Chapter VI: Part 6

As we pass along down the corridor to the iron doors of the club-room, we find our passage barred by two stalwart Irishmen. They are members of the local camp, stationed as sentinels to prevent the entry of the unauthorised. We have already presented our credentials and been intrusted with the necessary passwords, and on giving the outside password to these guardians of the door, we are duly admitted. On the other side, however, we are brought face to face with another couple of trusted Gaels, and to them we have to give the inside password. ’Tis done, and, freed now from further question, we enter the charmed assembly. What a sight! What a babel of voices and a world of smoke! You can scarce see for the clouds which curl and roll round you as the breath of fresh air is admitted by the opening door, while, as for hearing, your ears are deafened by the din and clatter of many tongues and stamping feet. Yes, we are at last in the Irish Parliament, as it is grandly termed, in full session. These are the hundred and sixty odd delegates of the great V.C., sworn “to make Ireland a nation once again,” who are now assembled in the year of grace 1881 to clamour for dynamite as the only means of achieving their patriotic ends.

Let us sit down in the corner and study the scene with attention. It partakes, on the first view, more of the character of a “free and easy” entertainment than a grave portentous gathering of conspirators; but you must not judge by first appearances or outward characteristics. It is the way these men have of doing their business, and the dread character of their work is in no way affected by the almost ludicrous phases of the preliminary performance. Always you must remember that you are dealing with Irishmen, who in their wildest and most ferocious of fights still retain that substratum of childishness of character and playfulness of mood, with its attendant elements of exaggeration and romance, which make it as difficult for an ordinary House of Commons member to rightly understand his Irish colleague when he launches forth in description or invective, as it is for the civilised foreigner to know where the actual grievance now comes in.

Well, we are seated, and we must proceed to make the most of our time. And so I hurry on with my description. That is the chairman seated over there on the platform, with his two secretaries in attendance. The permanent presiding officer, as he is termed, is on this occasion no other than our friend Wm. J. Hynes, the gentleman who received his start in Chicago politics as a professional juryman through the instrumentality of Alexander Sullivan, and who since that time has put together flesh as well as riches, and is now one of the strongest-looking men here, possessed of that which, if he had no other qualification, would yet constitute a strong claim for the office of chairman—a voice capable of rising above the din caused by fifty excited patriots all yelling with their greatest might. Seated round in semi-circular fashion are the different delegates who, in the language they love so well, may be described as the flower of Irish-American patriotism. They are a funny crowd, as lolling with arms akimbo, and thumbs resting in their waistcoat arm-holes, they hang their feet on the chairs in front, which for comfort’s sake are tilted to an angle of some 40 or 45 degrees, and puff their cigars—on such an occasion there is nothing so vulgar as a pipe indulged in—high up into the air, changing their position now and again in order to have a pull at those interesting-looking black bottles, or to disrobe themselves of coat or waistcoat, the better to cool their heated frames.

But hark! there is a row on now. Listen to the oaths and foul epithets which fill the air. These two patriots to our left have apparently disagreed about something and, want to fight it out. See how they jump to their feet, kick the chairs about, throw a curse across the floor at the chairman as he seeks to stop their rowdy proceedings, and enter into grips with each other. Watch how friends hurry up on either side, and note the general confusion which now reigns. The business of the Convention of course is brought to a standstill, but not for long. See, all is quiet again now. These incidents are of hourly occurrence, and the fun of it all is that these two combatants will be drinking whisky in the most amicable way out of the same black bottle in less than a quarter of an hour’s time. Do you notice these few men hurrying in with handkerchiefs to their lips? Thirsty souls! They have been taking advantage of the interval to pay a visit to the bar.

XLI.

At last we turn to business again. Luckily the topic is an exciting one—nothing less indeed than the Skirmishing Fund discussion—and so matters will be interesting. O’Meagher Condon is on his feet, and he is launching forth in vehement style against the whole of the governing powers. Condon is one of those men who were mixed up in the Manchester Martyr affair, and since his arrival here a couple of years since, on being amnestied, he has been quite a hero. He has now a position in a Government department at Washington, and is much esteemed in the ranks of the Gaels. How his face works with excitement and passion as he attacks Devoy and his fellows on the Revolutionary Directory for their want of practical work. He finishes at last, and up jumps Devoy, more sour-looking than ever, with the perpetual scowl growing heavier and heavier. As he proceeds, the author of the New Departure has recourse to the usual method of controversy. He asserts that Condon is a coward, and was guilty of the grossest neglect at Manchester. If Condon had but distributed the twenty odd pounds which were found on him on his arrest, many of the men would have escaped, instead of being captured with empty pockets. Gruffer and gruffer becomes Devoy’s voice, as losing partial control of himself he trembles with excitement and flings charge after charge across the floor.

We are in for another personal quarrel, and so have to wait patiently while Condon, for the hundredth time, recites the threadbare narrative of his glorious deeds in Manchester. Matters are very electrical when the Rev. George C. Betts of St. Louis craves a hearing, and with his well-known smile seeks the suffrages of his fellow-patriots for the moment. Truly, a strange figure in a strange place. Tall, erect, in the black garb of the Church, with priest-like face and priest-like form, he woos the assembly to a strange quietness as his clerical style of utterance falls upon the audience. He is as hot a dynamitard as any, but he wants no personalities. If they are to accomplish anything, they really must be more practical. And so he proceeds, winning applause and spreading enthusiasm, till Devoy and Condon, and their personalities, are swept into forgetfulness, and all are engaged in applauding revolutionary sentiment spiced with religious quotation, and served up in the most orthodox of fashions.

