Chapter II: Part 2

With the exception of this little cloud, Sheriff Bell has uniformly lived in peace and concord with his professional friends, and he has at their hands received many little marks of honour and respect. In 1852, a rumour went out that Sir Archibald Alison was to be elevated to the Supreme Court. This led the profession in Glasgow to present a memorial to the Lord-Advocate, praying that in such an event Sheriff Bell might be made Sir Archibald's successor. Again, about 12 years ago, strong representations and inducements were held out to him to return to Edinburgh as consulting counsel in Mercantile Law--a department of jurisprudence which, if he did not altogether create it, Sheriff Bell has done much to develop and bring into a practical shape. Although the offer promised the realisation of a handsome income, it was respectfully declined. Still farther we may remark, that it was no small honour to Mr. Bell that he was made Sheriff of Lanarkshire contrary to the usual custom, which is to appoint to the office some one that has acted for a longer or shorter period as Advocate-Depute--a place which he, of course, has never filled.

As a judge, Sheriff Bell displays remarkable discrimination and insight. He is gifted in a large measure, with the judicial faculty; but for the same reason that he is a good judge, he would probably fail as a pleader. At the bar it is customary only to represent and contend for one side of a case, to the exclusion or destruction of the other; but on the bench conflicting arguments have to be duly weighed, and the balance so adjusted between them that truth and justice may ultimately be evolved. In thus discriminating between irreconcilable issues, and duly weighing the arguments presented on both sides, Sheriff Bell is particularly at home; and his decisions are remarkable for standing the great test of an appeal to the Supreme Court.

Since he came to Glasgow as Sheriff-Substitute, Mr. Bell has taken an active part in all public movements apart from politics; and in regard to educational and scientific matters he deserves to rank as a pioneer. When the Social Science Congress met in Glasgow in 1860, Professor Pillans and other _savants_ were dining with Sheriff Bell, whose sound judgment and profound knowledge of nearly every subject brought under discussion enabled him to take a very intelligent and conspicuous part in the proceedings. Talking of authors and their works, Professor Pillans quoted certain lines, respecting which he asked Sheriff Bell whether he had ever heard them before. The latter confessed that he did not recollect them. "Why," said the Professor, "you wrote these lines when you were a pupil in my class." On another occasion, when Thackeray came to Glasgow to deliver his lectures on the Four Georges, the great novelist was introduced to the Sheriff of Lanarkshire by the late Mr. Walter Buchanan, M.P. At that time there was some disagreement between Thackeray and the directors of the Athenaeum as to the terms of his engagement, and we believe that Thackeray considered himself (whether with or without just cause) to have been badly used. Referring to Mr. Bell as the champion of Mary Stuart, Mr. Buchanan jocosely remarked to Thackeray that he must not repeat in Glasgow the attack he had made in Edinburgh on Mary Queen of Scots. "Never fear," replied Thackeray, "I can't afford to do it for the money."

By his wife, whom he has now survived nearly twenty years, Sheriff Bell had one son and four daughters. Three of his daughters have been married--one to Professor Nichol, and the other two to members of the firm of M'Clellan, Son, & Co., accountants, Glasgow. The fourth daughter is unmarried.

MR. ROBERT DALGLISH.

There are not a few reminiscences associated with the name and history of Mr. Robert Dalglish, the senior representative of Glasgow, that must tend to render a record of his life peculiarly interesting to his constituents. Born at Glasgow in 1808, he is now in his sixty-third year. His father was emphatically one of the pioneers of Glasgow's industrial prosperity. Born in humble circumstances, he "burst his birth's invidious bar," and elevated himself to the proud position of the first magistrate of that city "whose merchants are princes and whose traffickers are the honourable of the earth." During his three years tenure of the civic chair, Mr. Robert Dalglish, sen., approved himself a very useful and excellent citizen, and his attention to municipal affairs was most unremitting and diligent, while at the same time he was laying the foundations of that splendid business to which his son, the subject of the present sketch, ultimately succeeded. Our Senior Member was educated at the University of Glasgow, and "when the fulness of the time had come," he was admitted a partner in the firm of which his father was then the principal, and which is now well-known by the title of R. Dalglish, Falconer, & Co. It is, perhaps, the largest calico-printing firm in Scotland, their works at Campsie employing upwards of 1000 hands. Since his accession to the business, Mr. Dalglish has largely extended and improved the original works, so that they are now vastly superior to what they were at that time. Several substantial additions, including a large engraving shop, were recently made to meet the requirements of the firm. It is worthy of note that the father of Mr. Dalglish occupied as a dwelling-house the building now used as the offices of the firm in St Vincent Place--the business part of the city being at that time within a short radius of the Cross. To the son, however, the lines have fallen in more pleasant places, for his mansion at Kilmardinny, near Milngavie, is one of the most "highly desirable residences" (as an auctioneer would phrase it) in the West of Scotland. The grounds or policies attached to the house extend to 140 acres, and within recent years Mr. Dalglish has expended a great deal of both money and taste on his fine property.

