Chapter X: Part 10

CONSENT NOT FORCE

Mr. Lincoln, speaking on the 12th of January, 1848, in Congress, said:

"Any people anywhere being inclined and having the power have the
right to rise up and shake off the existing government, and form a new
one that suits them better. This is a most valuable, most sacred
right, a right which we hope and believe is to liberate the world. Nor
is this right confined to cases in which the whole people of an
existing government may choose to exercise it. Any portion of such
people that can may revolutionize and make their own any or so much of
the territory as they inhabit."[407]

Probably Mr. Gladstone expressed in the briefest possible compass the general consensus of the Virginia people, when on the 24th of April, 1862, in his Manchester speech, referring to the attitude of the Federal Government and the Northern people, he said: "We have no faith in the propagation of free institutions at the point of the sword."[408]

VIEWS OF PROMINENT AMERICANS

Scarcely less pronounced were the sentiments of many prominent Americans expressed just before the outbreak of the Civil War with reference to the moral or political right of the Federal Government or the Northern people to coerce the Southern States.

Horace Greeley, in the issue of the _New York Tribune_ of November 9th, 1860, discussing the contemplated secession of the Cotton States, wrote:

"If the Cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the
Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to
secede may be a revolutionary one but it exists nevertheless; and we
do not see how one party can have a right to do what another party has
a right to prevent."[409]

Again he wrote:

"If it (the Declaration of Independence) justified the secession from
the British Empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, we do not
see why it would not justify the secession of five millions of
Southerners from the Federal Union in 1861. If we are mistaken on this
point why does not some one attempt to show wherein and why(?)"[410]

On the 23d of February, 1861, he wrote:

"We have repeatedly said and we once more insist that the great
principle embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of American
Independence that governments derive their just powers from the
consent of the governed is sound and just; and that if the Slave
States, the Cotton States, or the Gulf States only, choose to form an
independent nation they have a clear moral right to do so."[411]

President Buchanan, in his message to Congress on the 3d of December, 1860, said:

"The fact is that our Union rests upon public opinion and can never be
cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot
live in the affections of the people it must one day perish. Congress
possesses many means of preserving it by conciliation; but the sword
was not placed in their hands to preserve it by force."

Edward Everett, writing on the 2d of February, 1861, to the Union Meeting called to assemble at Faneuil Hall, said:

"To expect to hold fifteen states in the Union by force is
preposterous. The idea of a civil war, accompanied, as it would be, by
a servile insurrection, is too monstrous to be entertained for a
moment. If our sister states must leave us, in the name of Heaven, let
them go in peace."[412]

Wendell Phillips, speaking at New Bedford, Mass., on the 9th of April, 1861, said:

"But I am sorry that a gun should be fired at Fort Sumter or that a
gun should be fired from it for this reason: The administration at
Washington does not know its time. Here are a series of states girding
the Gulf who think that their peculiar institutions require that they
should have a separate government. They have a right to decide that
question without appealing to you or me. A large body of people,
sufficient to make a nation, have come to the conclusion that they
will have a government of a certain form. Who denies them the right?
Standing with the principles of '76 behind us, who can deny them the
right?"[413]

Abraham Lincoln, speaking on the 15th of November, 1860, said:

"My own impression is, leaving myself room to modify the opinion, if,
upon further investigation, I should see fit to do so, that this
Government possesses both the authority and the power to maintain its
own integrity. That, however, is not the ugly point of this matter.
The ugly point is the necessity of keeping the Government together by
force as ours should be a Government of fraternity."[414]

On the 10th of April, 1861, only five days previous to the call for seventy-five thousand soldiers, Mr. Seward, as Secretary of State, in an official communication to the American Minister to Great Britain, wrote:

"For these reasons he (the President) would not be disposed to reject
a cardinal dogma of theirs (the Secessionists), namely, that the
Federal Government could not reduce the seceding states to obedience
by conquest, even though he were disposed to question that
proposition. But, in fact, the President willingly accepts it as true.
Only an imperial or despotic government could subjugate thoroughly
disaffected and insurrectionary members of the state. This Federal
Republican system of ours of all forms of government is the very one
which is most unfitted for such labor."[415]

VIRGINIA ADHERES TO HER PRINCIPLES

Such were some of the deliverances of prominent Americans in the days immediately preceding the Civil War. They expressed the sentiments of leading Virginians of the time and explained and vindicated their position in resisting the policy of coercion adopted by the Federal Government. Why was it that in the supreme hour Greeley and Seward and Lincoln, and all their notable compatriots, parted company with Virginia?

Charles Francis Adams says:

"Virginia, as I have said, made state sovereignty an article—a
cardinal article—of its political creed. So logically and
consistently it took the position that though it might be unwise for a
state to secede, a state which did secede could not and should not be
coerced.

"To us now this position seems worse than illogical. It is impossible.
So events proved it then. Yet, after all, it is based on the
fundamental principle of the consent of the governed; and in the days
immediately preceding the Civil War something very like it was
accepted as an article of correct political faith by men afterwards as
strenuous in support of a Union re-established by force as Charles
Sumner, Abraham Lincoln, William H. Seward, Salmon P. Chase, and
Horace Greeley. The difference was that confronted by the overwhelming
tide of events, Virginia adhered to it; they, in presence of that
tide, tacitly abandoned it."[416]

-----

Footnote 399:

_History of the United States_, Rhodes, Vol. III, p. 214.

Footnote 400:

_Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government_, Vol. I, p. 617.

Footnote 401:

_Memoirs of Robert E. Lee_, Long, p. 88.

Footnote 402:

_Proceedings of Peace Convention_, Crittenden, p. 136.

Footnote 403:

See _Richmond Enquirer_, March 2d, 1908.