The reverend dynamitard concludes, and resumes his seat amidst most enthusiastic evidences of his popularity. He gives way to an equally inharmonious figure in this motley gathering. The man who now rises is one of medium height, whose every movement bespeaks the professional man, as awhile back the picture presented by the Rev. Dr. Betts bespoke the cleric. A young man too is this, with his neat attire, trim beard, and gold-headed cane. No less a person is he than Dr. Gallaher, who, in this year of 1892, in the convict suit of grey with its regulation arrows, works out his weary life in Portland prison. As you watch, and as he speaks in that quiet gentlemanly fashion of his, you can well believe that he is a man of whom it might be afterwards boasted that he was introduced to Mr. Gladstone himself. Save in his sentiments there is nothing of the dynamitard about him, but in the matter of his speech there is no room for doubt. Quiet and self-controlled though he be, his talk is the talk of war, and the enthusiasm which lights up his countenance is that strong steady flame which will steadily burn till England’s dungeon doors close upon him and cut short his career of recklessness.

Following him on the floor is the familiar form of Denis Feeley, the fellow “Triangler” of Sullivan in later days, and with him the object of attack on the part of Cronin’s friends. Cool, calm, and deliberate, he carries his audience with him as he advocates “a secret blow at the enemy”; while his big form shakes with indignation as he works himself up to an excited pitch over “the wrongs of their beloved country.” At last Feeley concludes, and there rises another well-known figure, that of T. V. Powderly, for years the chief of the largest working-men’s organisation in America, known as “The Knights of Labour.” Little doubt can there be as to his views. Listen to what he says:—

“The killing of English robbers and tyrants in Ireland, and the
destruction by any and all means of their capital and resources,
which, enables them to carry on their robberies and tyrannies, is
not a needless act. Hence I am in favour of the torch for their
cities and the knife for their tyrants till they agree to let
Ireland severely alone. London, Liverpool, Manchester, and Bristol
in ashes may bring them to view it in another light.”

And so the talk goes on, and seven hundred years of grievances find expression from the lips of excited patriots, while quarrelsome delegates destroy all decorum. There is little purpose in our waiting further. One hour will be but the repetition of the other. As we rise to leave, however, one figure catches the eye and impresses itself upon us. It is that of the arch-plotter Sullivan, who, through all this din and turmoil, sits and makes no sign. He knows that later on he will be the candidate for the highest place amongst them, and so he takes no side. There is no possibility of your missing him as you pass him by. There he sits, quiet, watchful, and alert. You cannot mistake the man. There is a sense of power and intelligence in that clean cut, clean shaven face of his, lit up by its bright daring eyes. Had you but heard him speak, the lesson of his presence would have been complete. His clear trumpet voice, rising and falling with the play of a practised orator, his choice finished diction, his well-reasoned, well-arranged argument, and the graceful gesture and movement of his whole body would prove to you that there at least was a man gifted to command and competent to control.

And so we terminate our flying visit to the Eighty-one Convention of the Clan-na-Gael, wherein there were assembled forty lawyers, eight doctors, two judges, clergymen of both leading religions, merchants, manufacturers, and working men, all mixed up in glorious confusion, almost all reduced to the level of the whisky bottle, and none removed from the struggles of personal avarice and ambition.

XLII.

Nothing of a very stirring character happened for the next couple of months, and so, much to my satisfaction, I was permitted to attend for a little without interruption to my private affairs. They sadly lacked some notice on my part, for business was growing, my drug-stores were increasing in number, and so was my family. Patients were very numerous too, but expenses were not without their increase, for I had to employ a regularly qualified M.D. to take my place in my absence. If I could have settled down and simply minded my own business from this henceforth, I would have been in a very satisfactory position to-day. But ’twas not to be. I was constantly on the move, and living at high pressure right through. To keep myself thoroughly posted I had to be here, there, and everywhere, and, in the end, my ordinary business had to take a very secondary place. Even at this time my leisure from political affairs was to be of very short duration, for, in my capacity as Senior Guardian, I received the following in the month of November 1881:—

“_Private._
“For S. G. alone.

“HEAD-QUARTERS, K.,
“_November 21, 1881_.

“S.G. of D.

“DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,—It is the desire of the F.C. that as many
members of the V.C. as can possibly attend the Irish National
Convention at Chicago, November 30, 1881, will do so without
entailing expense on the organisation.

“You will therefore make every effort to get the members of the
V.C. elected as delegates from any Irish society that may have an
existence in your neighbourhood, whether it be as representative of
the Land League Club, the A.O.H., or any other organisation.

“The F.C. particularly desires your presence as a delegate, if it
is possible for you to attend as such.

“Fraternally yours,
“K.G.N. OF THE V.C.”