Of Mr. Dalglish's political connection with the city there is not much to be said. Up to the year 1857 he had not taken any active part in either municipal or political affairs; and when he announced his intention of coming forward as a candidate for the representation of the city in April of that year, the Whigs and the Tories alike were taken by surprise. Glasgow had then only two members. Both of them had been in Parliament for a number of years, although neither had ever been distinguished for any brilliant political achievement. Mr. Dalglish was brought forward by no section or party--at least he disclaimed any connection with either Whigs or Tories, and as for the Radicals, they were then out in the cold. He stood, as he himself said, on his own responsibility, and as a perfectly independent candidate. It is not too much to affirm that it was his pluck and independence that carried him through. He had little difficulty in forming a committee, including, for the most part, gentlemen of considerable local influence, and that _sine qua non_ having been obtained, the rest was comparatively smooth sailing. Mr. Hastie, his opponent, was a quiet and easy-going member, who never did anything, either good, bad, or indifferent, to distinguish himself in the House of Commons, and who, as one of his _quasi_ friends declared, had not even the merit of being a regular attender, although he had represented the city in Parliament for ten continuous years. On the nomination day, Mr. Dalglish was accompanied to the platform by Bailie Galbraith, Mr. W. West Watson (City Chamberlain), Mr. David Dreghorn, Councillor Moir, Mr. Walter Paterson, and other gentlemen, who still figure in the ranks of our most prominent citizens. His nomination was proposed by Bailie Galbraith, and seconded by Mr. W. West Watson. Mr. Dalglish delivered a thoroughly characteristic speech, of which we are in a position to give the salient points. He said:--"I shall not refer to my antecedents as has been done by my hon. opponents; but this I will say, that for the future I am prepared to do everything for the advancement of the interests of the people. I am anxious to see not the reform of 1832, which was a mere sham and delusion, but a reform which will give to every householder a vote, and a vote to every man who pays a direct tax to the Government. (Great cheering.) I am in favour of every social and sanitary reform in this city; and if our local philanthropists--the Hendersons, the Campbells, and the Clarks--will turn their attention to the centre of the city, where the masses of our population are congregated, and project some scheme for the opening up of the closes and winds, and the building of better houses for the working classes, I shall be ready to support them. (The city improvement scheme was at that date in the matrix of the future.) I have much respect for the voluntary system of education, but I feel that it does not reach all the children of a large city such as Glasgow, and that therefore a national system of education is required. I would also support the establishment of schools for the teaching of children, because I believe that he who teaches should first be taught himself. (Laughter.) I am against all intervention with other States, but at the same time I would prevent intervention by others. (Cheers, and a call, "put on your hat Bob," and laughter.) I will support Lord Palmerston so long as his policy is conducted with a view to the true interests of the country--so long as his measures are calculated to promote the interests of the masses--but I will not support Lord Palmerston if he is disposed to offer any opposition to a Liberal measure of Reform." The show of hands was declared by Sheriff Alison to be in favour of Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Dalglish, and a poll was demanded for Mr. Hastie. The poll took place next day, when the majority of those who had supported Mr. Merry, at the election six weeks before, recorded their votes for Mr. Dalglish. At the close of the poll the votes stood--

Buchanan, 7069 Dalglish, 6764 Hastie, 5044

At every subsequent election Mr. Dalglish has been returned with acclamation. At one time he announced his intention to retire from Parliamentary duties, but a numerous and influential deputation from Glasgow waited upon and induced him to alter his resolution. At the General Election of 1868, the electors raised a subscription, to which men of all ranks and all shades of politics contributed, to defray his election expenses, and so liberal was the response made by his constituents that he was returned free of personal cost.