Footnote 404:

_Democracy in America_, de Tocqueville, Vol. II, p. 257.

Footnote 405:

_Political Philosophy_, Brougham, 1849, part 3, p. 336.

Footnote 406:

_Buchanan's Administration_, Buchanan, p. 98.

Footnote 407:

_Abraham Lincoln, Speeches, Letters and State Papers_, N. & H., Vol.
I, p. 105.

Footnote 408:

_History of the United States_, Rhodes, Vol. IV, p. 80.

Footnote 409:

_History of the United States_, Rhodes, Vol. III, p. 140.

Footnote 410:

_Life of James Buchanan_, Curtis, Vol. II, p. 430.

Footnote 411:

_Idem._

Footnote 412:

_Origin of the Late War_, Lunt, 1816, p. 431.

Footnote 413:

_History of Massachusetts in Civil War_, Schouler, Vol. I, p. 45.

Footnote 414:

_Abraham Lincoln, A History_, N. & H., Vol. III, p. 247.

Footnote 415:

_Diplomatic Correspondence_, 1861, p. 58.

Footnote 416:

_Lee at Appomattox and Other Papers_, C. F. Adams, 1902, p. 403-4.

XLIII

CONCLUSION

The crisis arose and thus was precipitated Virginia's secession. To many of her people it came as a long hoped for event. They rejoiced that Virginia was now to enter upon a more inspiring career untrammelled by associates divergent in sentiments and hostile in interests. They hailed the rise of the Southern Confederacy as a new nation born into the world, and with eager hearts looked forward to a future which should bring to the people of Virginia and the South a measure of self-government, peace and prosperity they had never known before.

To the majority, however, of the Virginia people the event came as one long dreaded and much to be deplored. They met it with a firm adherence to the principles so often declared, but with profound regret that the occasion had arisen which rendered their assertion imperative.

The pathos no less than the determination which marked the hour may be read in the contemporary utterances of her foremost men.

VIRGINIANS DEPLORE DISUNION

Her Governor, John Letcher, in his message to the General Assembly, January 1861, said:

"Surely no people have been blessed as we have been, and it is
melancholy to think that all is now about to be sacrificed on the
Altar of Passion. If the judgments of men were consulted, if the
admonitions of their consciences were respected, the Union would yet
be saved from overthrow."

Three months later, however, in response to the call for Virginia's quota of troops, he wrote to the authorities at Washington: "You have chosen to inaugurate civil war; and, having done so, we will meet you in a spirit as determined as the Administration has exhibited toward the South."

Robert E. Lee, anticipating the event, in January, 1861, wrote:

"I shall mourn for my country and for the welfare and progress of
mankind. If the Union is dissolved and the Government disrupted, I
shall return to my native state and share the miseries of my people,
and, save in defense, will draw my sword on none."[417]

Three months later, in accepting the command of Virginia's army of defense, he said: "Trusting in Almighty God, an approving conscience and the aid of my fellow-citizens, I devote myself to the service of my native state."

Equally significant were the sentiments of the wife of this great Virginian. Writing to General Winfield Scott, May 5th, 1861, Mary Custis Lee said: "No honors can reconcile us to this fratricidal war which we would have laid down our lives freely to avert ... Oh! that you could command peace to our distracted country. Yours in sorrow and sadness."[418]

John Janney, on accepting the Presidency of the Virginia Convention, February 13th, 1861, said:

"Gentlemen, there is a flag ... which now floats over this Capitol on
which there is a star representing this ancient commonwealth and my
earnest prayer, in which I know every member of this body will
cordially unite, is that it may remain there forever, provided always
that its lustre is untarnished."

On the 23d of April, 1861, in notifying Robert E. Lee of his appointment as chief in command of Virginia's militia, he said:

"Virginia having taken her position, as far as the power of this
Convention extends, we stand, animated by one impulse, governed by one
desire and one determination—and that is, that she shall be defended;
and that no spot of her soil shall be polluted by the foot of an
invader."[419]

Matthew F. Maury writing on the 11th of May, 1861, said: "I grant them (certain of his Northern friends) sincere, but I cannot but lament in the depths of my heart and in excruciating agony that their delusion is such as to have already allowed the establishment of a military despotism."

Again he wrote: "All of us are of one mind, very cool, very determined, no desire for a conflict. We are on the defensive."[420]

John B. Baldwin, when asked after President Lincoln's proclamation what would be the position of the Union men in Virginia, wrote:

"We have no Union men in Virginia now. But those who were Union men
will stand to their guns, and make a fight that will shine out on the
page of history as an example of what a brave people can do after
exhausting every means of pacification."[421]

RACIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF VIRGINIANS

In addition to all the considerations set forth in the foregoing pages, the student of history must, if he would fully appreciate the forces which controlled their action with respect to secession and the Civil War, take into account the racial characteristics of the Virginia people. A full portrayal of these characteristics, strongly marked and persisting from generation to generation, must be the work of some other pen. Suffice it here to say that as a people they exalted honor and courage—both in the individual and in the clan; they exhibited the strength of the idealist, combined, on the part of many, with the limitations of the doctrinaire; they decided questions by the standards of abstract right rather than in their relation to the duties and interests of other peoples and other times; they were self-reliant, content to justify the integrity of their conduct to their own consciences rather than to the world; they were tenacious of their rights and regarded a threatened invasion as not only justifying but compelling resistance if the ideals and conditions which make men patriots and freemen were to find an abiding place in their state.

