Chapter II: Part 2

Edward, etc., to our dear son and to the honourable fathers in God, John [Stratford] by the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury etc.... greeting. The cause of our long sojourn in Brabant we have ofttimes made known to you before now, and well known it is to each one of you; but, for that of late scarce any aid hath come to us out of our realm, and that the delay was to us so grievous, and our people in such great straight and our allies too slow in business, our messengers also, who had so long tarried over against the cardinals and the Council of France to treat for peace, did bring us never other offers save that we shall not have one handbreadth of land in the realm of France, and again our cousin Philip of Valois had ever sworn, as we do have report, that we should never make a sojourn for a single day with our host in France, but that he would give us battle.--We, ever trusting in God and our right, did make to come before us our allies, and did surely make shown to them that for nought would we longer wait, but would go forward in pursuit of our right, taking the grace that God should give us; and they, seeing the dishonour which should have come to them if they should have tarried behind us, agreed to follow us. A day was taken for all to be on the march within France on a certain day, at which day and place we were all ready and our allies came after, as well as they could. The Monday, on the eve of St. Matthew [September 20], we passed out of Valenciennes, and on the same day they did begin to burn in Cambresis, and they burnt there all the week following, so that that country is clean laid waste, as of corn and cattle and other goods. The Saturday following we came to Marcoing, which is between Cambray and France, and they began to burn within France the same day; and we did hear that the said lord Philip was drawing nigh towards us at Peronne on his march to Noyon. So we held ever our road forward, our people burning and destroying commonly to the breadth of twelve or fourteen leagues of country. The Saturday next before the Feast of St. Luke [October 18] we passed the water of Oise, and lodged and sojourned there the Sunday; on which day we had our allies before us, who showed unto us their victuals were near spent and that the winter was nigh at hand, that they could not tarry, but that they must needs withdraw on the march back, when their victuals should be spent. In truth, they were the more shortly victualled by reason that they thought that our said cousin should have given us speedy battle. On the Monday morning there came letters unto my lord Hugh of Geneva from the master of the crossbowmen of France, making mention that he wished to say to the King of England, as from the King of France, that he would give him battle within the Thursday next following. On the morrow, to do always what destruction we could, we marched on. On the Wednesday after came a messenger to the said Sir Hugh, and brought him letters of the King of Bohemia and of the Duke of Lorraine, with their seals hanging, making mention that whatever the said master of the crossbowmen had said, on the part of the King of France, touching the battle, he would keep covenant. We, regarding the said letters, immediately on the morrow withdrew towards Flamengerie, where we stayed the Friday, all the day. At vespers three spies were taken and were examined, each by himself, and they agreed in saying that the said Philip would give battle on Saturday, and that he was a league and a half from us. On the Saturday we stood in the field full a quarter before dawn, and took our ground in a fitting place for us, and for him, to fight. In early morning some of his scouts were taken, and they told us that his advance guard was in front of the field in battle array, and coming out toward us. The news coming to our host, although our allies before bore themselves sluggishly towards us, they were surely of such loyal intent that never were folk of such good will to fight. In the meantime was one of our scouts, a German knight, taken, who had seen all our array and showed it in his plight to our enemy; so that now he made withdraw his vanguard, and gave orders to encamp, and they made trenches around them, and cut down the large trees, in order to prevent the approach to them. We tarried all day in battle array, until, towards vespers, it seemed we had tarried enough; and, at vespers, we mounted our horses and went near unto Avesnes, a league and a half from our said cousin, and made him to know that we would await him there all the Sunday; and so we did. And other news of him we send not, save that on the Saturday when we mounted our horses at the departing from our ground, he thought that we should come towards them; and, such haste had he to take stronger ground, that a thousand horsemen all at once were foundered in the marsh at his passage, so came each one upon the other. On the Sunday was the lord of Fagnolle taken by our people. On the Monday morning had we news that the said Lord Philip and all his allies were scattered and withdrawn in great haste. And so would our allies no longer afterwards abide. And touching what is further to be done we shall take counsel with them at Antwerp on the morrow of St. Martin [November 11]. And from thence afterwards [we will send news] speedily of what may be meanwhile done.

Given under our privy seal, at Brussels, the 1st day of November.

BEFORE SLUYS (1340).

SOURCE.--Robert of Avesbury's _De Gestis Edwardi Tertii_ (Rolls Series), 311.

[Before the Battle of Sluys, Edward III., unheeding the news that Philip of France had collected a large navy, to bar his passage, prepared to cross into Flanders with a small force, early in June, 1340.]