Of Mr. Dalglish's merits as our Parliamentary representative it behoves us to say something, and we can safely premise with the affirmation that few men have a greater personal influence in the House of Commons. Those who cannot see a little behind the scenes may wonder at this apparently rash statement, and ask--What has Mr. Dalglish done to give him a political influence? When has he ever made any brilliant speeches? What great measures has he succeeded in passing? Do you ever see his name even so much as mentioned in Parliamentary debates? To one and all of these questions the friends and admirers of Mr. Dalglish would almost be compelled to return a negative answer. To the uninitiated Mr. Dalglish, so far as any outward and visible manifestations of power and influence--of senatorial usefulness and ability--is concerned, will appear to be a mere cipher. But it does not require the meddlesomeness of a Whalley, or the volubility of a Newdegate, to make a politician. In politics, as in the minor affairs of life, tact and discrimination often go for more than fervid bursts of oratory, or highly-concentrated genius. In the region of politics, too, there are wheels within wheels--an _imperium in imperio_. The House of Commons bears, in some respects, a remarkable affinity to a puppet-show. You cannot always see the magician who pulls the strings, and moves the political machine obedient to his will. And of no man in the House of Commons is this more true than of Mr. Dalglish. Unless one is under his magic spell, it is impossible to understand its mainspring, although it is easy to feel its effects. Ask the influential citizens of Glasgow to reveal the secret of Mr. Dalglish's power, and they will mention two qualities, both very good in their way but neither of them, one would think, sufficient to give their possessor a transcendent influence in the most august and intellectual assembly in the world. We would be told, first of his _bon hommie_, and next of his punctuality and unfailing attention to his Parliamentary duties. Put the same question to those who see behind the scenes, however, and they would probably return another and a more truthful answer by ascribing Mr. Dalglish's popularity to his _good dinners_. In this respect he is unique. With almost unfailing regularity he invites his friends and enemies alike to dine twice a week. We mean, of course, his political enemies, for of personal enemies, Mr. Dalglish must have very few. At these bi-weekly feasts, men of all shades of politics, and of all degrees and stations in life, meet together with the most delicious equality and freedom from restraint. Lord and commoner, peer and peasant, marquis and merchant, are thrown into immediate contact, and hob-nob without restriction or ceremony. The unalloyed joviality and good humour of the host is imparted to the guests, and while as a dispenser of creature comforts Mr. Dalglish stands almost alone, he has a suavity of manner that disarms party feeling, and compels a favour when it is asked for. It is not to be wondered at, under these circumstances, that our Senior Member is the presiding genius of the House of Commons' kitchen, or that in the administration of cigars and wines he is perfectly at home. We all know that

"A fellow feeling makes us wondrous kind;"

and so long as human infirmities tend in the direction of a good dinner, so long will Mr. Dalglish, whose unbounded hospitality must have cost him quite a large fortune, remain the _facile princeps_ of diplomatists.

It would be unfair, however, to imply that Mr. Dalglish owes his influential position in the House of Commons to this speciality alone. No member is more regular in his attendance on Parliamentary duties. Mr. Dalglish is always in his place, and he is ever eager to promote the interests of his constituents. He has rendered yeoman service to the municipal affairs of the city, having sat on many committees appointed to deal with bills promoted by the Corporation. His solicitude to oblige his constituents is, indeed, only bounded by his ability to serve them, and the "open sesame" is seldom beyond his control. As a speaker he never did and never will excel, although he has several times, and notably on the question of the management of the dockyards, addressed the House.

In personal appearance, Mr. Dalglish is about the ordinary height. He has a genial and pleasant countenance, to which a long white beard imparts somewhat of a patriarchal aspect; and the merry twinkle of his keen, bright eye affords a capital index to his real character. His whole demeanour is that of a man in whom confidence may be reposed without fear of rebuff, and no man in the House could be more readily accessible to his constituents. Mr. Dalglish is considered to have as good a technical knowledge of the House of Commons' business as any private member in it.

Consistently with his Liberal principles, Mr. Dalglish voted for the disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish Church in 1869. He is in favour of the withdrawal of all State grants for religious purposes, and he is also an advocate for the assimilation of the county and borough franchise.

MR. WILLIAM GRAHAM.