VIRGINIA'S STAND PREDETERMINED

"We are not contending," wrote Washington in 1774, "against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea as burdensome, no, it is the right only that we have all along disputed."[422]

"It is the principle," wrote Lee in 1861, "I contend for, not individual or private benefit."[423]

Such were some of the predominant characteristics of the people whom President Lincoln's proclamation called to war. In the conflict thus joined between the Federal Government and the Southern Confederacy, the people of Virginia took a stand, predetermined by the beliefs and avowals of successive generations, and impelled by an unswerving idealism found their supreme incentive to action in their determination to maintain the integrity of principle.

-----

Footnote 417:

_Memoirs of Robert E. Lee_, Long, p. 88.

Footnote 418:

See letter from Mrs. R. E. Lee to General Winfield Scott, in _Life of
Robert E. Lee_, Fitzhugh Lee, p. 93.

Footnote 419:

_Journal of Virginia Convention_, 1861, pp. 9 and 187.

Footnote 420:

_Life of Matthew Fontaine Maury_, Corbin, p. 96.

Footnote 421:

_School History of the United States_, Jones, p. 239.

Footnote 422:

_History of the United States_, Bancroft, Vol. 4, p. 29.

Footnote 423:

_Memoirs of Robert E. Lee_, Long, p. 88.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

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INDEX

Abolitionists, adverse influence of, upon anti-slavery sentiment in
Virginia, 43, 48, 51, 59;
character of assaults of, upon slavery and Virginians, 48, 49;
views of Thomas Jefferson Randolph upon, 51;
views of George Tucker upon, 51, 52;
views of Henry Ruffner upon, 53;
views of William Ellery Channing upon, 53;
views of Abraham Lincoln upon, 54, 55;
views of Daniel Webster upon, 55;
views of Stephen A. Douglas upon, 56;
views of Thomas Ewing upon, 56;
views of George Lunt upon, 57;
views of George Ticknor Curtis upon, 57;
views of Theodore Roosevelt upon, 58;
views of William Henry Smith upon, 58;
attitude of, contrasted with that of Republicans, 194, 195;
efforts of, to defeat fugitive slave law, 200, 201;
purpose and methods of, 210, 212;
disunion sentiments of, 213;
contended that Union alone protected slaveholders, 219;
see John Brown, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, William Lloyd Garrison,
Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips.

Abolition of Slavery in Virginia, petition for, from citizens of
Staunton, 128, 129.

Adams, Charles Francis, estimate of Virginians at Gettysburg, 139, 140;
estimate of racial difficulties, 181;
his analysis of Virginia's grounds of secession, 249;
records effects of Virginia's declaration for union, 253;
on coercion as the issue, 255;
views as to Virginia's unchanged allegiance to state sovereignty, 294.

Adams, John Quincy, on action of anti-slavery societies, 1835, 174;
not an Abolitionist, 195;
views as to right of secession, 290.

Adams, Reverend Nehemiah, on assaults upon Virginia by Abolitionists,
48, 49;
on feeling in Virginia regarding slave traders, 141;
on reactionary effects of Abolitionists, 176.

African Slave Trade, early opposition to, in Virginia, 16;
letter of Colonel William Byrd against, 16;
petition of Virginia House of Burgesses against, 1772, 18;
arraignment of in original draft of Declaration of Independence, 19;
Virginia Colonial Convention 1774, hostile to, 21;
declaration against in Continental Congress, 1774, 21, 22;
Virginia's statute abolishing, 1778, 25;
George Mason's denunciation of, 30;
efforts of Virginians in Congress to suppress, 33;
President Jefferson's message, 1806-07 on suppression of, 34;
President Madison's message, 1810, recommending more stringent laws
against, 35;
act of 1819 against, 36;
joint resolution of Congress, 1823, against, 36;
"Right of Search" in suppression of, advocated by President Monroe,
1824, 37;
President Tyler's message against, 1841-42, 38;
appeal of Henry A. Wise against, 1845, 38-39;
President Taylor's message against, 1849, 39.

Agriculture in Virginia, injurious effects of slavery upon, 127-137.

Amalgamation of blacks and whites, Governor James McDowell on, 163;
William C. Rives on, 163-164;
M. de Tocqueville on, 164;
Stephen A. Douglas on, 165;
General William T. Sherman on, 165;
William H. Seward on, 165;
Abraham Lincoln on, 165-166.

American Anti-Slavery Society, its organization, 1833, 200;
disunion resolutions of, May, 1844, 213.

American Civil War, character of, 1-3;
parties to, 2, 3;
causes of, 3-5;
objects for which it was waged, 5-9.

American Colonization Society, its organization, 1816, 61;
establishes colony of Liberia, 1819, 62, 63;
organization of auxiliary societies to, in Virginia, 63;
work of, impeded by pro-slavery men and Abolitionists, 65.

Amendment to constitution, proposed by Congress, 1861, safeguarding
slavery, 192;
ratified by Ohio and Maryland, 192.

Annapolis, convention assembles at, 1786, to amend Articles of
Confederation, 238.

Anti-Slavery sentiments, of prominent Virginians, 82-101.

Apportionment, basis of, for representation in Virginia Legislature,
144, 172.

Arkansas, secedes because of Lincoln's call for troops, 226.

Bacon, Reverend Leonard, estimate of condition of free negroes, 1831,
160.

Baldwin, John B., a Union leader in Virginia Convention, 1861, 255;
urges President Lincoln to abandon coercion, 266;
on position of Union men in Virginia after her secession, 297.

Ballagh, J. H., on Virginia's primacy in prohibiting African slave
trade, 25;
on slavery debate in Virginia's Legislature, 1832, 46;
on estimate of number of slaves freed in Virginia, 102.

Bancroft, George, on Virginia's effort to prohibit importation of
slaves, 17;
on Virginia's Bill of Rights, 23;
on Ordinance of 1787, 27;
on injurious effect of slavery on Virginia, 127;
estimate of Virginia's action in calling for intercolonial committees
of correspondence, 239;
estimate of Virginia's action in securing Convention at Philadelphia,
1787, 239.