I thoroughly knew what this meant. Under the new _régime_ of Sullivan there was to be no more of the “Buffalo business,” and to prevent it things were to to done in a thoroughly practical manner. The members of the secret revolutionary organisation were to capture the representation at the coming Land League Convention, to act unitedly in the development of a policy in harmony with the Clan-na-Gael, and to officer the future executive in such a way as to prevent further misunderstanding. In order to do all this, the Clan-na-Gael men were to obtain election as League, or Ancient Order of Hibernian, delegates, the latter organisation being a purely benevolent body, whose branches had largely affiliated with the League or open movement from the start. This was accordingly done; and thus it came about that, when I met my fellow-delegates to the open Land League Convention of 1881, I found almost every second man a brother from the camps of the Clan-na-Gael.

The whole scheme worked in the most perfect manner. On arrival in Chicago each Clan-na-Gael man reported himself to the chief officer of the district, to whom credentials were presented. Official intimation was then given as to what would happen, and each conspirator learned that, prior to the sessions of the convention, caucuses of the Brotherhood would be held in the hall of Camp 16, Twenty-second Street, Chicago. The usual precautions were taken, and admission only gained by passwords exchanged on each occasion. As the chairman at the first gathering—the Rev. George C. Betts—humorously put it, “our object was to make things easy for the Land Leaguers, and to save them as much trouble as possible.” At each meeting the plan of procedure at the coming session was decided upon, and the election of temporary and permanent officers arranged. Nominations for various committees were fixed, and no opportunity neglected for adapting the constitution and officials to our requirements. The resolutions subsequently adopted in open convention were drafted by our committees.

It therefore came about that John F. Finerty of Chicago, the well-known dynamite advocate and prominent member of the Clan, “called the convention to order,” and made the opening speech. William J. Hynes of the Revolutionary Directory, and the chairman of the late Clan-na-Gael Convention, was appointed temporary chairman, and Joseph E. Ronayne, who had acted in a similar capacity at the Dynamite Convention, was appointed secretary, while T. V. Powderly of the Clan Executive, whose fiery speech at the same Convention was given a few pages back, was nominated assistant-secretary. The nomination of these men led to a trial of strength between the two forces of the Convention, but the real tug of war was reserved for the second day, when resolutions previously adopted at the Gael’s caucus were proposed, nominating the Rev. George C. Betts of St. Louis as permanent chairman, and Patrick Ford, John Devoy, Mrs. Parnell, and a number of priests as vice-presidents. Of course the priests were put forward for politic reasons. The vice-presidents were not objected to, but the appointment of the Rev. George C. Betts, a Protestant clergyman, was strongly opposed by the priestly party. A very excited debate took place, but in the end the opposition to Betts was withdrawn at the instigation of the Irish visitors—Messrs. T. P. O’Connor, M.P., T. M. Healy, M.P., and Father Sheehy—and so at the close this Vice-President of the Clan-na-Gael was elected, and the secret organisation triumphed all along the line.

The Irish political controversy was darkened the following year by the sad event in the Phœnix Park, Dublin, when Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke met their deaths at the hands of the Irish Invincibles. As regards the Invincible conspiracy, I have little or nothing to say. It was in no sense an American affair, and no matter how little or how much certain sympathisers in the States may have known of the murderous conspiracy, nothing was said on the subject in public or in secret to connect the Clan-na-Gael in any way with the proceedings of Carey and his friends. There was, of course, a certain amount of sympathy with the affair, as was shown by the attitude taken up by John Devoy in his paper the _Irish Nation_, which was, by the way, the official organ of the Clan-na-Gael at this time, and subsidised from its fund. Devoy gave great prominence to the refusal of Egan to offer a reward for the discovery of the murderers, printing the following telegram in his issue of 13th May 1882:—

“PATRICK EGAN ON BLOOD-MONEY.

“_Paris_, _May 10, 1882_.

“Mr. Egan, the Treasurer of the Land League, has telegraphed the
following to the _Freeman’s Journal_ of Dublin:—

“‘EDITOR, _Freeman_, Dublin.—In the _Freeman_ of yesterday Mr.
James F. O’Brien suggests a reward of £2000 out of the Land
League Fund for the discovery of the perpetrators of the terrible
tragedy of Saturday. Remembering, as I do, the number of innocent
victims who in the sad history of our country have been handed
over to the gallows by wretched informers, in order to earn the
coveted blood-money, and foreseeing the awful danger that in the
present excited state of public feeling crime may be added to
crime by the possible sacrifice of guiltless men, I am determined
that if one penny of the Land League Fund were devoted for such a
purpose I would at once resign the treasurership.

“‘PATRICK EGAN.’”

And commenting upon it in the following vein:—

“Patrick Egan has spoken out like a man against the adoption by
Irishmen of the base English policy of suborning informers. He
declares that should a penny of the Land League funds be devoted
to such an object, he will resign the treasurership. Mr. Parnell
should at once repudiate the attempt made from this side to connect
him with action so culpable and un-Irish. By consenting to become
the trustee of the Irish-American blood-money he would forfeit the
sympathies of his warmest admirers.”

It was in this year, too, that O’Donovan Rossa was finally expelled from the Clan-na-Gael. He had been in very bad odour for a long time previously, owing to his unsatisfactory connection with the Skirmishing Fund; and at last, after a couple of attempts to get rid of him, he was summarily kicked out, and from henceforth repudiated by the recognised officials of the secret organisation.

XLIII.