There are politicians and politicians. It is due to the varied opinions and characters of its members that the House of Commons is such an eminently representative assembly. It is not wealth alone, neither is it genius, that affords the "open sesame" to Parliamentary fame. The wheels of progress would probably move much slower than they do, if all who entered St. Stephen's were gifted orators. Eloquence is a great recommendation to a seat in Parliament; but there are other qualities which, without being so conspicuous, are perhaps much more solid, and in the long run lead to the accomplishment of a greater amount of really useful work. Talking and working are essentially different things; and it is well for Parliament, for the newspapers, and for the nation at large, that so many excellent legislators are compelled to confess, like Marc Antony, "I am no orator." The members for Glasgow have never made themselves famous in the direction of much speaking; their aim has been to gather much wool with little cry, thus reversing completely the well-known motto. The interests of a city like Glasgow are purely commercial and industrial, but they require to be constantly watched with the utmost vigilance. To guard and conserve them aright requires, also, a more or less practical and comprehensive knowledge of mercantile affairs. This Mr. Graham possesses in a marked degree, having been trained from his youth up in all the ramifications of commerce; and on this ground alone his claims to represent his native city in Parliament are not to be despised. But he has another, and, perhaps, still stronger, hold upon the sympathies and support of the "free and independent electors" of St. Mungo. He is recognised as the advocate and representative of the religious and educational interests in Parliament, and it was upon this basis that he was returned. Mr. Dalglish has been so long and so closely associated with the commercial and municipal interests of the city, that it would be impossible to find one with a stronger hold in that direction. As for Mr. Anderson, he is, of course, the champion of the working classes, and holds his seat by their suffrages. But there was still another important party not directly represented--the party to whom the city is indebted for much of its social, intellectual, and religious prosperity--and Mr. Graham stepped in to fill up the breach. Nailing his colours to the mast of the good ship "Nonconformity," he has all along contended for religious equality and toleration throughout the whole Empire; and if his _specialite_ is not that of "darkening counsel with vain words," he has given his best services since he entered Parliament to the advancement of the true and permanent interests of his constituents, by unremitting application to such duties as came within his reach.

Mr. Graham is the eldest son of the late Mr. Wm. Graham, of Burnshields, by Catherine, daughter of Mr. J. Swanston. He was born in Glasgow in 1817, and after passing some time at a private school, was sent to Glasgow University, where he finished his education. He is married to Jane Catherine, daughter of the late Mr. John Lowndes, formerly of Arthurlie, Renfrewshire. Mr. Graham succeeded to his father's place as head of the firm of William Graham & Co., merchants. The principal business in which he is engaged is that of cotton-spinning, the firm owning the Lancefield Factory, which, if not one of the largest, is at any rate one of the oldest establishments of its kind in Glasgow, and carries the memory back to the days when cotton and not iron was the industrial King of the West. At the Lancefield Factory there are upwards of 1000 hands employed, principally women, and the annual output of cotton is nearly equal to that of some of the largest mills in Manchester. Besides being a cotton-spinner, however, Mr. Graham is also a wine importer on a very considerable scale, and is largely engaged in the East India produce trade. Vintages of the choicest quality, and ports of the heaviest "body," are imported by the firm direct from Lisbon and Oporto, where they have branch establishments; and so conspicuous for their excellence are the wines which they import, that when _paterfamilias_ wants to impress upon his guest that he is enjoying an unmistakeable treat, he announces that the grateful beverage under discussion "was imported direct by William Graham & Co." In his father's days, Mr. Graham represented the house both in India and on the Continent, and since he became head of the firm, he has devoted himself with the utmost assiduity to the management and direction of affairs at home. Thus, unlike either of his colleagues, Mr. Graham takes an active personal supervision of a large mercantile concern, at the same time that he earns the credit of being one if the most regular attenders in the House of Commons. Indeed, he makes it a matter of duty to attend the House closely, and it is a fair matter of doubt whether there are half-a-dozen members--not in office--who attend to their Parliamentary duty with more punctuality and unfailing attention than the three representatives for Glasgow.