Banks, Governor N. P., addresses Legislature of Massachusetts, January,
1861, on "personal liberty laws," 205.

Barton, D. W., emancipates slaves, 70.

Barton, Robert T., letter to author regarding above, 70, 71.

Bates, Edwin, his reply as Attorney General to President Lincoln's
request for opinions on provisioning Fort Sumter, 282 and 284.

Baylor, George, remarks in Virginia Convention, 1861,
on secession and coercion, 265;
on coercing Cotton States, 289.

Berry, Henry, anti-slavery sentiments, 93.

Bill of Rights, Virginia's, on inherent rights of men, 22-23.

"Black Belt" in Virginia, its white and slave population, 125.

Blackburn, Samuel, will emancipating slaves, 113.

Blaine, James G., on slavery in the territories, 185;
on action of Republicans in Congress, 1861, abandoning their position
on the subject, 185;
on protection afforded to slavery by the Union, 222.

Blair, Montgomery, replies, as Postmaster General, to President
Lincoln's request for opinions on provisioning Fort Sumter, 282 and
284.

Bland, Theodoric, efforts in first Congress, to tax importation of
slaves, 33.

Bolling, Philip A., anti-slavery sentiments of, 95;
on injurious effects of slavery, 130.

Bonner, Jesse, will emancipating slaves, 107.

Booth, Sherman M., convicted by Federal Court, and discharged by State
Court of Wisconsin, 203.

Branch, Thomas, remarks of, in Virginia Convention, 1861, on President
Lincoln's First Inaugural, 265.

Brent, George W., remarks of, in Virginia Convention, 1861, on
influence of Abolitionists in North, and Free Traders in South, in
precipitating the Civil War, 266.

Broadnax, William H., views expressed in slavery debate, 1832, 47;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 92.

Brokenbrough, John W., delegate from Virginia to Peace Conference,
1861, 246.

Brown Co., Ohio, colonization of Samuel Gist's slaves in, 66.

Brown, John, John W. Burgess's estimate of reactionary influence of his
Raid and of Northern sympathy, 178;
disastrous influence of his Raid upon sentiment in the South, 178;
Lincoln's estimate of his Raid, 195;
captured by United States soldiers, 212;
sympathy of leading Abolitionists with, 218;
prominent Abolitionists, parties to his venture, 219.

Brougham, Lord, on character of Federal Government, 290.

Buchanan, James, extract from message, as President, 1860, on influence
of Abolitionists, 177;
message to Congress, 1860, on "personal liberty laws," 204.

Burgesses—House of, their petition, 1772, against slave trade, 18;
their resolutions against Stamp Act, 1765, 238;
pledging support to Massachusetts, 1768, 238;
asserting resistance to Great Britain, 1769, 238;
providing for intercolonial committees of correspondence, 1773, 239;
fixing day for fasting and prayer, 1774, 239.

Burgess, J. W., on reactionary influence of John Brown's Raid, 178;
on effect of sympathy evinced for John Brown in many parts of the
North, 178.

Burke, Edmund, on England's participation in slave trade and Virginia's
opposition, 17;
on John Hampden's position, 229.

Byrd, Colonel William, anti-slavery sentiments of, 1736, 16, Note 3.

Caldwell, E. B., prominent in organizing American Colonization Society,
61.

Cameron, Simon, his reply, as Secretary of War, to President Lincoln's
request for opinion on provisioning Fort Sumter, 281 and 289.

Carlile, John S., on protection of slavery by the Union, 223.

Carr, Dabney, author of resolutions providing for intercolonial
committees of correspondence, 239.

Carroll, Charles of Carrolton, President of American Colonization
Society, 62.

Carter, Robert, deeds, emancipating slaves, 105.

Cass Co., Michigan, colonization in, of Sampson Sanders' slaves, 70.

Chadwick, F. E., analysis of census showing number of Virginia's
slaveholders, 124;
estimate of number of Virginians living beyond the State, 1860, 128;
on the prominent men, parties to John Brown's Raid, 219.

Chandler, John A., anti-slavery sentiments, 92.

Chandler, Zachariah, letter regarding Peace Conference, 1861, 249.

Channing, William Ellery, on adverse influence of Abolitionists, 53.

Chase, Salmon P., on impossibility of complete enforcement of fugitive
slave law, 187 and 206;
replies, as Secretary of the Treasury, to President Lincoln's request
for opinion on provisioning Fort Sumter, 283, 284.

Clark, General George Rogers, Conqueror of Northwest Territory, 26 and
237.

Clay, Henry, presides at meeting to organize American Colonization
Society, 1816, 61;
President of American Colonization Society, 62;
on emancipation and colonization of negroes, 76, 77;
on condition of free negroes in 1829, 160.

Cleveland, Ohio, place of proposed Disunion Convention, October, 1857,
214.

Cocke, Eliza W., deed emancipating slaves, 122.

Coercion, controlling factor in determining Virginia's secession, 252;
Robert E. Lee denies ethical right of, 288;
William C. Rives denies same, 289;
George Baylor denies same, 289;
M. de Tocqueville denies right of by Federal Government, 289;
Lord Brougham denies same, 290.

Coles, Edward, emancipates his slaves and colonizes them in Illinois,
66, 67;
prosecuted and fined for this act, 67.

Coles, Roberts, killed at battle of Roanoke Island, 68.

Colonization of negroes, appropriation by Virginia Legislature in aid
of, 59, 64;
origin of the idea of, 60;
resolutions of Virginia Legislature favoring, 1800, 60;
same, 1805, 60;
same, 1816, 61;
organization of American Society to promote, 61;
by individual slaveholders, 66-73;
views of Jefferson, Clay and Lincoln on, 75-81.