But the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury advised the King that the lord Philip de Valois, his French adversary, cautiously forseeing his [the King of England's] crossing, had secretly sent over a large navy with a large fleet of armed ships to confront him in the port of Swyna [Sluys], and advised him to wait and provide himself with a larger force, lest he and his should perish in the crossing. To whom the King, having no faith in the warning, replied that he was going to cross anyhow. The Archbishop immediately placed himself outside the King's council, and, retiring, gave up the Chancellor's seal. But the King, calling to him Sir Robert de Morley, his Admiral, and a certain sailor called Crabbe, who were searching out the truth, asked them if there was danger in crossing; they answered him as the said Lord Archbishop of Canterbury had told him. To whom the King replied, "You and the Archbishop are confederating together to hinder my passage." And being offended he said to them: "Though you are unwilling, I will cross, and you who fear, where there is no fear, shall remain at home." Then the said Admiral and the sailor swore, under pain of death, that, if the King then crossed, he himself, and all who went with him, would inevitably be subject to peril. Nevertheless, they said, that, if he wished to sail then, they would precede him, even though it should mean death. Hearing this, the King sent immediately for the lord Archbishop of Canterbury, his Chancellor, and, speaking gracious words to him, restored the Chancellor's seal to him. And he hastily made demands on all ports, both north and south, and also on London, for a larger navy, so that within ten days from thence he had sufficient ships, and an unexpected number of armed men and bowmen, greater even than he had wished for, so that he sent many back, and, setting sail, he came to the said port of Sluys on the Feast of St. John the Baptist.

THE BATTLE OF SLUYS (JUNE 24, 1340).

SOURCE.--Froissart's _Chronicle_ (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 141, 142.

Sir Hugh Quiriel, Sir Peter Bahucet, and Barbenoir were at that time lying between Blanckenburg and Sluys, with upwards of one hundred and twenty large vessels, without counting others: these were manned with about forty thousand men, Genoese and Picards, including mariners. By the orders of the King of France, they were there at anchor, waiting the return of the King of England, to dispute his passage.

When the King's fleet was almost got to Sluys, they saw so many masts standing before it, that they looked like a wood. The King asked the commander of his ship what they could be, who answered that he imagined they must be that armament of Normans, which the King of France kept at sea, and which had so frequently done him much damage, had burnt his good town of Southampton, and taken his large ship the _Christopher_.

The King replied, "I have for a long time wished to meet with them, and now, please God and St. George, we will fight with them; for, in truth, they have done me so much mischief, that I will be revenged on them, if it be possible."

The King then drew up all his vessels, placing the strongest in front, and, on the wings, his archers. Between every two vessels with archers, there was one of men-at-arms. He stationed some detached vessels as a reserve, full of archers, to assist and help such as might be damaged.

There were in this fleet a great many ladies from England, countesses, baronesses, and knights' and gentlemen's wives, who were going to attend on the Queen at Ghent; these the King had guarded most carefully by three hundred men-at-arms and five hundred archers....

The Normans filled the _Christopher_, the large ship which they had taken the year before from the English, with trumpeters and other warlike instruments, and ordered her to fall upon the English.

The battle then began very fiercely: archers and crossbowmen shot with all their might at each other, and the men-at-arms engaged hand to hand: in order to be more successful they had large grapnels and iron hooks with chains, which they flung from ship to ship, to moor them to each other. There were many valiant deeds performed, many prisoners made, and many rescues.

The _Christopher_, which led the van, was recaptured by the English, and all in her taken or killed. There were then great shouts and cries, and the English manned her again with archers, and sent her to fight against the Genoese.

This battle was very murderous and horrible. Combats at sea are more destructive and obstinate than upon land, for it is not possible to retreat or flee--every one must abide his fortune, and exert his prowess and valour.

THE KING OF FRANCE IGNORES THE KING OF
ENGLAND'S CHALLENGE (JULY 27, 1340).

SOURCE.--Adam Murimuth, _Continuatio Chronicarum_ (Rolls Series), 110-112.

[Edward III.'s personal challenge to Philip of Valois after the victory at Sluys and immediately before the Siege of Tournay, and the answer of the King of France.]

"Philip of Valois, for long have we made suit before you by embassies and all other ways which we knew to be reasonable, to the end that you should be willing to have restored unto us our right, our heritage of France, which you have long kept back and most wrongfully occupied. And, for that we see that you are minded to continue in your wrongful withholding, without doing us right in our demand, we have entered into the land of Flanders, as sovereign lord thereof, and have passed through the country. And we make known to you that, by the help of our Lord Jesus Christ and our right, together with the power of the said land and with our people and allies ... we are drawing near to you to make an end of our rightful challenge, if you will come near.... We greatly desire that despatch be made, and for the avoiding of the death of Christians, seeing that the quarrel is manifestly ours and yours, that the trial of our challenge be made between our two bodies; whereunto we offer ourself for the reason aforesaid, albeit that we consider well the great nobility of your person, your prudence also and discretion. And, in case you would not choose this way, then should our challenge be laid to make an end thereof by battle between yourself, with one hundred of the fittest men of your side, and ourself, with so many others of our liegemen. And, if you will neither the one nor the other way, that you assign unto us a certain day before the city of Tournay to fight, power against power, within ten days next after the date of this letter....

"Given under our Great Seal at Chin, in the fields near Tournay, the 27th day of the month of July, the year of our Lord 1340."

To which letter, Philip of Valois, King of France, answered as follows:

"Philip, by the grace of God, King of France, to Edward, King of England. We have seen your letters, which were brought unto our Court, sent from you to Philip of Valois, wherein are contained certain demands which you make of the said Philip of Valois. And, for that the said letters came not unto us, and that the demands were not made of us, as clearly appeareth by the tenour of your letters, we make unto you no answer.