Eighteen hundred and eighty-three proved a very busy time with me. There was another Land League Convention: Egan, Sheridan, Frank Byrne, and other Invincibles “on the run” arrived in the country, and altogether my time was pretty well occupied in obtaining information and passing it on to my chief. The year opened amidst rumours in the public press of the secret movement having captured the open organisation of the League. Mr. Parnell himself had taken action previously in connection with the Kilmainham Treaty, and in other ways which were not understood or appreciated, and, as a consequence, a partial breach had occurred. So strained were matters becoming that in February it was announced that both Mr. Parnell and Egan would come to America in April for the purpose of discussing the whole situation and fixing upon some new mode of operations for the future which, while equally effective as regards joint working, would not impair Mr. Parnell’s usefulness. Many weeks, however, had not passed ere the fight between the clerical and revolutionary elements in the States began to wax exceedingly hot, and, changing his plans, Mr. Parnell determined not to interfere, and so failed to put in his promised appearance.

Egan, however, thanks to the revelations of Carey, had to make a speedy and somewhat undignified exit from Dublin, and not waiting till the month of April, he put himself _en evidence_ in American life in the month of March. I met him a week or two after his arrival, when he was the guest of Alexander Sullivan, the President of the Clan-na-Gael, at Chicago. We renewed our cordial friendship, and the same close intimacy prevailed between us as had been the case in Paris. Egan told me that the programme now to be proposed would give full satisfaction in America; while, as for Sullivan, he (Sullivan) remarked to me significantly about this time that, though he had never doubted Egan, he was now more than satisfied.

The public Convention of the Land League, henceforth to be known as the National League of America, took place at Philadelphia on the 26th April and following days. The same plan of campaign as had been developed in 1881 was put in force by the Clan-na-Gael. A secret circular was issued instructing the camps to send delegates, and these delegates when assembled in Philadelphia pursued the same line of policy in their caucus gatherings. The whole thing worked like an exquisite piece of mechanism, and produced the most satisfactory results for the Clan leaders. Of course I was a delegate, and of course I attended all the secret caucuses. Well for Egan that it was so. He considered it impolitic to appear at any of the secret gatherings, and so, much to my satisfaction, he asked me to acquaint him daily with what transpired, which I did, and received in return many interesting pieces of private information. The Convention was remarkable for the presence of Egan and Brennan, the runaway treasurer and secretary of the Irish Land League, both of whom took part in the proceedings, and of Frank Byrne and his wife, who were accommodated with seats on the platform.

In accordance with the arrangements made at one of the caucus meetings, Alexander Sullivan was appointed president of the new organisation. He played his part well on the occasion, and succeeded in entirely overcoming the scruples of those opposed to him in consequence of his being chief of the Clan-na-Gael. Not once but twice did this prince of intriguers decline the honour respectfully but firmly; and not till after repeated appeals from Mrs. Parnell, the mother of the Irish Home Rule leader, did he consent to take the office. Another leading Gael was appointed secretary, and out of the Executive Committee of seven, five were members of the Clan-na-Gael.

Although Mr. Parnell did not make his promised appearance, he sent a lengthy and significant telegram, in which he asked that the platform should be so framed as to enable himself and his friends to continue to receive help from America, and to work in such harmony as would allow of their achieving those great objects for which, through many centuries, the Irish race had struggled.

This was a pretty plain hint from the leading spirit on the Irish side to keep matters moderate in appearance, and it was not lost on those charged with the conduct of affairs, as the following extracts from my official report to my camp on my return will show:—

“The various reports were read and routine business transacted.
These developed that the Land League had not increased in members,
but, on the contrary, had decreased during the past year; that a
majority of the patriots of America had become tired of giving
their earnings for ‘Simon Pure agitation;’ of the 900 branches
existing a year ago, 105 had disbanded, and 298 had failed to
report. The total receipts for the past year from all sources were
79,138 dollars, 40 cents, and the disbursements 74,123 dollars, 40
cents, leaving on hand a balance of 4915 dollars.

“There was an evident desire upon the part of clerical delegates
and lady Land Leaguers (who evinced a fear of amalgamating with
dynamiters and secret society Revolutionists) to retain the
organisation intact, dropping the word land, adopting the platform
of the Dublin Convention of last October, electing their officers
for the ensuing year, calling themselves the National League,
and adjourning _sine die_. This policy received an able but
unscrupulous supporter in Miles O’Brien of New York, a renegade
member of the V.C., who exhibited the last circular of instructions
from the F.C. to a number of priests to show them how they were to
be manipulated by the terrible Clan-na-Gaels. Had this source been
successful it would have prevented union, it would have continued
the various factions, and the formidable front presented to-day of
all the societies of the country pledged upon one platform to work
united with one object in view would never have been achieved.

“Brother Brown of St. Louis moved a substitute for all resolutions
to declare the Land League dissolved after the adjournments of this
Convention, and the delegates to attend the National Convention
the next day. This eventually was practically carried by a large
majority.

“The Convention, to which I presented credentials from this body
on Thursday morning, presented the grand array of nearly 1200
delegates upon the floor, the stage being decorated with portraits,
paintings, statues, flags, and flowers, and graced by some fifty
ladies—conspicuous amongst them being Mrs. Parnell and Mrs. Frank
Byrne—the galleries packed to overflowing, some five thousand
interested spectators being present, a sight not soon to be
forgotten.

