millions of children in the common schools; to find twenty thousand Negroes learning trades under the soul inspiring banner of free labor; to find other thousands successfully operating many commercial enterprises; among these, several banks, one cotton mill, and one silk mill; to find Negroes performing four-fifths of the free labor of the South, thus becoming a strong industrial factor of the section is to furnish proof of achievements in the nineteenth century of which we need not be ashamed; and considering the restrictions of labor unions, the fields or classes of labor from which the Negro is practically barred regardless of section, quite commensurate with the opportunities afforded him during the period in question.

Within forty years the system of instruction in the American schools has undergone some radical changes for the better; and if the system in vogue at the beginning of this period, with the study of the classics as the pivotal point, did not fit the practical needs of the average Anglo-Saxon youth, with his heritage of centuries of culture, it is not strange if some blunders were made in attempting to shape this same classical education into a working basis for a people emerging from a state of bondage in which to impart even the elements of education, was considered a crime, generally speaking.

Industrial, manual, or technical training had not, forty years ago, taken firm hold upon the educational system, and school courses for Negroes were planned after classical models, perhaps better suited in many instances for students of a more advanced mentality and civilization; for humanity at large can scarcely hope to escape the slow and inevitable stages and processes of evolution. Individual genius, however, bound by no law, may leap and bound from stage to stage; and we point with pride to Negroes whose classic education in the early decades of freedom served not only to prove their own individual ability, but the capacity of the race for, and susceptibility to, a high degree of culture at a time when such demonstration was a prime necessity.

We do not consider that any mistake was made in at once providing for the classical or higher education of those who were mentally able to receive it, and as brilliant achievements of the nineteenth century from an educational standpoint, we refer with a keen sense of gratification to the two thousand five hundred and twenty-five or more college graduates who are helping to raise the standard of the race from all points of view; to the real genius of the race that has given us Douglass, Langston, Bruce, Washington, Tanner, Scarborough, Page, Grisham, Miller, Dubois, Wright, Bowen, Crogman, Johnson, Dunbar, Chestnutt and others too numerous to mention, whose names should be enshrined in the hearts of present and future generations; to the forty thousand Negro students pursuing courses in higher institutions of learning; to the twelve thousand pursuing classical courses; to the one hundred and twenty thousand taking scientific courses; to the one hundred and fifty-six institutions for the higher education of Negroes; to the two thousand practicing physicians; to the three hundred newspapers and the five hundred books written and published by Negroes; to a gradually increasing discrimination in all those matters of taste and form which mark the social status of a people, and give to the individual, or the mass, the, perhaps, indefinable, but at the same time, distinctive, stamp of culture.

These achievements, alone, within less than forty years of freedom, serve to demonstrate our fitness for civilization, and also, that as the years pass there is a still greater necessity for Negroes who possess a broad, a liberal, a well balanced education; and at the same time a similar need for Negroes possessing shrewd, business ability; a high degree of mechanical skill; extensive knowledge of industrial arts and sciences, and of profitably invested capital.

From the early years of freedom a few leaders, as at Hampton, realized, that the great mass of Negroes needed first of all experimental knowledge of the dignity of labor such as could never result from labor performed under the conditions of slavery; that they needed to know more of skilled labor in order to be able to meet and enter the fierce competition of American industrial life, or even to live upon the plane of American civilization; and in spite of adverse criticism, these leaders proceeded to establish industrial and manual training schools for the Negro, with such elementary training as from their point of view seemed most beneficial. That the methods chosen have been rich in results, it is only necessary to know something of the deep and extensive influence of Hampton, Tuskegee, Normal, and other industrial schools, in directly, or indirectly, improving the environment and daily life of the masses.

The insidious and ultimate effect of slavery upon the normal and spiritual nature of the enslaved is to blunt, to entirely efface the finer instincts and sensibilities, to take away those germs of manhood and womanhood that distinguish the lowest savage from the beasts of the field. Continue this soul-debasement for centuries, deny the slave the right to home, the right to family--ties which universally prove the greatest stimulus to courage, patriotism, morality, civilization--then declare the emancipated slave a brute, for whom education does nothing, because in little more than a generation he has not wiped out all of the degradation that the conditions of generations instilled and intensified!

Criminologists, discussing the apparent increase of crime in this country, assert that this apparent increase is largely due to the more complete records kept of criminals within the last forty years than formerly, and the better facilities for ferreting out crime and for subjecting offenders to the penalty of the law; and it may be added, in the Negro's case, as recently stated by a Kansas City judge, a native of Georgia, noted for his unprejudiced views and fair dealing, "It takes less evidence to convict a Negro than it does a white man; and a longer term in the penitentiary will be given a Negro for the same offense than will be given a white offender. That is why I have been so frequently compelled to cut down the sentence of Negroes." The entire history of the chain-gang system corroborates these statements--a system that helps to increase the reported number of criminals; and although race riots, lynchings and massacres may seem to indicate the opposite to the uninitiated, the Negro is not a lawless element of society. In the United States a natural restlessness has possessed him since emancipation, and it requires time to work out and adjust conditions under which he can develop normally from the standpoint of morality as well as from other points of view. Meanwhile, the prime necessity to raise the moral status is the development and upbuilding of that which in its highest embodiment, was denied him in the days of bondage--the home. We need homes, homes, homes, where intelligence and morality rule. And what was accomplished in this line in the nineteenth century? From owning comparatively few homes forty years ago, the Negro advanced before the close of the century to the position of occupying one million five hundred thousand farms and homes; and of owning two hundred and seventy-five thousand of these; many of them, as shown by views, forming a part of the exhibit at the Paris Exposition and elsewhere, compare favorably with the homes of any people.