"Nevertheless, inasmuch as we have heard, by means of the said letters, and otherwise, that you have entered into our realm of France, bringing great harm to us and to our realm and to our people, led on by wilfulness, and without reason, and without regard to the faith that a liege man oweth to his lord, for you did enter into our liege homage, recognising us, as is right, to be King of France, and did promise obedience, such as one is bound to promise to his liege lord, as more clearly appeareth by your letters patent, sealed with your great seal, the which we have in our hands, and which you ought equally to have with you. Therefore, our intent is, when unto us it shall seem good, to cast you forth from our realm, to the honour of us and of our realm and to the profit of our people; and to do this we have steadfast hope in Jesus Christ, from whom all power cometh unto us. For, by your undertaking, which is of wilfulness and not reasonable, hath been hindered the holy passage beyond sea, and great numbers of Christian people have been slain, the service of God minished, and holy Church had in less reverence.

"And as to what you have written that you think to have the help of the Flemings, we take it, for certain, that the good people and commons of the land will bear themselves in such manner towards our cousin the Count of Flanders, their immediate lord, and us, their sovereign lord, that they will keep their honour and their loyalty. And that they have hitherto erred hath been from evil counsel of people who regarded not the commonweal nor the honour of the country, but their own profit only. Given in the fields near the priory of St. Andrew, under our Privy Seal in default of our great seal, the 30th day of July, the year of grace, 1340."

ARCHBISHOP STRATFORD INCURS THE KING'S
DISPLEASURE (JANUARY 1, 1340-1).

SOURCE.--Robert of Avesbury's _De Gestis Edwardi Tertii_ (Rolls Series), 324-329.

Certain of the King's secretaries envying the Reverend Father in the Lord John de Stratford, Archbishop of Canterbury ... roused the King to anger against him, imputing to him crimes and defects.... And the said Lord Archbishop, fearing the anger of the King, and the jealousy of his rivals, fled to safety to the priory church of Canterbury, and there remained for some time. Meanwhile he wrote to the King:

"Most gentle lord, please you to know that the most sovereign thing, that holdeth kings and princes in due and fitting estate, is good and wise counsel.... Sire, in your own time, you had certain counsellors by whom you did near lose the hearts of your people; from whom God delivered you as it pleased Him. And then, even till now, by good avisement of the prelates, peers, the great men and wise of the Council of the land, your affairs have been brought into such a state that you entirely have the hearts of your people, who, as well clerks as others, have given you aid, even as you shall have henceforth, or more, as never had King of England; so that by means of your good Council, the help of your people, and the grace which God hath given you, you have had the victory in presence of your enemies of Scotland, and of France, and of all parts; so that this day, honour be to God, you are held the most noble prince of Christendom. And now, by evil counsel, abetted by certain people of this land, which are not so wise as were needful, and by counsel of others, which seek rather their own profit than your honour or the safety of the land, you begin to seize divers clerks, peers and other folk of the land and to make suit, nothing fitting, against the law of the land ... the which things are done at the great peril of your soul and the minishing of your honour.... And forasmuch as certain, who are near to you, do falsely charge us with treason and falsehood, therefore they are excommunicate ... and also they say of some others that they have evilly and falsely served you, whereby you have lost the toun of Tournay and many other honours that you might have had there; be willing, Sire, if it please you, to make come the prelates, great men, and peers of the land, in fitting place, where we and others may securely come, and cause, if it please you, to see and enquire in whose hands, since the beginning of your war, wools moneys, and other things whatsoever, which have been granted to you in aid of your war even to this day, have come and have been expended, and by whose default you thus departed from Tournay; and those which shall be found guilty in any whit before you, as a good lord, make them to be chastised well according to law. And in whatsoever concerneth us, we will stand in all points at the judgment of our peers, saving always the estate of holy Church, of us, and of our order....

"Written at Canterbury the first day of January, by your chaplain, the Archbishop of Canterbury."

THE "LIBELLUS FAMOSUS" (FEBRUARY 10, 1340-1).

SOURCE.--Wharton's _Anglia Sacra_, i. 23-27.

[The following is a passage from the _libellus famosus_ put forth by Edward III. against Archbishop Stratford, and directed to the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's.]