“Again the V.C. showed the work of its second conference of
Wednesday night, the proceedings being opened by Brother Sullivan,
and Brother Dorney being unanimously elected temporary presiding
officer, the temporary secretaries being Brothers Roach of Troy,
Brown of St. Louis, Hines of Buffalo, and Gleason of Cleveland.
The appointment of the Committee on Credentials, after the opening
speeches, constituted the first work on hand, and here again the
perfect organisation of the V.C. developed itself; and the first
breeze created by the Rossa-Dunne faction, who moved an amendment
that each society have a member upon the Committee on Credentials,
was promptly voted down. Rossa presented his credentials as a
member of the National Party of New York, but was admitted only
upon a press ticket.

“The knowledge of a blood and thunder set of resolutions being
in the pocket of Major Horgan of New York, ready to be fired,
regardless of consequences, into the Convention, required the
passage of a resolution that, until permanent organisation
was effected, all resolutions offered should be referred to
the Committee on Resolutions without being read. A permanent
organisation was effected in the afternoon by the unanimous
election of Brother Foran of Cleveland as presiding officer. The
various committees being appointed, the Convention adjourned till
Friday morning, the result of the day’s work summarised showing
that there was nothing to warrant the fear that the Rossa faction
would develop any strength or discord; that the V.C. were in the
majority everywhere; that by every action it was desired to follow
out the instructions of Mr. Parnell as cabled to the Convention on
that day; and at least, so far as the public policy was concerned,
to drop all nitro-glycerine methods of procedure, and to perfect
the union of the united societies of the country and Canada upon
one platform, for the purpose of sustaining Parnell and his policy
by acting and existing permanently as an auxiliary body, or rather
further, to the Irish National League.

“One straw to show which way the wind blew was the nomination in
committee of P. A. Collins of Boston for permanent chairman. His
candidature was unitedly set down with a will for his action in
offering a reward of 5000 dollars for the discovery of the killers
of Burke and Cavendish last year.

“Friday morning found the Convention in session with the various
committees on Plan or Organisation, Platform, Resolutions, and
Permanent Organisation ready to report. After some spirited
speech-making by Fathers Boylan and Agnew, and others, Dr.
O’Reilly of Michigan submitted the report of the Committee on
Resolutions, in which was included the platform of the National
League of America. After reading, an attempt was made by Finerty
to adopt them _seriatim_, for the purpose of getting inserted some
more favourable to the turbulent Rossa-Dunne faction. They were,
however, adopted as a whole....

“The Committee on Organisation presented their report, which was
unanimously adopted.

“It was then in order to elect officers for the ensuing year.
Alexander Sullivan nominated Dr. O’Reilly of Michigan as treasurer.
He was elected without opposition, Father Walsh having declined,
stating privately that he had to choose between his parish and the
treasurership; and that being the case, he would have to decline.

“The nomination for president resulted in the almost unanimous
choice of Brother Alexander Sullivan, who, after twice
diplomatically declining, finally was prevailed upon to accept.
The Executive Council of one from each State was elected, a large
majority of whom were members of the V.C.

“Brother Hines of Buffalo was unanimously elected permanent
secretary. Various sums of money were subscribed for the new
league, principally by the ladies. Resolutions were passed turning
over the books, balances on hand, and property of the old Land
League to the new League.

“Speeches expressive of God-speed and goodwill followed by
everybody, and the Convention adjourned to meet again next year at
the call of the Executive.

“The Executive Council subsequently met and elected the Council of
Seven, five of which are members of the V.C.

“To briefly summarise the results of the Convention, we find the
unification of all Irish societies pledged under one leadership to
follow the lines laid down by Parnell and the party at home, not
to lead but to follow them whence they may go with all the energy,
practical and financial support possible—a proof to the world
that the ten millions of Irish nationality upon the continent can
be represented in convention by their 1200 delegates, and work
harmoniously and unitedly, and giving to those, and their number
is legion, who believe in force alone, the supreme satisfaction of
knowing that the machinery of the cause is now under the control
and direction of their comrades, who believe, as they do, that
dynamite, or any other species of warfare that can be devised is
perfectly legitimate, so long as it can be made effective, and
accomplish results permanent and tangible.

* * * * *

“Michael Boyton arrived upon the second day of the Convention with
two members of the Supreme Council, who, as it will be readily
understood, did not figure publicly upon this occasion.”

XLIV.

It was shortly after this—I think somewhere about the 29th of May—that I was fortunate enough to learn from Sullivan some particulars as to what was going on in connection with the Dynamite Campaign. A demonstration had been arranged at Milwaukie, Wisconsin, in honour of Patrick Egan, and at Sullivan’s pressing invitation I accompanied him in order to participate in it. We travelled together and conversed almost all the way, Sullivan, as was his wont, supplying me with very interesting details. He told me that the management of the secret warfare was entirely in the hands of the Revolutionary Directory in America. Men, it appeared, could not be obtained at home to do the work, for from some lack of courage or discipline they could not be relied upon.

The rule adopted was that no volunteer should be accepted. Special choice would be made of men without families, and a special course of instruction in the use of explosives would be necessary after a man was chosen. So great was the care taken in the selection of agents, that their whole career and character would be inquired into beforehand without their knowledge. No new members would be chosen for the work, because forty of the Royal Irish Constabulary had been sent on full pay to America to join the organisation with a view to selling it. Sullivan imparted the further interesting information that Dr. Gallaher, when on his mission, purposely abstained from coming in contact with Irish members, and obtained introductions to, and acquaintance with, English members. He was often in the House, I was told, and had been even introduced to Mr. Gladstone himself.