Colorado, organized as a territory without prohibition as to slavery,
1861, 186.

Commerce, decline of, in Virginia, 134 and 137.

Congress, 1789, efforts of Virginians in, to tax importation of slaves,
33;
resolutions adopted by, defining attitude regarding slavery, 1861,
187;
amendment to constitution proposed by, 1861, 192;
resolution of, defining attitude on purpose of War, 1861, 194;
Act of, February 12, 1793, regarding return of fugitive slaves, 199;
Act of, September 18, 1850, regarding fugitive slaves, 202;
resolutions adopted February, 1861, regarding fugitive slave act, 205.

Congress, Continental of 1774, Virginia's anti-slavery attitude defined
in, 21, 22.

Congress, Continental of 1784, accepts Virginia's deed ceding Northwest
Territory, 26.

Connecticut, Statute of, 1833, regarding establishment of schools for
non-resident negroes, 167;
"personal liberty laws," 202.

Constitution, Virginia's opposition to clause permitting African slave
trade, 29;
clauses of, regarding fugitives from justice and fugitive slaves, 197;
copies burned by Abolitionists at burned by Abolitionists at public
meetings, 216.

Controversy, regarding slavery, status of at time of Virginia's
secession, 182-201.

Convention, Virginia's Colonial, 1777, resolves against slave trade, 21;
Virginia's, 1861, majority of delegates to, Union men, 252;
report of committee from, on reply of President Lincoln, 274.

Cotton States, effect of withdrawal of representatives of, from
Congress, 186;
sent no delegates to Peace Conference, 1861, 249;
coercion of, by Federal Government, crucial factor in determining
Virginia's secession, 266;
coercion of, repugnant to many people both North and South, 271;
Virginia's attitude regarding their secession, 286.

Curtis, George Ticknor, on adverse influence of Abolitionists, 57;
attests anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia in 1832, 143.

Custis, G. W. P., furnishes asylum for Liberian colonists, 63;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 96;
emancipates his slaves, 102;
will, emancipating slaves, 121.

Dakota, organized as a territory, 1861, without prohibition of slavery,
186.

Davies, Arthur B., will emancipating slaves, 120.

Davis, Jefferson, on attitude of Southern Confederacy towards the Union
and slavery, 6;
on the right of revolution, 287.

Declaration of Independence, clause against slavery and slave trade,
stricken out of, 19, 20.

Deeds and wills emancipating slaves, specimens of, 103-123.

Dew, Thomas R., on slavery debate of 1832, 47.

Disunion, Abolitionists advocate, 213.

Disunion Convention, meets at Worcester, Mass., 1857, 214;
fails to assemble at Cleveland, 1857, 214.

Douglas, Stephen A., on negro problem, 165.

Du Bois, W. E. B., on Virginia's effort to abolish slave trade, 22.

Early, Albert, will emancipating slaves, 116.

Early, Joseph, will emancipating slaves, 118.

Early, Jubal A., remarks, in Virginia Convention, 1861, on Lincoln's
First Inaugural, 266.

Edlow, Carter H., will emancipating slaves, 114.

Emancipation, problems, social and political of, in Virginia, 161;
Lincoln's estimate of difficulties of, 180.

Emancipation in Virginia, difficulties attending, 157-180.

Emancipation Proclamations, 226.

Emigration, of slaveholders from Virginia, 146.

Eppes, Francis, will emancipating slaves, 117.

Everett, Edward, on coercing the seceding States, 284.

Ewell, Charles, will emancipating slaves, 108.

Ewing, Thomas, on adverse influence of Abolitionists, 56, 57.

"Fanatics," Northern, their reactionary influence, 172.

Faulkner, Charles J., a leader of anti-slavery party in Virginia
Legislature 1832, 91;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 93;
on injurious effects of slavery upon Virginia's prosperity, 130;
allusion to anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia, 1832, 143.

Federal Government, attitude of, regarding all questions arising out of
slavery, 182.

"Fire Eaters," Southern, their reactionary influence, 172.

Fiske, John, on Virginia's claim upon Northwest Territory, 26;
on her part in enacting Ordinance of 1787, 27;
on forces which secured enactment of clause in constitution,
permitting African slave trade, 29;
on anti-slavery party in Virginia, 138;
declares that Virginia made first formal defiance to Stamp Act, 238;
on Madison's part in framing constitution, 240;
his estimate of John Marshall, 241.

Fitzhugh, William Henry, extract from his will emancipating slaves, 111.

Floyd, John, joint author, with Mercer, of Act of 1819, in opposition
to African slave trade, 36.

Forts, Federal jurisdiction over, in seceding states, 271.

Free discussion, lack of, in Virginia, hinders emancipation, 172;
causes, which restrained it, in Virginia, 172-178.

Free negroes, number in Virginia at close of Revolution, 42;
rapid increase of, under statutes permitting emancipations, 42;
compelled to leave state within twelve months after emancipation, 43;
their handicap in slave communities, 161;
their treatment at the North, prior to 1860, 160;
statutes of various Northern States restrict them from becoming
residents thereof, 168-170;
dread of their presence, as residents, on the part of Northern
people, 170, 171.

Fugitives from justice, provision of constitution referring to, 195;
decision of Supreme Court construing same, 208.

Fugitive slaves, their owners could gain nothing by Virginia's
secession, 209.

Fugitive Slave Law, of 1850, among causes of Civil War, 209;
attitude on, of Republican Party, 187-189;
Lincoln, author of a, 188;
provision of constitution referring to, 197;
of 1793, history of its enactment, 199;
of 1850, history of its enactment, 202;
its execution impeded by the Underground Railroad, 200, 201;
declared constitutional by Supreme Court, 203.