... Because we believed John, then Bishop of Winchester, now Archbishop of Canterbury, to be preeminent before all others, because of his faithfulness and discreetness, we followed his counsel in things spiritual and things temporal, above those which were advantageous to us for the safety of our own soul and for the increase and preservation of our kingdom. In such friendship was he held by us ... that he was named our father and was venerated by all as next after the King. And when the kingdom of France had devolved on us by right of succession, and was, according to report, occupied by Philip of Valois, the same Archbishop violently and earnestly persuaded us to enter into alliance with the German Princes and others against the said Philip of Valois, and to expose us and ours to the losses of wars, promising and affirming that it would be possible to meet abundantly the expenses attaching to such, from the fruits of our land and from some special subsidies, adding, moreover, that we should only make demands from persons experienced and active in wars, as he himself would procure sufficient for our necessities and their expenses. Whence we, having crossed the sea, put our hand to the task and made a great outlay, as was fitting, in warlike preparations, and bound our allies to us by large sums, trusting in the promised help. But, alas! we placed our faith, as it were, in the staff of a reed, on which, as the prophecy is [Isaiah xxxvi. 6], whosoever leans it shall enter into his hand and pierce it, and, driven by necessity, since the hoped-for subsidy had been withdrawn (would it had not been fraudulently), we contracted, under heavy usury, an almost insupportable burden of debts, and thus, any further expedition being prevented, we were forced magnanimously to desist for the time from our incomplete attacks on the enemy and to return to England. There, having laid our many calamities and never-to-be-forgotten misfortunes before our aforesaid Archbishop, and, a Parliament having been called, the prelates, nobles, and other faithful of our kingdom granted us such a subsidy (the ninth part of the tithes of sheep and wool, besides the tenth conceded by the clergy), that if it had been faithfully collected and acquired at a fitting time it would have provided payment for the debts accrued in the said expedition, and would have been of no small assistance towards the confusion of the enemy, nay, even, according to some, it might have sufficed altogether. The same Archbishop meanwhile promised faithfully to mediate with his parts [of the country] for the collection of the said subsidy and the administration of our necessities. Wherefore, trusting in his promises, men having been again collected, and a fleet having been gathered, we sailed towards Flanders, and engaged in a hard naval battle with the enemy, who had sworn our destruction and that of all the English people. By the compassion and mercy of Him who rules the wind and the sea, not by our own merit, we obtained a victory and triumph over the whole multitude of so many enemies. This being accomplished we set out thence with a powerful army for the recovery of our rights, and marked out a fort near the strong city of Tournay, in the siege of which we were perpetually occupied for some time, and, wearied out by continual expenses and labours, awaiting in silence, we were hoping day by day for the promised help; to be relieved, by the service of our Archbishop, from so many and so great necessities. At length, the conceived hope being frustrated, although by many messengers and many letters we fully signified to the aforesaid Archbishop, and to others of our Council who adhered to him, not only our poverty and the many perils to which we were exposed on account of the failure of the said subsidy, but also the advantage and the honour which, by the help of the money, we saw we could easily secure. Nevertheless we could not obtain emolument from them, because, caring for their own affairs rather than ours, and procuring their own welfare, they excused their sluggishness, (not to say their fraud, or their malice), by frivolous excuses and ornate rhetoric, like those mockers who, as says Isaiah, delight in deriding, saying: "Precept upon precept, precept upon precept, line upon line, line upon line, here a little, there a little." [Isaiah xxviii. 13.]

Whence alas, it came about that even when the near hope of triumphing over our enemies gracefully smiled upon us, poverty prevailing, we were obliged, unwilling though we were, to make truce, to the shameful retarding of our expedition, and the no little exultation of our rivals.... Wherefore we, directing the force of our mind to the discipline and correction of such of our officials, caused certain of them whom we held suspect, for probable causes, of bad administration, of the subversion of justice, of the oppression of our subjects, of corruption by acceptance of gifts and other grave offences, to be removed from their offices as it seems well to us; while others of inferior rank were placed in custody.... We ordered him [the Archbishop], through our faithful servant Nicholas de Cantilupe, specially chosen for this purpose, to hasten and come to London early to our presence, since we desired to have a personal interview with him. But he, always haughty in prosperity and cowardly in adversity, fearing where no fear was, alleged untruly that the peril of death, threatened and directed against him by our partisans, hung over him if he should leave the Church of Canterbury, although this, by witness of God and a pure conscience, never had come into our mind, or, we believe, into that of any of our partisans, in spite of the fact that by his demerits he had made himself hated by the clergy and people of the kingdom. But we, desiring all to come to our presence, and that all summoned to us by our letters should enjoy full security, sent our faithful Ralph de Stafford, seneschal of our guest chamber, to him [the Archbishop] to offer and make him a safe conduct; and we gave him our letters patent, signed under our seal, to present, demanding, a second time, that he should come to us personally, and should, first of all, have a private interview with us concerning the affairs of the kingdom, over which he had so long laboured, as aforesaid. But he, treating the lenity of our prayers and our mandates with contempt, answered indignantly that he would in nowise confer with us, save in a full Parliament, which at this time, for reasonable causes, it would not be expedient to summon....

TRIAL BY PEERS.

SOURCE.--Statute, 15 Edward III., cap. ii. (1341).

Item. _Whereas, before this time, the peers of the land have been arrested and imprisoned, and their temporalties, lands and tenements, goods and cattels asseised in the King's hands, and some put to death without judgment of their peers_: It is accorded and assented, that no peer of the land, officer, nor other, because of his office, nor of things touching his office, nor by other cause shall be brought in judgment to lose his temporalties, lands, tenements, goods, and cattels, nor to be arrested, nor imprisoned, outlawed, exiled, nor forejudged, nor put to answer, nor to be judged but by award of the said peers in the Parliament, saving always to our Sovereign Lord the King and his heirs, the laws rightfully used, and by due process, and saving also the suit of the party....

THE BATTLE OF CRECY (AUGUST 26, 1346).

SOURCE.--Froissart's _Chronicle_ (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 325.

The English, who were drawn up in three divisions, and seated on the ground, on seeing their enemies advance, rose undauntedly up, and fell into their ranks. That of the Prince was the first to do so, whose archers were formed in the manner of a portcullis, or harrow, and the men-at-arms in the rear. The Earls of Northampton and Arundel, who commanded the second division, had posted themselves in good order on his wing, to assist and succour the Prince if necessary.