On the retirement from Parliamentary duties, through commercial misfortunes, of Mr. Buchanan, who had for many years been the senior member for the city, Mr. Wm. Graham came forward as a candidate. His address to the electors, dated the 11th May, 1865, contained the following:--"A native of Glasgow, an alumnus of her University, and connected with the city by the closest ties of business and of friendship, I have felt that for the honour and usefulness of such a position the cares of business may well be, to some extent, relinquished, and the duties and responsibilities of public life undertaken; and should I be fortunate enough to secure your suffrages, my best efforts and most anxious attention shall not be spared faithfully to represent the views and advocate the interests of this great community.... I may at least say, in a few words, that from my earliest recollection I have been strongly attached to Liberal principles, and that nothing can ever alter my faith in the truth and wisdom of what are known as Liberal opinions in civil and religious politics, or diminish my deep interest in the social, civil, and religious progress of the country." On the following day Mr. Dalglish took his constituents by surprise by announcing that it was not his intention to seek re-election. On the 10th June, Mr. John Ramsay issued an address, in which he enunciated his advocacy of economy and retrenchment in the public expenditure, recommended a judicious extension of the franchise, and stated, in reference to the Maynooth grant, which at that time engaged at a considerable amount of attention, that he "would oppose any further grants from the national exchequer, either in favour of the Roman Catholics or any other body." Mr. Ramsay set forth, in conclusion, that "his business connection with Glasgow for nearly thirty years past had made him acquainted with local affairs, and it would be his pleasure, as he should regard it his duty, to give unremitting attention to every measure fitted to advance the interests of the city." The candidature of Mr. Graham was from the first looked upon with a great deal of favour by a large body of the more influential electors, and his general committee, of which Mr. Archibald Orr Ewing of Ballikinrain was chairman, and Bailie J. W. Anderson was deputy-chairman, comprised the names of Mr. Wm. Kidston, Sir James Lumsden, Mr. Alex. Dennistoun of Golfhill, Mr. Colin R. Dunlop, Mr. Alex. Crum Ewing, Mr. John Orr Ewing of Tillichewan, Mr. W. J. Davidson of Ruchill, and Mr. J. C. Wakefield. At the nomination, which took place on the 12th of July, the show of hands was declared to be in favour of Mr. Dalglish (who had been induced to stand again) and Mr. Graham--the latter, indeed, obtaining a larger display than either of the other two candidates. The poll, which was demanded on behalf of Mr. Ramsay, took place on the following morning, and from the outset Mr. Graham was a long way ahead of either of his opponents. At four o'clock the poll stood--

Graham, 8113 Dalglish, 6707 Ramsay, 5837

Thus giving a majority of 2276 for Mr. Graham, and a majority of 878 for Mr. Dalglish. On entering Parliament at the commencement of the session of 1866, Mr. Graham had the honour of being selected to second the Address to her Majesty, which was moved by Lord H. Cavendish. This he did in a singularly able and practical address, which was listened to with great attention by the House. The _Daily Telegraph_, in its Parliamentary summary, referring to this occasion, said:--"Mr. Graham, the new member for Glasgow, spoke like an _habitue_ of the House of twenty years' standing. He had caught the very manner of the place, spoke fluently, almost eloquently, and exhibited both political and commercial knowledge. It was an undoubted success, and Mr. Gladstone, who had listened attentively, warmly congratulated him when he sat down."

In reference to Mr. Graham's political tendencies and conduct, we may remark that although he has mainly been a supporter of the policy of Mr. Gladstone's Government, he has at the same time, on questions of principle, held himself entirely independent of any Government or party. He is more especially associated with that section of the House which represents the English Nonconformists and the Presbyterians of all three countries. Next in importance to religious progress and toleration as a matter of Parliamentary policy, Mr. Graham advocates the reduction of the national expenditure, holding that the present scale thereof is excessive beyond any possible justification. Therefore, in every case where such a reduction appeared in his view to be honestly aimed at, he has been in the habit of acting with the economists.

Although he has never been a prominent speaker in the House, Mr. Graham is, in his own way, a very useful member, and he is specially called into requisition when any matter of an ecclesiastical or educational kind is under consideration. In many ways he has shown an anxiety to be useful, and to those of his constituents who make calls upon his time and services he is always most accessible and ready to oblige. Although a Liberal, he is not in favour of extensive changes, and he is opposed to any interference with religious questions, whether by endowments or State connection, by the Government.

Mr. Graham, we may add, is a magistrate and deputy lieutenant of Lanarkshire.

MR. GEORGE ANDERSON.