As to the intelligence and morality that constitute the environment of the great mass of these homes owned by Negroes, the statistics of education and of crime show that Negro criminals do not, as a rule, come from the refined and educated classes, but from the most illiterate, the stupid, and the besotted element; from the class that has not been reached by the moral side of education, if at all. Says the compiler of the eleventh census: "Of juvenile criminals the smallest ratio is found among Negroes." This speaks well for the general atmosphere of the home life of our youth; while the bravery displayed by the colored man in every war of American independence has demonstrated his ability to risk life fearlessly "in defense of a country in which too many states permit his exclusion from the rights of citizenship." Such sacrifice presupposes a moral ideal of the highest type.

The position of the women of the race, always an index to the real progress of a people, in spite of slanderous attacks from unscrupulous members of her own and other races, is gradually improving, and was materially aided and abetted by the liberal ideas that especially obtained in the latter half of the century with reference to the development of women--irrespective of race or color--along the line of education, the professions, the industrial arts, etc.

As to the advancement of the Negro from a financial standpoint, it is possible that his achievements during the period in question might have been greater; yet both from within and without there have been many hindrances to overcome in the matter of accumulating wealth.

One of the greatest crimes of the slave system was that in practically denying to the slave the right to the product of his labor or any part thereof; it, to all intents and purposes destroyed his acquisitive faculty; thus he had small incentive to labor when free; and as the years went by, accumulated little in the shape of capital; showed little interest in profitable investment of his savings, if he were so fortunate as to have any. The great number of secret orders, and other schemes for the unwary, the main object of which apparently was to "bury the people" with great pomp and show, drained his pockets of most of the surplus change.

The Freedmen's Bureau sought to establish Negroes as peasant proprietors of the soil on the farms and plantations of the stricken South, and dreams of "forty acres and a mule" for a long time possessed the more ambitious only, in many instances, to meet a rude awakening; but notwithstanding the fact that the system of renting land, combined with the credit system of obtaining the necessities of life while waiting for the production and sale of the crop, is not conducive to the ownership of land on the part of the tenant; notwithstanding the very natural tendency on the part of the Negro to disassociate ideas of freedom and of tilling the soil, added to a desire to segregate in large cities in place of branching out to the sparsely settled districts of the great West and Northwest, there to take up rich farming lands and by a pioneer life to mend his fortunes in company with the peasants of other nations who are thus acquiring a firm foothold and a competence for their descendants; we repeat--in spite of the facts mentioned--before the close of the century the Negro had accumulated farms and homes valued in the neighborhood of seven hundred and fifty million dollars; personal property valued at one hundred and seventy millions; and had raised eleven millions for educational purposes. From these, and such other statistics as are available, relative to the achievements of the Negro in the United States during the nineteenth century, bearing in mind our first proposition--the measure of the success of a people is the depths from which it has come--we conclude that educationally, morally, financially, the Negro has accomplished by means of the opportunities at his command about all that could be expected of him or any other race under similar conditions.

That the Negro has made mistakes goes without saying. All races as well as all individuals have made them, but--"Let the dead past bury its dead."

The great problem confronting this and future generations is and will be, how to surpass or even equal our ancestors in bringing about results that make for the upbuilding of sterling character; how with our superior advantages to make the second forty years of freedom and the entire future life proportionally worthy of honorable mention.

"Build to-day, then strong and sure,
With a firm and ample base,
And ascending and secure
Shall to-morrow find its place.
Thus alone can we attain
To those turrets, where the eye
Sees the world as one vast plain,
And one boundless reach of sky."

THIRD PAPER.

DID THE AMERICAN NEGRO MAKE, IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, ACHIEVEMENTS ALONG THE LINES OF WEALTH, MORALITY, EDUCATION, ETC., COMMENSURATE WITH HIS OPPORTUNITIES? IF SO, WHAT ACHIEVEMENTS DID HE MAKE?

BY REV. J. W. E. BOWEN, D. D.

J. W. E. BOWEN, A. M., PH. D., D. D.

Dr. John Wesley Edward Bowen was born in New Orleans. His
father, Edward Bowen, went to New Orleans from Washington,
D. C. He was a free man, a boss carpenter and builder by
trade, and able to read, write and cipher. He was highly
esteemed, was prosperous in business, accumulated some money
and lived in comfort. Dr. Bowen's mother, Rose Bowen, he
says, was the grand-daughter of an African Princess of the
Jolloffer tribe, on the west coast of Africa. When he was
three years old his father bought him and his mother out of
slavery. When he was thirteen he went to the preparatory
school of New Orleans University for colored people,
established after the war by the Methodist Episcopal church.
When he was seventeen he entered the University proper, and
five years later he was graduated with the degree of A. B.
At the age of seventeen he was converted in a Methodist
revival meeting, and nine months later was licensed as a
local preacher, and has been preaching ever since.