You must know that these kings, dukes, earls, barons, and lords of France, did not advance in any regular order, but one after the other, but any way most pleasing to themselves. As soon as the King of France came in sight of the English, his blood began to boil, and he cried out to his marshals, "Order the Genoese forward, and begin the battle, in the name of God and St. Denis."

There were about fifteen thousand Genoese cross-bowmen; but they were quite fatigued, having marched on foot that day six leagues, completely armed, and with their cross-bows. They told the Constable they were not in a fit condition to do any great things that day in battle. The Earl of Alençon, hearing this, said: "This is what one gets by employing such scoundrels, who fall off when there is any need for them."

During this time a heavy rain fell, accompanied by thunder, and a very terrible eclipse of the sun: and before this rain a great flight of crows hovered in the air over all these battalions, making a loud noise. Shortly afterwards it cleared up, and the sun shone very bright; but the Frenchmen had it in their faces, and the English in their backs.

When the Genoese were somewhat in order, and approached the English, they set up a loud shout, in order to frighten them; but they remained quite still, and did not seem to attend to it. They then set up a second shout, and advanced a little forward, but the English never moved. They hooted a third time, advancing with their cross-bows presented, and began to shoot. The English archers then advanced one step forward, and shot their arrows with such force and quickness that it seemed as if it snowed.

When the Genoese felt these arrows, which pierced their arms, heads, and through their armour, some of them cut the strings of their cross-bows, others flung them on the ground, and all turned about and retreated, quite discomfited. The French had a large body of men-at-arms on horseback, richly dressed, to support the Genoese.

The King of France, seeing them thus fall back, cried out, "Kill me those scoundrels, for they stop up our road, without any reason." You would then have seen the above-mentioned men-at-arms lay about them, killing all they could of these runaways.

The English continued shooting as vigorously and quickly as before: some of their arrows fell among the horsemen, who were sumptuously equipped, and, killing and wounding many, made them caper and fall among the Genoese, so that they were in such confusion they could never rally again. In the English army there were some Cornish and Welshmen on foot, who had armed themselves with large knives: these, advancing through the ranks of the men-at-arms and archers, who made way for them, came upon the French when they were in this danger, and, falling upon earls, barons, knights, and squires, slew many, at which the King of England was afterwards much exasperated....

Early in the day, some French, Germans, and Savoyards had broken through the archers of the [Black] Prince's battalion, and had engaged with the men-at-arms; upon which the second battalion came to his aid, and it was time, for otherwise he would have been hard pressed. The first division, seeing the danger they were in, sent a knight (Sir Thomas Norwich) in great haste to the King of England, who was posted upon an eminence, near a windmill. On the knight's arrival, he said: "Sir, the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Stafford, the Lord Reginald Cobham, and the others who are about your son, are vigorously attacked by the French; and they intreat that you would come to their assistance with your battalion, for, if their numbers should increase, they fear he will have too much to do."

The King replied: "Is my son dead, unhorsed, or so badly wounded that he cannot support himself?" "Nothing of the sort, thank God!" rejoined the knight; "but he is in so hot an engagement, that he has great need of your help." The King answered: "Now, Sir Thomas, return back to those that sent you, and tell them from me not to send again for me this day, or expect that I shall come, let what will happen, as long as my son has life; and say that I command them to let the boy win his spurs, for I am determined, if it please God, that all the glory and honour of this day shall be given to him and to those into whose care I have entrusted him."

DAVID BRUCE INVADES ENGLAND (OCTOBER, 1346).

SOURCE.--_The Cronykil of Scotland_ in _The Historians of Scotland_, iii. 470 _et seq._

_Qwhen Kyng David passyt fra hame till[8] the Batell off Durame._

A thowsand and thre hundyr yhere
And sex and fourty to tha clere,
The Kyng off Frawns set hym to ras
And set a sege befor Calays,
And wrate in Scotland till oure Kyng
Specyally be thra[9] praying
To pas on were[10] in till Inglond;
... Oure Kyng Dawy
That wes yhowng, stowt, and rycht joly,
And yharnyd[11] for to see fychtyng,
Grawntyt the Kyng off Frawncys yharnyng
And gaddryd his folk haly bedene.[12]

* * * * *

Qwhat was thare mare? The Kyng Dawy
Gaddryd his ost in full gret hy;[13]
And with thame off the north cuntré
Till Saynt-Jhonystown than come he.

* * * * *

He passyd swne the Scottis Se,
And to the Marchis hym sped he,
Qwhare-in the Pele[14] wes off Lyddale,
His ost till hym assemblyd hale:
Thare-in wes Watter off Selby
On the Inglis mennys party.
That Pele assaylyd thei sa fast,
Qwhill it wes wonnyn at the last;
And all thai slwe, that thai fand then,
To sawff yhowng childyr and women.
Than consalyd Williame off Dowglas,
That off weris mast wys than was,
To turne agayne in thaire cuntré:

* * * * *

The Dowglas thare mycht noucht be herd.
Bot on thaire way all furth thai ferd;
And in the Abbay off Hexhame
All thare folk thai gert[15] aname,
And in till all thare ost thai fand
Off men armyd bot twa thowsande[16]
That wes to fewe a folk to fycht
Agayne off Ingland the mekill mycht.
Efftyr[17] swne thai passyd syne,
And held to Durame, or thai wald fyne;
And in a park well nere thare-by
Thai lugyd[18] thame, and tuk herbry.[19]
Thai had bene in till Ingland
Welle fourteyne dayis traveland,
That thei couth get na wyttyng
Off Inglis mennys gadryng:
The gwethir[20] thai assemblid were
In till a park besyd thame nere,
Fra Trent northwartis all the floure
Off folk, that owcht war off waloure.