Garrison, William Lloyd, his biographer's estimate of status of free
negroes, prior to 1860, 160, 161;
leader of Abolitionists, 211;
disunion sentiments of, 213-215;
denounces Webster, 216;
his estimate of Longfellow's Ode to the Union, 217;
his eulogy of John Brown, 218;
an apologist for slave insurrections, 218;
applauds South Carolina's secession, 221.

Georgia, requisition of Governor of, upon Governor of Maine for return
of fugitives from justice, denied, 207.

Gilmer, Francis W., anti-slavery sentiment of, 88.

Gist, Samuel, colonization of his ex-slaves in Ohio, 66.

Gladstone, William E., his estimate of the unjustifiable attitude of
the North, 291.

Goode, John, a leader of the Secessionists in Virginia Convention,
1861, 254.

Greeley, Horace, declares right of Cotton States to secede, 291.

Green, J. R., declares Virginia first to formally deny right of Great
Britain to tax colonies, 238.

Harrison, Jesse Burton, his estimate of Virginia's poverty in 1832,
induced by slavery, 131, 132.

Hart, A. B., on the practice of buying and selling slaves, note 2, 152;
on number of slaveholders in the Southern States, 153;
his estimate of Underground Railroad, 201.

Harvie, Lewis E., a leader of the Secessionists, Virginia Convention,
1861, 254.

Hawes, Aylette, extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 110.

Henderson, G. F. R., on Virginia's loyalty, 211;
on the propriety of Virginia's secession, 278.

Henry, Patrick, anti-slavery sentiments of, 83.

Herndon, Thaddeus, sends ex-slaves to Liberia, 71.

Herndon, Traverse, sends ex-slaves to Liberia, 71;
extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 119.

Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, a leader of Abolitionists, 214.

Hill, A. P., never owned a slave, 156.

Hill, Joseph, extract from deed, emancipating his slaves, 104.

Holcombe, James P., a leader of the Secessionists, Virginia Convention,
1861, 254.

Howison, R. R., anti-slavery sentiments of, 98, 99;
his estimate of Virginia's poverty, 1848, induced by slavery, 134.

Illinois, denies free negroes' right to become residents of, 1853, 169.

Indiana, denies free negroes' right to become residents of, 1851, 169.

Jackson, Stonewall, owned one slave at time of war, 155.

Janney, John, extract from his speech in Virginia Convention of 1861,
243, 254;
a leader of the Union men, Virginia Convention, 1861, 255;
extract from his speech notifying Lee of his appointment as chief of
Virginia's militia, 297.

Jefferson, Thomas, on arraignment of slave trade in original draft of
Declaration of Independence, 19;
records reason for omitting clause against slave trade in Declaration
of Independence, 20;
his lament at defeat of clause restricting slavery in Ordinance of
1784, 27;
urges Congress to prohibit importation of slaves, 34;
originates idea of negro colonization, 60;
efforts, as President, to promote same, 60;
on necessity of negro colonization, 75, 76;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 86;
on political difficulties of emancipation in Virginia, 162;
on beneficial results of diffusing slaves through the territories,
185.

Jennings, William D., extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 119.

Johnston, Joseph E., never owned a slave, 156.

Key, Francis Scott, prominent in organizing American Colonization
Society, 61.

Lee, Fitzhugh, never owned a slave, 156.

Lee, Mary Custis, extract from her letter deploring the war, 296.

Lee, Richard Henry, anti-slavery sentiments of, 82.

Lee, Robert E., anti-slavery sentiments of, 100, 101;
owned no slaves at time of war, 155;
declares disunion an aggravation of the ills of the South, 223;
denies constitutionality of secession, 288;
denies ethical right of coercion, 288;
his sorrow at disunion, 296.

Leigh, Benjamin Watkins, anti-slavery sentiments of, 89.

Letcher, John, extract from his message as Governor of Virginia,
January, 1861, 244;
extract from reply to requisition of Secretary of War for Virginia's
quota of troops, 278.

Liberia, circumstances attending its establishment as a negro colony,
62, 63.

Lightfoot, Philip, extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 120.

Lincoln, Abraham, on slavery as defined in first inaugural, 6 and 15;
on adverse influence of Abolitionists, 53-55;
on emancipation and colonization of negroes, 79-81;
on amalgamation of blacks and whites and on their racial inequality,
166;
his reference to the dread of Northern people to receive free
negroes, 171;
author of bill containing fugitive slave clause, 188;
on fugitive slaves as expressed in first inaugural, 189;
letter to Alexander H. Stephens regarding interference with slavery,
191;
position as to proposed amendment of constitution regarding
protection of slavery, 1861, 193;
not an Abolitionist, 195;
on John Brown's Raid, 195;
explanation of his expression "Government cannot endure half slave
and half free," 196;
on the effect and character of his Emancipation Proclamations, 227;
patriotism and literary beauty of first inaugural, 259;
regards Union as unbroken by secession, 259;
his declaration of policy, 260;
reply to Virginia Commissioners, April 13, 1861, 274 and 275;
his call for 75,000 troops, April 15, 1861, 275;
requests, March 15, 1861, his cabinet officers' opinions, as to
propriety of provisioning Fort Sumter, 280;
requests their further opinion, March 29, 284;
on right of revolution, 290;
on legal and ethical rights of coercion, 293.

Lunt, George, on reactionary influence of Abolitionists upon
anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia, 57;
on John Brown's Raid, 177;
on effect of personal liberty laws, 206.