Mr. George Anderson, the junior member for the city of Glasgow, was born at Liverpool in 1819, and is thus in his 52d year. He is a son of George Anderson, Esq., of Luscar, Fifeshire, by his marriage with Miss Rachel Inglis. His father, who had been in early life in the navy, was for some years managing partner of the firm of Messrs. Dennistown & Co. at Havre and New Orleans, from which he left to be manager of the one branch of the old Glasgow Bank (with which the same house was largely connected) at Kirkcaldy, of which town he was afterwards for many years the highly-respected Provost.

Mr. Anderson was educated partly at Havre, partly at the High School of Edinburgh, and subsequently at the University of St Andrews. On coming to Glasgow in 1841, he entered the concern of Alex. Fletcher & Co., flaxspinners, St. Rollox, and was latterly managing partner of that extensive manufacturing establishment, employing nearly 2000 workpeople; and through his experience there, during 25 years, he acquired that knowledge of the grievances and wants of the working classes which has enabled him to legislate for them since. Mr. Anderson had never taken any part in Municipal affairs, but he had in other ways always done his fair share of public work. The Polytechnic Institution, the Fine Art Exhibitions that preceded the present Institute, the Art Union, the Philosophical Society, the Lock Hospital--of all of these he had been an active promoter or director. In connection with the West of Scotland Angling Club, of which he was a zealous member, he had successfully introduced the grayling into Scotland--an achievement in acclimatisation worthy of being remembered. While President of the Glasgow Skating Club he published a treatise on the art of skating, which is still the most popular manual on the subject, and has, we believe, reached a third edition. In 1859, on the starting of the Volunteer movement, Mr. Anderson took an enthusiastic part, and was among the original officers of the 4th Lanark, with which corps he has continued, being still its senior major; while he has repeatedly advocated, in the House, the claims of the Volunteers to increased assistance as an economical measure for national defence.

His candidature for the City of Glasgow, in 1868, was promoted by the local branch of the Reform League, conjointly with the trade delegates, who held a conference to deliberate on the matter. Previous to that time, our junior member was well known among the _proletariat_ for his well-timed efforts to effect the abolition of the arrestment of wages. In 1852 he started the subject of wages arrestment by a series of letters in the _Reformer's Gazette_, _Daily Mail_, and _Herald_. The subject had long been felt to be a sore grievance and rock of offence among the working classes, and periodical agitations had taken place without leading to any decided action. From the very first Glasgow took the initiative in seeking to modify or get rid altogether of a law which pressed with greater severity on the lower orders than, perhaps, any other enactment that ever found its way into the Statute Books of Scotland. The late Neale Thomson, of Camphill, gave great assistance in that agitation, and a very exhaustive and able pamphlet on the arrestment of wages was published by Mr. Anderson in 1853, which led to the appointment of a Royal Commission; but though the report was entirely favourable to Mr. Anderson's views, nothing came of it, as under the L10 franchise the small shopkeepers were too strong for them, and the work which they had been sanguine of completing in 1854 was left for himself to do alone in 1870. Mr. Anderson wrote frequently on the currency question. His most recent production (published in 1866) was a pamphlet entitled "The Reign of Bullionism"--having previously read a paper on the subject of the Bank Acts to the Social Science Congress at Manchester--in which he advocated a national issue of note currency, and the abrogation of the Bank of England charter, and all other banks' monopoly. His literature was not all, however, of so practical a character; not long before he had edited, jointly with Mr. J. Finlay, a volume containing fifty of the best of the poems written on the centenary of Robert Burns--one of his own, which had been highly commended at the Crystal Palace competition, being among them. The volume is, perhaps, the most fitting tribute to the memory of our national poet that has appeared, and we believe it is now out of print.