* * * * *

Off archeris thare assemblíd wire
Twenty thousand, that rollyd[21] war,
But men off armys, that war thar,
Qwhare-off in abundance had they.
The Scottis men, that in the park than lay,
Wyst rycht nouht off that gadryng,
Made thame gret myrth and solasyng.

* * * * *

[_Here[22] follows an account of the battle._]

Jhon of Copeland there took the King
Of force, noucht yholdyne in that takyng;
The King twa teth owt off his hevyd,
Wyth a dynt off a knyff hym revyd.[23]

FOOTNOTES:

[8] To.

[9] Eager.

[10] War.

[11] Yearned.

[12] Quickly.

[13] Haste.

[14] Fortification.

[15] Made to be.

[16] The English writers compute the Scottish numbers at threescore thousand, and state that fifteen thousand were left slain (_cf._ Baker's _Chronicle_).

[17] After.

[18] Lodged.

[19] Their station.

[20] Nevertheless.

[21] Enrolled.

[22] pp. 475, 476.

[23] p. 476.

A FIGHTING PRIOR.

SOURCE.--Thomas Walsingham, _Gesta Abbatum_ (Rolls Series), ii. 378.

When he had a small breathing space from his domestic rivalries, a greater trouble came upon Prior Thomas [of Tynmouth]. For the King of Scots, "David le Brus" by name, taking courage during the absence of King Edward (who at that time was fighting Philip, King of France, at Creçy), and being encouraged also by letters from the said Philip, gathered an army and entered the country, slaying many, taking others prisoner, burning the country, destroying the crops, extorting money for the safety of goods, and doing incalculable damage. But Thomas, unmoved by these things, stood firm, and so fortified his place with men and arms, and provisions, and weapons of war, that it would have been impossible for the enemy to injure his priory without great difficulty and danger.

At that time, William Douglas, leader of the army, in whom the whole hope of the Scots was set, being an arrogant man and a mocker, sent, according to his manner, a messenger to Prior Thomas to tell him to prepare a meal for him, since after two days he proposed to breakfast with him; this order he sent hoping to shake his determination. Nevertheless, he did not break his word, but in truth prophesied, as once did Caiaphas. For, after two days, he was taken and sent to Tynmouth for safe custody. The Prior then hastened to meet him, laughingly saying he had come well to the breakfast he had prepared for him. And William said, "Indeed this coming is painful to me." "Not at all," answered the Prior, "you come most opportunely."

At that time, the Scots being overwhelmed, David, the King, was taken prisoner, by which event the Prior was so much comforted that he recovered from a heavy infirmity, which his eyes had lately contracted. In fact, whereas he had not been able to see the light, suddenly, on hearing the news, he removed the plasters, threw off the bandages, and was never afterwards troubled by this kind of infirmity.

THE SURRENDER OF CALAIS (AUGUST 3, 1347).

SOURCE.--Froissart's _Chronicle_ (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 365-367.

"Sir Walter [Manny], you will inform the Governor of Calais, that the only grace he must expect from me is that six of the principal citizens of Calais march out of the town, with bare heads and feet, with ropes round their necks and the keys of the town and castle in their hands. These six persons shall be at my absolute disposal, and the remainder of the inhabitants pardoned."

Sir Walter returned to the Lord de Vienne, who was waiting for him on the battlements, and told him all that he had been able to gain from the King. "I beg of you," replied the Governor, "that you would be so good as to remain here a little, whilst I go and relate all that has passed to the townsmen; for, as they have desired me to undertake this, it is but proper they should know the result of it."

He went to the market-place, and caused the bell to be rung, upon which all the inhabitants, men and women, assembled in the town-hall. He then related to them what he had said, and the answers he had received; and that he could not obtain any conditions more favourable, to which they must give a short and immediate answer. This information caused the greatest lamentations and despair, so that the hardest heart would have had compassion on them; even the Lord de Vienne wept bitterly.

After a short time the most wealthy citizen of the town, by name Eustace de St. Pierre, rose up and said: "Gentlemen, both high and low, it would be a very great pity to suffer so many people to die through famine if any means could be found to prevent it; and it would be highly meritorious in the eyes of our Saviour if such misery could be averted. I have such faith and trust in finding grace before God, if I die to save my townsmen, that I name myself as first of the six."

When Eustace had done speaking, they all rose up and almost worshipped him: many cast themselves at his feet, with tears and groans. Another citizen, very rich and respected, rose up and said he would be the second to his companion, Eustace: his name was John D'Aire. After him James Wisant, who was very rich in merchandise and lands, offered himself as companion to his two cousins, as did Peter Wisant, his brother. Two others then named themselves, which completed the number demanded by the King of England.