Soon after his graduation Dr. Bowen became Professor of
Latin and Greek in the Central Tennessee College, at
Nashville, in which position he remained for four years. In
1882 he resigned his professorship and entered Boston
University, where he studied four years, taking the degree
of B. D. in 1885; and the degree of Ph. D. in 1887 from the
school of all sciences of Boston University. He also did
special advanced work in Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldee,
Arabic and German, and in Metaphysics and Psychology.

He was the first colored man in the Methodist church to take
the degree of Ph. D. and the second colored man to take the
degree in any university in this country.

Soon after leaving the university, Dr. Bowen joined the New
England Methodist Conference, and was appointed pastor of
the Revere Street Church. While in New England he also
preached acceptably in many white churches--serving one for
a month, and was asked to become their pastor after this
period. After serving St. John's colored church in Newark
three years, he became pastor of the Centennial Methodist
Episcopal church in Baltimore, and at the same time
professor of church history in the Morgan college for
colored people in that city. During this pastorate he
conducted a phenomenal revival in which there were 735
conversions.

Dr. Bowen next was the pastor of Asbury Methodist Episcopal
church in Washington for three years, and at the same time
Professor of Hebrew in Howard University for colored people
in that city. He here acquired a national fame as a scholar,
orator and thinker. During this pastorate he pursued the
study of the Semitic languages in the school of
correspondence of Dr. W. R. Harper, then at Yale University.
When he resigned his positions at Washington, he became for
one year a Field Secretary of the Missionary Society of the
Methodist Episcopal church, retaining his Washington
residence.

Dr. Bowen was next elected Professor of Historical Theology
in Gammon Theological Seminary for colored people at
Atlanta, Ga., which position he still holds. In consequence
of the resignation of the president, the Rev. Dr.
Thierkield, he has been for several months the chairman of
the faculty, and the executive officer of the institution.
He is also the Secretary of the Stewart Foundation for
Africa, a member of the American Negro Academy, and a member
of the American Historical Association, which last society
numbers among its members some of the most learned men in
this and other countries. Dr. Bowen received the degree of
A. M. from the University of New Orleans in 1886, and that
of D. D. from Gammon Theological Seminary in 1892.

Amid all these engrossing occupations, Dr. Bowen has been a
voluminous writer and an indefatigable lecturer. His
publications include a volume of sermons and addresses,
"Plain Talks to the Colored People of America," "Appeal to
the King," "The Comparative Status of the Negro at the Close
of the War and To-day," "The Struggle for Supremacy Between
Church and State in the Middle Ages," and "The American and
the African Negro." He has now ready for the press a volume
of "University Addresses" and a volume of "Discussions in
Philosophy and Theory;" also "The History of the Education
of the Negro Race."

Dr. Bowen was voted for at the last General Conference for
Bishop. He stood second on first ballot. His friends predict
that he will be elected at the forthcoming General
Conference.

Inference and conjecture are the stock methods of argument of the unintelligent or the superficially informed. Such indisposition or incapacity leads to erroneous conclusions. Nothing but an appeal to facts involving careful and painstaking labor and a wise sifting of facts, that myth and legend be eliminated, should claim the attention of thinking men. It must be confessed, however, that in any discussion that relates to the comparative status of the Negro over against his standing in slavery full and accurate data are lacking. The statistical science of to-day was unknown then, and it is next to the impossible to affirm positively the relative superiority or inferiority of present day growth over those of that day. This statement is not made to deny the truth of the immense stride of the latter times, but it is made as a reasonable off-set to those prejudicial and dogmatic declarations of the superior conditions of slavery over those of freedom. Dogmatism is the argument of the bigot. It is not wide of the truth, to say that the claims of certain writers that the Negro has retrograded physically, morally and socially, lacks the confirmation of veritable data. It is admitted that the modern diseases of civilized life have made inroads into his hardy nature, but the universal declaration of inferiority is not proved. It is also true that in isolated cases physicians of that day noted the comparative freedom of the blacks from the maladies of ennui and bacchanalian feastings, but no half-kept record of that day is before us to justify the statement that the Negro of to-day is superior to his mighty sire of ante-bellum fame that stood between the plow handles all day and danced or shouted all night. The increase of zymotic diseases is admitted, but there has been a corresponding increase of power in many lines that will more than counteract this baleful growth.

Again, over against this admission may be placed another statement of fact, not to minify the truth already alluded to, but to illustrate the futility of basing an entire argument upon one arm of a syllogism, viz.: the Negro's numerical growth since freedom sung in his ears, is a clear evidence of physical vitality. This growth has kept pace with the glowing prophecies of statisticians.