Madison, James, opposes clause in constitution, permitting African
slave trade, 31;
his efforts to impose tariff tax on importation of slaves, 33;
messages, as President, opposing African slave trade, 35;
third President of American Colonization Society, 62;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 90;
declares disunion a menace to slavery, 222;
heads delegation from Virginia to Annapolis Convention, 1786, 238;
his great part in framing constitution, 240.

Marshall, John, first President of Colonization Society of Virginia, 64;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 88.

Marshall, Thomas, a leader in anti-slavery party in Virginia
Legislature, 1832, 46;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 92;
his estimate of injurious effects of slavery upon prosperity of
Virginia, 129, 130.

Maryland, ratifies proposed amendment to constitution, 1861, protecting
slavery, 192.

Mason, George, his speech against clause in constitution permitting
African slave trade, 30;
Virginia's statue to his fame, 31;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 84.

Maury, Matthew F., anti-slavery sentiments of, 99;
never owned but one slave, 156;
his reference to coercion as cause of Virginia's secession, 266;
extract from his letter regarding the approaching war, 297.

McDowell, James, a leader in anti-slavery party, in Virginia
Legislature, 1832, 46;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 93;
his estimate of injurious effects of slavery, 131;
on racial problems, 163;
declares disunion a menace to slavery, 222.

McGuire, Hunter, his estimate of number of slaveholders in the
Stonewall Brigade, 155.

McMaster, J. B., his estimate of condition of free negroes, 160.

Meade, William, anti-slavery sentiments of, 100;
extract from deed, emancipating a slave, 115;
his estimate of injury to Virginia's prosperity, induced by slavery,
135.

Mercer, Charles Fenton, author of law against African slave trade, 36;
of resolution denouncing African slave trade as piracy, 36;
his remarks in Congress, supporting resolution, 36, 37;
his visits to the Old World, seeking co-operation, 37;
prominent in organizing American Colonization Society, 61;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 98.

Mercer, Margaret, her letter to Gerrit Smith regarding Abolitionists,
175.

Mills, Samuel J., his visit to Africa, regarding establishing Colony of
Liberia, 62.

Missouri Compromise, its enactment and repeal among causes of Civil
War, 4;
provision of, restricting rights of slaveholders in territories, 180;
declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, 183.

Monroe, James, message to Congress on Right of Search, 37;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 89.

Montague, Robert L., a leader of the Secessionists, Virginia
Convention, 1861, 254.

Moorman, Charles, extract from deed emancipating his slaves, 104.

Morton, Jeremiah, a leader of the Secessionists, Virginia Convention,
1861, 254.

Muschett, Louisa, extract from will, emancipating her slaves, 122.

Negroes, what should be their status under freedom, 162.

Negro trader, the odium attaching to, in Virginia, 101, 141, 142.

Nevada, organized as a territory, 1861, without prohibition as to
slavery, 186.

New Jersey, deprives negroes of suffrage, 1807, 168.

New York, requires higher property qualification for suffrage of
negroes than for whites, 1821, 168.

Nicolay and Hay, on reasons for omitting anti-slavery clause in
Declaration of Independence, 20;
on reasons for Virginia's secession, 138.

North Carolina, secedes because of President Lincoln's call for troops,
226.

Northern States, hostile attitude of certain of, regarding fugitive
slave law, 197-209;
reactionary influence of certain of, upon sentiment in Virginia, 207.

Ohio, denies free negroes right to become residents of, 168;
ratifies amendment proposed to constitution, 1861, protecting
slavery, 192;
Governor of, refuses to honor requisition of Governor of Kentucky for
return of fugitives from justice, 208.

Ordinances, of 1784 and 1787—Virginia's part in their enactment, 26, 27.

Ordinance of Secession, adopted by Virginia Convention, April 17, 1861,
277;
ratified by the people May 23, 1861, 277.

Oregon, denies free negroes right to become residents of, 170.

Parker, Josiah, his efforts to impose tariff tax on importation of
slaves, 33.

Parker, Theodore, his denunciations of Federal judges and officials,
216;
eulogizes John Brown, 218;
an apologist of slave insurrection, 218.

Pennsylvania, deprives negroes of suffrage, 1838, 168.

"Personal Liberty Laws," their enactment by various Northern States,
202.

Peyton, Martha E., extract from will, emancipating her slaves, 110.

Phillips, Wendell, leader of Abolitionists, 211;
disunion sentiments of, 213;
denounces Webster and Lincoln, 216;
eulogizes John Brown, 218;
an apologist of slave insurrection, 218;
hails secession of Southern States, 221;
declares emancipation child of civil convulsions, 224 and 225;
denies the right of Federal Government to coerce Cotton States, 293.

Preston, Francis, extract from deed emancipating a slave, 105.

Preston, William Ballard, a leader of anti-slavery party in Virginia
Legislature of 1832, 46;
one of Committee from Virginia Convention, to wait upon Lincoln, 273.

Proclamations, President Lincoln's, for emancipation, 226 and 227;
President Lincoln's, calling for troops, 275.

Pro-slavery, growth of sentiment for, in Virginia, 49.

Randolph, Edmund, opposes clause in constitution, permitting the
African slave trade, 31.

Randolph, George W., one of Committee from Virginia Convention, to wait
upon President Lincoln, 273.

Randolph, John of Roanoke, colonization of his ex-slaves in Ohio, 68;
extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 111;
his characterization of slavery, 173.

Randolph, Richard Jr., extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 106.

Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, a leader of anti-slavery party in Virginia
Legislature, 1832, 46;
on reactionary influence of Abolitionists upon anti-slavery sentiment
in Virginia, 51;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 95;
records the growth of anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia since the
Revolution, 143.

Rebellion, characteristics of a, 2.