The Lord John de Vienne then mounted a small hackney, for it was with difficulty that he could walk, and conducted them to the gate. There was the greatest sorrow and lamentation all over the town; and in such manner were they attended to the gate, which the Governor ordered to be opened, and then shut upon him and the six citizens, whom he led to the barriers, and said to Sir Walter Manny, who was there waiting for him: "I deliver up to you, as Governor of Calais, with the consent of the inhabitants, these six citizens: and I swear to you that they were, and are at this day the most wealthy and respectable inhabitants of Calais. I beg of you, gentle sir, that you would have the goodness to beseech the King, that they may not be put to death." "I cannot answer for what the King will do with them," replied Sir Walter; "but you may depend that I will do all in my power to save them."

The barriers were opened, when these six citizens advanced towards the pavilion of the King, and the Lord de Vienne re-entered the town.

When Sir Walter Manny had presented these six citizens to the King, they fell upon their knees, and, with uplifted hands, said: "Most gallant King, see before you six citizens of Calais, who have been capital merchants, and who bring before you the keys of the castle and of the town. We surrender ourselves to your absolute will and pleasure, in order to save the remainder of the inhabitants of Calais, who have suffered much distress and misery. Condescend, therefore, out of your nobleness of mind, to have mercy and compassion upon us." All the barons, knights, and squires, that were assembled there in great numbers, wept at this sight.

The King eyed them with angry looks (for he hated much the people of Calais, for the great losses he had formerly suffered from them at sea), and ordered their heads to be stricken off. All present entreated the King that he would be more merciful to them, but he would not listen to them. Then Sir Walter Manny said: "Ah, gentle King, let me beseech you to restrain your anger; you have the reputation of great nobleness of soul, do not therefore tarnish it by such an act as this, nor allow anyone to speak in a disgraceful manner of you. In this instance, all the world will say you have acted cruelly if you put to death six such respectable persons, who, of their own free will, have surrendered themselves to your mercy, in order to save their fellow-citizens." Upon this, the King gave a wink, saying: "Be it so," and ordered the headsman to be sent for, for that the Calesians had done him so much damage, it was proper they should suffer for it.

The Queen of England fell on her knees, and, with tears said: "Ah, gentle sir, since I have crossed the sea with great danger to see you, I have never asked of you one favour: now, I most humbly ask as a gift, for the sake of the Son of the blessed Mary, and for your love to me, that you will be merciful to these six men." The King looked at her for some time in silence, and then said: "Ah, lady, I wish you had been anywhere else than here: you have entreated in such a manner that I cannot refuse you; I therefore give them to you to do as you please with them." The Queen conducted the six citizens to her apartments, and had the halters taken from round their necks, new clothed, and served them with a plentiful dinner: she then presented each with six nobles, and had them escorted out of the camp in safety.

PENITENTS AND JEWS (1349).

SOURCE.--Froissart's _Chronicle_ (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 391, 392.

[Addition from two manuscripts in the Hafod Library.]

This year of our Lord 1349 there came from Germany persons who performed public penitencies by whipping themselves with scourges having iron hooks, so that their backs and shoulders were torn: they chaunted also, in a piteous manner, canticles of the nativity and sufferings of our Saviour, and could not, by their rules, remain in any town more than one night; they travelled in companies of more or less in number, and thus journeyed through the country, performing their penitence for thirty-three days, being the number of years Jesus Christ remained on earth, and then returned to their own homes. These penitencies were thus performed, to entreat the Lord to restrain his anger and withhold his vengeance; for, at this period, an epidemic malady ravaged the earth, and destroyed a third part of its inhabitants. They were chiefly done in those countries the most afflicted, whither scarcely any could travel, but were not long continued, as the Church set itself against them. None of these companies entered France, for the King had strictly forbidden them, by desire of the Pope, who disapproved of such measures, by sound and sensible reasons, but which I shall pass over. All clerks, or persons holding livings, that countenanced them were excommunicated, and several were forced to go to Rome to purge themselves.

About this time the Jews throughout the world were arrested and burnt, and their fortunes seized by those lords under whose jurisdiction they had lived, except at Avignon, and the territories of the Church dependent on the Pope. Each poor Jew, when he was able to hide himself, and arrived in that country, esteemed himself safe. It was prophesied, that for one hundred years, people were to come, with iron scourges, to destroy them; and this would now have been the case had not these penitents been checked in their mad career, as has been related.

A STATUTE OF LABOURERS (1350).

SOURCE.--Statute, 25 Edward III., Statute I.

_Whereas_ late against the malice of servants which were idle, and not willing to serve after the pestilence, without taking excessive wages, it was ordained by our Lord the King, and by assent of the prelates, earls, barons, and other of his council, (1) That such manner of servants, as well men as women, should be bound to serve, receiving salary and wages, accustomed in places where they ought to serve in the twentieth year of the reign of the King that now is, or five or six years before; and that the same servants refusing to serve in such manner should be punished by imprisonment of their bodies, as in the said statute is more plainly contained; (2) whereupon commissions were made to divers people in every county to enquire and punish all them which offend against the same. (3) And now, forasmuch as it is given the King to understand in this present parliament, by the petition of the commonalty, that the said servants having no regard to the said ordinance, but to their ease and singular covetise, do withdraw themselves to serve great men and other, unless they have livery and wages to the double or treble of that they were wont to take the said twentieth year, and before, to the great damage of the great men, and impoverishing of all the said commonalty, whereof the said commonalty prayeth remedy: (4) wherefore in the same parliament by the assent of the said prelates, earls, barons, and other great men of the said commonalty there assembled, to refrain the malice of the said servants, ordained and established the things underwritten:

CAP. I.--_The year and day's wages of servants and labourers in husbandry._

First. That carters, ploughmen ... and all other servants shall take liveries and wages, accustomed the said twentieth year, or four years before, so that in the country, where wheat was wont to be given, they shall take for the bushel ten pence, or wheat at the will of the giver, till it be otherwise ordained. And that they be allowed to serve by a whole year, or by other usual terms, and not by the day. And that none pay in the time of farcling[24] or hay-making but a penny a day. And a mower of meadows for the acre five pence, or by the day five pence. And reapers of corn in the first week of August two pence, and the second three pence, and so till the end of August, and less in the country where less was wont to be given, without meat or drink or other courtesy to be demanded, given, or taken. And that all workmen bring openly in their hands to the merchant towns their instruments, and there shall be hired in a common place and not privy.

CAP. II.--_How much shall be given for threshing all sorts of corn by the quarter. None shall depart from the town in summer where he dwelt in winter._

Item. That none take for the threshing of a quarter of wheat or rye over ii. d. ob. and the quarter of barley, beans, pease, and oats i. d. ob. if so much were wont to be given.... And that the same servants be sworn two times in the year before lords, stewards, bailiffs and constables of every town, to hold and do these ordinances. And that none of them go out of the town, where he dwelleth in the winter, to serve the summer, if he may serve in the same town, taking as before is said. [Certain exceptions follow] ... And that those who refuse to make such oath ... shall be put in the stocks by the said lords, stewards, etc.... by three days or more, or sent to the next gaol, there to remain, till they will justify themselves. And that stocks be made in every town by such occasion betwixt this and the Feast of Pentecost.

CAP. III.--_The wages of several sorts of artificers and labourers._

Item. Carpenters, masons, etc.... A master carpenter, iii. d. [a day], and an other, ii. d. A mason free mason iiii. d. and other masons iii. d. and their servants i. d. ob.; tylers iii. d. and their knaves i. d. ob.; plasterers and other workers of mud walls and their knaves, by the same manner without meat or drink.s. from Easter to St. Michael. And from that time less, according to the rate and discretion of the justices which should be thereto assigned....

CAP. IV.--_Shoes &c. shall be sold as in the 20th year of King Edward III. Artificers sworn to use their crafts as they did in the 20th year of the King._

CAP. V.--_The several punishments of persons offending against this statute._

Item. [Offenders] to be attached by their body, to be before the justices to answer of such contempts, so that they make fine and ransom to the King, in case they be attainted.... And in case that any of them come against his oath and be thereof attainted, he shall have imprisonment for forty days. And if he be another time convict, he shall have imprisonment of a quarter of a year, so that every time he offendeth and is convict, he shall have double pain....

CAP. VI.--_No sheriff, constable, bailiff, etc., shall exact anything of the same servants. Their forfeitures shall be employed to the aid of the dismes and quinzimes granted to the King by the Commons._

CAP. VII.--_The justices shall hold their sessions four times a year, and at all times needful. Servants which flee from one county to another shall be committed to prison._

FOOTNOTES:

[24] Carrying.

PROSPERITY OF THE LANDLESS LABOURER.

SOURCE.--William Langland, _Piers the Plowman_, C. Passus ix., ll. 330-337.

Laboreres that han no londe . to liven on bot here hands[25]
Deyned noght to dyne a-day . night-old wortes.[26]
May no peny ale hem paye .[27] ne a pece of bacon,
Bote hit be freesh fleesch other fysh . fried other ybake;
And that _chaud_ and _pluschaud_ .[28] for chilling of here mawe.
Bote he be heylich yhyred .[29] elles wol he chide,
That he was a werkman ywroght . waryen the tyme.[30]

* * * * *

And thenne he corseth[31] the king . and alle the kynges Justices,
Suche lawes to lere .[32] laborers to greve.
Ac while Hunger was here mayster . wolde none chide,
Ne stryve agens the statute . he lokede so sturne.

FOOTNOTES:

[25] Have no land to live on, but (work with) their hands.

[26] "No longer deign to dine on the stale vegetables of yesterday."

[27] Penny-ale will not satisfy them.

[28] Hot-and-hotter.

[29] Highly paid.

[30] Bewail the time.

[31] Curseth.

[32] For making such laws.

FIRST STATUTE OF PROVISORS (1350).

SOURCE.--Statute, 25 Edward III., Statute VI.

CAP. III.-- ... That the free election of archbishops, bishops and of all other dignitaries and benefices elective in England, shall hold from henceforth in the manner as they were granted by the King's progenitors, and the ancestors of other lords founders of the said dignities and other benefices.

That prelates and other people of holy Church which have advowsons of any benefices ... shall have their collations and presentments freely to the same in the manner as they were enfeoffed by their donors. And in case that reservation, collation or provision be made by the Court of Rome of any archbishopric, bishopric, dignity, or benefice, in disturbance of free elections, collations, or presentations aforenamed, that at the same time of voidance ... our Lord the King and his heirs shall have and enjoy for the same time the collations, etc., which be of his advowry, such as his progenitors had before that free election was granted.