In the education question Mr. Anderson had always taken a keen interest. Besides lectures and papers to the Philosophical Society, the Educational Institute, and the Social Science Congress he published two pamphlets pointing out how utterly worthless the half-time education clauses of the Factory Acts had proved, and urging compulsory education, or, in default of that, a _quasi_ compulsion in the form of an educational test, in place of an age test, for youthful labour. He also came prominently before the public on the occasion of an agitation which took place in 1867 in reference to the subject of an education bill for Scotland. It will be remembered that two parties in the city sought to influence the Government of the day for different ends. One party was composed of the religious, while the other represented the unsectarian element, and by both memorials were sent to Parliament urging the claims of Scotland to a more comprehensive system of national education. Mr. Anderson, of course, espoused the cause of the unsectarian party, who went in for compulsory education; and he addressed a meeting in the City Hall, at which several resolutions approving of an unsectarian as opposed to a religious scheme of education were passed by a considerable majority of those present. The Reform Bill of 1868 gave Glasgow a third member, and Mr. Anderson was fixed upon as the most suitable representative of the interests of labour. His candidature, which as we have already indicated, had been invited by the Reform Leaguers and Trades Delegates of the city, was warmly supported by the working classes. A three-cornered constituency, the electors of Glasgow could only vote for two candidates; and as there was a Tory in the field, in the person of Sir George Campbell, it became a rather nice question as to how the three Liberal candidates were to be returned. The Liberal party were equal to the emergency. They agreed to vote for the two lowest candidates on the list throughout the polling, irrespective altogether of personal predilections or sympathies in favour of either. In this way the battle was won in the Liberal interest, and Glasgow vindicated her claim to be esteemed the most Liberal constituency in the kingdom. At the close of the poll, the return was as follows:--

Robert Dalglish, 18,287 W. Graham, 18,062 G. Anderson, 17,803 Sir G. Campbell, Bart., 10,812

Since he entered Parliament, Mr. Anderson has amply justified the choice of his constituents. He stands in the front rank of advanced Liberals, and is in favour of "Reform being carried to its fullest extent, by three-cornerism being abolished, by dispensing with the payment of rates, and by adopting the Ballot." Retired altogether from private business, Mr. Anderson has every facility, apart from his bent and disposition, for taking an active and intelligent part in public affairs, and he has approved himself a most industrious and zealous legislator. No man is closer in his attendance on the House of Commons. During his first session in Parliament he was present at 128 out of 160 divisions; his second year in Parliament, though he was away ill for a month, was marked by a scarcely less scrupulous and regular attention to his duties, for he was present at 171 out of 264 divisions; and in his third session he was present at 262 out of 270.

Mr. Anderson made his maiden speech in Parliament on the 3rd day of March, 1869. The occasion was the second reading of Mr. Fawcett's Election Expenses Bill, which proposed to throw the expenses of elections on the ratepayers. In the course of his address, which was listened to with the utmost attention, Mr. Anderson said--"To the great bulk of those whom he addressed, the payment of L200 or L300 was in all probability a matter of trifling importance; but undoubtedly the necessity for incurring even that expense had a great effect in limiting the field from which constituencies might choose their members; and if the House were anxious to avoid the charge of desiring to keep Parliamentary honours and political power in the possession of one class--namely, the class of very wealthy men--they must legislate in the direction proposed by the hon. member for Brighton (Mr. Fawcett). It should be remembered that in limiting the field from which constituencies might choose their members, the House thereby tended to limit its own intellectual power."

Again, in Committee of Supply on the army estimates, Mr. Anderson addressed the House on the 11th March, 1869; and on the 17th June, 1869, he electrified the "Colonels" of the House by declaring, while speaking of the great expense of the non-effective services and pensions, that "he thought the whole system of pay and pensions in the army was rotten and wrong.... Officers ought to provide for old age out of their incomes, and even if their pay were proportionately increased, the service would gain in efficiency if the change made it less aristocratic, by throwing it open to men without private fortunes, who must live on their pay." Mr. Anderson has persistently, both in season and out of season, kept "pegging away" at the bugbear of Army Reform, and on the 2d August, 1870, he attacked the abuse of sinecure Colonels, and abuses in the higher branches of the army; such as the Colonelcies held by the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Cambridge, the chief military secretary, and others. Mr. Cardwell, in his reply, alleged that these were honorary, but was afterwards obliged to admit that the Prince and the Duke were each paid for one colonelcy, the former L1350, and the latter L2200. He moved large reductions in the salaries of the commander-in-chief and the military secretary, in respect of their holding incomes from colonelcies, and repeated his motion in 1871. Although he was defeated in these motions, the result has been the restriction of the salary of the military secretary by L700 a year, and a prospective reduction of the commander-in-chief's by L450 at next vacancy. But it is hardly to be expected that these reductions will induce Mr. Anderson to desist from further attempts in the same direction. In 1871 he was selected to second Mr. Trevelyan's motion on army reform, and in speaking on that occasion he again attacked the sinecure colonelcies and other abuses in the administration of the army. He systematically opposes all increase of expenditure, particularly on the army, and in 1870, on the outbreak of the Franco-German war, when Government asked a vote of two millions for increased army expenditure, he was one of a minority of seven who opposed it. In the debate on the abolition of purchase, Mr. Anderson denounced the injustice of razing over regulation prices, and thus rewarding men for knowingly breaking the law. He pointed out that it would lead to officers getting not one, but two over regulation prices, and he afterwards supported Mr. Ryland's motion against that payment.