Relief Squadron, its expedition to Fort Sumter, 276.

Representation, basis of, in Virginia, 145, 172.

Republic, ideals of, 242.

Republican Party, attitude of, regarding slavery in the territories, as
declared in their platform, 183, 186;
abandons in Congress, 1861, their position, 186;
position of, regarding Fugitive Slave Law, 187, 188;
position of, regarding slavery in Southern States, 190, 193.

Revolution, characteristics of a, 2.

Rhodes, James Ford, estimate of Lee and the motives which impelled him
to fight with Virginia, 140;
on Virginia's effort to save the Union, 244;
his estimate of significance of Peace Conference, 247;
on result of Virginia election, February, 1861, 253;
his estimate of anti-coercion sentiment in Virginia and other Border
States, 285.

Rhode Island, alone repeals "personal liberty law," 206.

Right of Revolution, held by Virginia people, 286;
as defined by Jefferson Davis, 287;
as defined by Abraham Lincoln, 290.

Rives, William C., anti-slavery sentiment of, 97, 98;
on racial problem, 163;
a delegate from Virginia to Peace Conference, 246;
extract from his speech in Peace Conference, 248.

Roosevelt, Theodore, on reactionary influence of Abolitionists, upon
anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia, 58;
estimate of Robert E. Lee and his soldiers, 140.

Ruffner, Henry, on reactionary influence of Abolitionists upon
anti-slavery sentiments in Virginia, 52;
anti-slavery sentiments of, 99;
his estimate of injurious effect of slavery upon Virginia's
prosperity, 132.

Russell, W. H., his opinion as to lack of settled policy in Federal
administration, March, 1861, 274.

Sanders, Sampson, colonization of his ex-slaves in Michigan, 69;
extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 118.

Schouler, James, on disunion sentiments of Abolitionist leaders, 214.

Secession, advocates of, in Virginia, 10;
status of controversy regarding slavery at time of Virginia's,
190-196;
no cure for Virginia's grievances against Abolitionists, 211;
Virginia's would menace slavery, 227, 228;
contests in Virginia's Convention, for and against, 265-274;
Virginia's Convention defeats, 268;
President Lincoln's call for troops impels Virginia to, 277;
Robert E. Lee denies constitutional right of, 288;
William C. Rives condemns, of States, 288;
how Virginia regarded, 295.

Seddon, James A., a delegate from Virginia to Peace Conference, 246.

Seward, William H., on negro problem, 165;
on election in Virginia, 1861, 252;
his opinion as to lack of settled policy in Federal administration,
April, 1861, 274;
his replies as Secretary of State to President Lincoln's request for
opinions as to provisioning Fort Sumter, 280-283;
his official communication to American minister to Great Britain,
April, 1861, defining position of the President, 293.

Seys, Rev. John, his account of departure of Herndon's slaves for
Liberia, 71-73.

Sherman, William T., on the negro problem, 165.

Sheffey, James W., extract from speech in Virginia Convention, 1861, on
coercion, 266.

Slaughter, Rev. Philip, his estimate of anti-slavery sentiment in
Virginia, 1831, 43 and 143.

Slaves, their first importation, 16;
rate of their importation, 16;
their number in Virginia, 1776, 24;
efforts of Virginians in First Congress to impose tariff tax on
importation of, 33;
affection of, for masters, 70-73;
transferred from Virginia to other states, 147;
sale of, by Virginia owners and traders, 147;
practice of buying and selling, reviewed by William Henry Smith, 148;
injury to certain classes of, by untimely emancipation, 159.

Slavery, foremost among the causes of the Civil War, 3;
Virginia's colonial record regarding, 15-24;
earliest introduction of, 1619, 16;
opposition to, of Colonel William Byrd, 1736, 16, note 4;
statutes restraining increase of, defeated by King George, 18;
anti-slavery position of Virginia declared, 18-24;
its exclusion from the Northwest Territory, 26-28;
statutes ameliorating conditions of, 41-44;
growth and culmination of sentiment opposing, 43, 44;
movement in General Assembly 1832, to abolish, 45-48;
growth in sentiment favoring, 49;
patriarchal character of, 101;
injurious effects of, upon prosperity of Virginia, 127-137;
unprofitable character of, in Virginia, 127;
difficulties of abolishing, 157-180;
causes militating against free discussion of, in Virginia, 172-179;
status of controversy regarding, 1860, 182-189;
promises of President Lincoln to respect the institution of, 190, 191;
its integrity in Southern States pledged by Republican platform,
1861, 190;
Virginia's secession not impelled by fear of legislation against, 191;
amendment to constitution proposed by Congress, safeguarding the
institution of, 192;
resolutions of Congress, pledging protection to, 1861, 191;
the most potent factor in precipitating the war, 228;
an unconstitutional assault upon, would have justified Virginia's
resistance, 228;
Virginia's attitude towards, in territories, 269.

Slaveholders, legal rights of, embarrass emancipation, 177.

Smith, Caleb B., his replies as Secretary of Interior, to President
Lincoln's request for opinions as to provisioning Fort Sumter, 281,
284.

Smith, John, extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 109.

Smith, William, extract from will, emancipating his slaves, 121.

Smith, William Henry, on reactionary influence of Abolitionists upon
anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia, 58;
his review of the practice of buying and selling slaves, 148.

Southampton County, servile insurrection in, 45.

Stanton, Edwin M., his opinion as to lack of settled policy in Federal
administration, March, 1861, 273.

State Sovereignty, the theory of, 285.

Stephens, Alexander H., his estimate of the significance of the Relief
Squadron's expedition to Fort Sumter, 277.

Stiles, Robert, his estimate of the number of slaveholders among the
members of Richmond Howitzers, 154.