Contrary to expectation and the requirements of the existing constitution, no Clan-na-Gael Convention took place in this year—1883. In the ordinary course of events such an assembly should have met in August 1883. For reasons best known to themselves, however, Sullivan and his colleagues on the executive of the secret organisation postponed the gathering, and in the end, by a system of manipulation which Sullivan developed to a perfect science, in connection with his management of Irish affairs, the approval of the organisation was gained to certain changes which included the putting off of the Convention to the following year, 1884. To allow of these changes being approved of, it was necessary to hold a series of district Conventions, and delegates were there elected to represent the districts at the general Convention which would follow. Sullivan’s adherents were generally in the majority at such district assemblies, and so it was a matter of ease for him to have supporters elected at almost every gathering, which, in other words, meant that the delegates then elected were nothing more or less than ardent Sullivanites, who in the future Convention would question nothing, whereas ordinary delegates would undoubtedly prove curious, if not embarrassing, in their search for information as to the conduct of the affairs of the Clan-na-Gael.

All was not clear sailing, however, and murmurs were heard in several quarters regarding this attempt to burk discussion and inquiry as to the work of the past two years. Several of the camps eventually ceased their allegiance and were immediately expelled, and the organisation split up into two sections, the one being Sullivanite and the other anti-Sullivanite. Devoy and his whole camp were amongst those expelled from the Sullivan wing. The seceders formed a new organisation under the old name, and the Sullivanites became known as the U.S. Sullivan was still the strong man, and had the greatest number of supporters; and, following my usual rule, I acted with the majority and became a U.S. man. At the start a change was made as regards the number and title of the governing body. Three members formed the executive, and they were now known as the Triangle—a name taken from the △ sign which was used by way of cypher signature on all documents coming from head-quarters. The fight between the two sections was now raging bitterly, and the oath of the U.S. was so drawn as to exclude members of any other Revolutionary body, thereby denying the right of any person to be a member of both organisations.

Meantime, under the plea of imminent danger of discovery, the books of the organisation were all burnt, and no record whatever was left in existence which would allow of investigation. This had driven very many men to desperation, and loud and sweeping were the charges which the seceders made against the Triangle for misappropriation of funds and other like matters. None were more prominent in leading the attack on Sullivan and his colleagues than Dr. Cronin, whose murder has recently been the subject of such lengthy investigation. Indeed, from this point onwards, almost down to the end of 1888, the history of the Clan-na-Gael is the history of the dispute between Cronin and Sullivan. And now, having purposely excluded all special mention of Dr. Cronin from my story heretofore, in order that I might the more fully and clearly deal with the matter in a compact form, I shall proceed to sketch the life and career in Irish-American politics of this last victim of political assassination. In explaining the situations in Irish affairs as they affected or were affected by Dr. Cronin, I shall have to travel rapidly over points already dealt with; but I think it better to do this than to improperly represent the ill-fated Cronin by omitting from my reference to his career the points which told in favour of himself or his adversaries.

XLV.

Philip H. Cronin was born in Ireland, but when very young emigrated to Canada. From thence when a young man he went to St. Louis, Missouri, where he studied medicine at the St. Louis College of Physicians and Surgeons. Before this he had been clerk in a chemist’s store, and had thus acquired a very considerable practical knowledge of medicine. He graduated with high honours, and became eventually Professor of Materia Medica and Therapeutics in the college. He also attended a medical college from which he secured the degree of M.A. Cronin was a man of fine presence, good looking, almost six feet in height, and very well formed. He was a clever man in every way, and a good forcible speaker, though in style aggressive and combative to a degree. Very ambitious, like his future enemy Alexander Sullivan, he was never happy in a back seat, always thrusting himself forward and fighting for the place of leader. In fact, so pronounced were his ideas in favour of his supremacy, that where he could not rule he was quite prepared to ruin.

He moved to Chicago in the latter part of 1881, and immediately entered upon the practice of medicine, taking up his residence at 351 Clark Street, at the corner of Oak Street. At this time he was about thirty-two years of age, so that he was only some forty years old at the time of his murder. From the moment of his arrival in Chicago, he went in enthusiastically for Irish politics, and took a leading part in both Revolutionary and Land League matters. He identified himself with the Clan-na-Gael, and was prominent at all gatherings of the Irish of every kind. He was strong in social instincts, and was quite a figure at social gatherings, where he used to great advantage the fine tenor voice of which he was possessed, singing national songs especially with great spirit and enthusiasm. As a consequence he rapidly came to the front in Chicago, and in six months was better known than an ordinary resident would have been in ten years. Towards the Land League movement he was especially sympathetic, and he took a very large part indeed in building it up. He was in a short time elected President of the 18th Ward League, then known as the “Banner League” of Chicago. Equally active in the secret movement, he was a guiding spirit of Camp No. 96 of the Clan in Chicago, publicly known as the “Columbia Literary Association,” and so great was his influence that, on the appointment of the notorious Frank Agneau to the position of district member, Cronin succeeded him as Senior Guardian of the camp. This was the camp which held its weekly meetings in the well-known Turner Hall on the north side of the city.

It was at this time that the policy of dynamite had been decided upon, and that the campaign against English Government buildings and persons was being inaugurated. Cronin (who was anything but a saint in character) was an ardent advocate of the policy; and, owing to his scientific attainments, he was appointed as chief instructor in the use and handling of explosives, acting all this time, be it marked, as the President of the Banner League (or Chicago branch of the Land League) as well. In fact, he held the position of President of the Land League branch down to the year 1888. Cronin, unfortunately for himself, succeeded at a very early stage in falling foul of Alexander Sullivan. Living as he did till 1887 at the corner of Clark and Oak Streets, within a few doors of Sullivan himself, he gained such an amount of prominence that he was rapidly throwing Sullivan into the shade. He threatened to become more powerful than Sullivan, and this Sullivan, equally ambitious and more unscrupulous, could not brook. In a short time Sullivan and his adherents came to detest the Doctor, and as I found—for I lived within a stone’s throw of each, knew them both intimately, and saw them continuously—the relations between them were becoming more strained and bitter every day.

In June 1881, as I have related, Sullivan obtained a victory over all his rivals by being chosen President of the Clan-na-Gael, or Revolutionary organisation, at the Dynamite Convention held that year at the Palmer House, Chicago. It was after this that Cronin gave the first pronounced sign of his enmity in public. The opportunity for its display was brought about by the attack made by O’Meagher Condon upon John Devoy, the principal of the three members of the Revolutionary Directory, Devoy with his colleagues being charged with responsibility for the failure of the many schemes of active warfare proposed by Condon. Devoy, evidently jealous of Sullivan’s election, indulged in a good deal of incrimination, not confining his attacks to Condon alone, and he was afterwards supported by Cronin, who was possessed of the same grievance. The two joined forces, but without any effect, for Sullivan’s position was assured. From the dispute, however, which occurred at this Convention, dates the commencement of undisguised hostility between Sullivan and Cronin.

Early in 1883, when the call was issued for the Philadelphia Convention (at which was formed the first branch of the American National League as distinct from the Land League), a meeting of Cronin’s branch of the League took place in Chicago for the election of delegates to the Convention. Sullivan and his friends, determining to crush Cronin if they could, packed this meeting, and had elected as delegates Alexander Sullivan himself, his brother, and other personal adherents, much to the disgust of Cronin and his supporters.

Sullivan was equally successful later on when, under the new constitution, the Executive called district Conventions in lieu of the general convention they had managed to postpone. The Convention in Cronin’s district was held in Millionaire Smythe’s Hall in Chicago—Smythe being Senior Guardian of Camp 458; Cronin, as Senior Guardian of his own camp, attended in the capacity of delegate therefrom. Mackay Lomasney, my old friend from Detroit, also attended from his district in a like capacity. Although an attempt was made to impeach Sullivan’s action, it was not successful. His friends were in the majority, and his conduct was upheld. All attempts on the part of Cronin to bring about a different state of things—and they were not a few—were voted down, and Alexander Sullivan, in company with Mackay Lomasney, the London Bridge dynamitard, was elected delegate to the Triangle Convention of 1884.

Cronin, filled with fury, returned to his camp and made a series of most sweeping charges against the Triangle. In return charges were preferred against him of being a traitor, liar, &c. &c., Sullivan of course being the instigator. A Trial Committee, of which I was one, was appointed, and by it Cronin was promptly found guilty and formally expelled. I voted, as I always did, on the side of the winning party. Cronin on his expulsion immediately joined the ranks of the seceders, which by this time included such well-known men as Devoy, Dillon, M‘Cahey, and others, and he immediately obtained a seat on the executive of the new body. And here, for the moment, I must leave him.

XLVI.

The next matter of public importance in which I was interested was the Boston Convention of the Irish National League of America, which took place in the Fanieul Hall, Boston, on the 13th and following days of August. Of course I went in my dual capacity as League delegate and Revolutionary official. The same plan of campaign was practised with the same successful results. The Rev. Dr. Betts was again to the front as president of the secret caucuses, while Egan, grown more bold by this, was a regular attendant. When the nomination of officials of the League came up, Sullivan was named for re-election as president. He, however, declined, and made way for Patrick Egan. Egan, after some refusal on the ground that the British Government probably knew of his connection with the secret movement, and that his taking office might compromise Mr. Parnell, eventually agreed, and so he took the chair vacated by Sullivan. This Convention was attended by Mr. Thomas Sexton, M.P., and Mr. William Redmond, M.P., on the part of the Parnellite party, and by P. J. Tynan, the famous “No. 1” of the Phœnix Park murders—shall I say on behalf of the Invincibles? Sullivan undoubtedly was the pet boy of the period, for he was the object of the most adulatory references on the part of Mr. Sexton. He was, we were told, a man who did honour to the race from which he had sprung; a man of whom any race might well be proud—and so on. Egan, however, came in for his fair share of attention too. He was, according to another speaker, “that clean handed, that patriotic, that heroic exile,” although, of course, no reference was made to the reasons for his exile as supplied by the Phœnix Park crimes.

If, however, no reason was given in public for his exile, Egan was not slow to refer to the matter in private. I had journeyed in his company to Boston, and had had a very exciting chat with him, in which the question of his flight had largely figured. His description of how he was enabled to get away from Dublin was most graphic. He started off by boasting how he had got information from the Castle; and to show how readily it could be obtained he said that, within twenty minutes of the order being issued for the warrant for his arrest, he knew of the fact. He was at his office at the time, and at once proceeded to his house and packed his satchel. He had two children sick then, and Dr. Kenny was attending them. He destroyed a number of documents which he had in the house, some of them pertaining to his connection with the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and also some letters of James Carey. In fact he destroyed all papers tending to incriminate him in case he was arrested. Fortunately for him there happened to be in Dublin at the time a Scotch friend in the Belfast flour trade, who assisted him in getting away. He gave this friend his rug and valise, and instructed him to purchase a ticket for Belfast at the Northern Terminus. He himself arrived at the railway station one moment before the train started, took his valise and rug from his Scotch friend, slipped into the train, and that night was in Belfast. On his arrival at Belfast he found that he could not get out by boat, and he went to an hotel, where he slept. In the morning he purchased a return ticket to Leeds, travelled with that as far as Manchester, and then got off the train. There he purchased another ticket from Manchester to Hull, took the steamer from Hull to Rotterdam, and thus got out of the country.

From the account of his own escape, he passed on to tell me how his fellow-official Brennan, the Secretary of the Irish Land League, had got away. Brennan, it appeared, gained the first hint of his being implicated by reading the announcement of Carey’s evidence on a news sheet displayed on the pavement in the Strand. He was accompanied by Mr. Thomas Sexton, M.P., at the time, and on reading the announcement they at once turned down a side street where arrangements were made for Brennan’s flight. Brennan started off for his lodgings in order to pack a valise, while Mr. Sexton, going to Charing Cross, purchased a ticket for Paris. On this ticket he travelled to London Bridge, and there by arrangement he met Brennan, who immediately proceeded on the train to the French capital. Egan was very generous in his confidences on this occasion, and amongst other things he told me that he was satisfied the new Executive Body would continue the “active work,” and it would be done by men who would not go further than their orders, as Dr. Gallaher had done. This was news to me, and I inquired how. “Why,” replied Egan, “he (Dr. G.) got in with some of Rossa’s men, and MacDermott (a reputed informer) got it from them, and gave him away.” Previously to this I had met Egan in camp gatherings, and knew that he was now an actual member of the American Revolutionary organisation. It was, by-the-bye, at a camp meeting in Philadelphia in this year that Egan, addressing some sixty members, said, “I have been reading up the records of the Italian banditti, and from them I have come to believe in this rule: Let us meet our enemies with smiling faces, and with a warm grasp of the hand, having daggers up our sleeves ready to stab them to the heart.” Strange words these, and yet I thought when I heard of their being uttered of the smiling face and warm hand clasp which had puzzled me not a little on that first night when I met the speaker on the staircase of a Parisian hotel.

The Convention of the secret organisation followed immediately after that of the National League, but as I was not a delegate I had no intimate connection with it. It was at this Convention, as I learnt subsequently from Sullivan, that arrangements were made—few, if any, Anti-Sullivanites were present—for the destruction of the records of which I have already spoken, and which gave rise to so much bitterness on the part of the Cronin faction.

The principal fact worthy of notice in connection with the secret Convention of 1884 was the acknowledgment by the “Triangle” of 118,000 dollars as the sum received and expended for dynamite purposes from the date of the holding of the Convention of 1881. No vouchers or detailed statements were forthcoming, and their absence was sought to be explained on the ground that it was inexpedient to supply information in view of the risk and exposure of brave men engaged in the enterprises. No detailed statement of the expenditure of this vast sum has ever been made to this day.

As one result of this unsatisfactory condition of things, a circular was drawn up by Cronin and his friends, making definite and formal charges against the “Triangle” of stealing the funds of the organisation. Cronin was very aggressive in giving currency to these charges in the most offensive language, and the feeling against him on the part of Sullivan’s adherents became extremely embittered. As it grew in intensity it spread to more than Cronin, and soon the followers of both men were ranged in hostile camps, fighting a wordy war of the deadliest type. All attempts to heal the breach proved fruitless, although much outside influence of an important character was brought to bear upon the different parties concerned.

XLVII.

While the contest raged between the opposing factions, I was up and doing, travelling about, and gaining as much information as I possibly could. I made many trips to various points of the country, and so was enabled to gauge pretty accurately the condition of public feeling and the probabilities of the future. My pretexts for all this travelling were admirably adapted to divert suspicion from my real object. When a journey for my health’s sake was not possible, I got appointed (through Irish political influence) to a seat on the Mississippi Valley Sanitary Commission; and when no more work was to be done under this cover, I connected myself with one of the largest pharmaceutical houses in the States, and travelled as their representative in whatever direction suited me. So successful was I in combining business development with my secret work, that I had great difficulty in resigning this latter connection, the proprietors strongly urging my continuance in it, and only parting with me after many fruitless attempts to change my decision. When at home I was of course an ardent politician, and a volunteer on every committee in the Democratic interest. So prominent was I in local politics, that on one occasion I ran for election for the House of Representatives, only being defeated by a majority of 128 votes on a poll of several thousands. It was the cry of “The Fenian General” that lost me the seat with the English voters.