It is, however, to his Wages Arrestment Act and the Citation Amendment (Scotland) Act that Mr. Anderson stands indebted for his prestige and popularity as a legislator. The first of these is the bill which he introduced last session with the object of limiting the arrestment of wages. In Glasgow, and elsewhere throughout Scotland, the provisions of the measure were discussed with a good deal of personal feeling--one party arguing that the security afforded to shopkeepers by the power of arresting wages enabled them to give credit to working men when they could not otherwise venture to do so; while another class contended that extravagance and distress were the results of too easy access to credit. The general impression, however, appears to be that the bill will be productive of the most beneficial results both to the small shopkeepers and to their customers--the two classes most directly interested in its operation.

In reference to the Citation Amendment (Scotland) Act, which has put an end to keyhole citations in small debt cases throughout Scotland, we may remark that Mr. Anderson aimed, in introducing this measure, at the amelioration of the poorer classes, on whom the keyhole system pressed with undue severity. Previous to the passing of the new Act the officer appointed to serve a summons was permitted--if he did not find the defender at home, or could not obtain access to his house--to place the summons in the keyhole, after six knocks at the door, or to affix it to the gate; and whilst many accidents might readily occur to prevent its reaching the hands of the proper party, it was also not unfrequent for some one interested to take it away, and thus a decree in absence was too readily obtained.

In the Trades' Union and Criminal Amendment Bills he attempted several amendments on behalf of the working man, and was successful in some, particularly in excluding the jurisdiction of Justices of Peace from such cases in Scotland, which renders that Act less oppressive in Scotland than it is in England.

We may briefly indicate, in reference to the rest of Mr. Anderson's Parliamentary career, that he has voted in favour of Mr. Mundella's motion against the increase of the Army Estimates. He has supported the bill for the legalizing of marriage with a deceased wife's sister, and voted in favour of the Irish Church and Land Bills. On the 9th May, 1871, he voted in favour of Mr. Miall's proposed resolution for the disestablishment of the Church of England; while as cognate to this subject, we may add, that he has opposed Mr. M'Laren's Annuity Tax (Edinburgh) Bill, as well as the Church Rates (Scotland) Bill; though, in speaking to his constituents in 1871, he claimed to have been the means of bringing about the settlement of the Annuity Tax question.

During the last two sessions he has repeatedly called the attention of the Home Secretary to the prevalence and results of betting advertisements, and urged the need of further legislation. On mercantile subjects Mr. Anderson is considered somewhat of an authority, and in 1869, when the English Bankruptcy Bill came on, his knowledge of the Scotch system, which the English commercial members wished to adopt, was of some use, and enabled him to take a considerable share in the discussion of the clauses, and to carry a number of amendments, though failing in some important ones, he has taken an active part also in amending the Assurance Companies Bill, and in almost every discussion bearing upon the commercial relations of the country. Speaking against Mr. Delahunty's Money Law (Ireland) Bill in the session of 1869, he declared with reference to the proposed abolition of small notes in Ireland, that "if the House came to the conclusion that small notes ought to be abolished in Ireland, a proposal to abolish them also in Scotland would probably follow; and that it was only with the assistance of her small notes that Scotland had maintained her place in commerce and manufactures by the side of so enormously wealthy a country as England." It is worthy of note that Mr. Anderson is a convert to the abolition of the game laws, which until the session of 1870 he had wished to see only amended, not repealed. He is also in favour of the abolition of the laws of entail and hypothec. Mr. Anderson seems to have a thorough detestation of anything like jobbery. He has several times, by judicious questions in the House, succeeded in stopping a job--such, for instance, as the Colonel Shute scandal, and the proposed pension to the Military Secretary--and though he is a general supporter of Mr. Gladstone's Government he never hesitates either to vote or to speak against them when he thinks them wrong; and as no Government can see any merit in merely supporting them when they are right, he is naturally no great favourite in high quarters.

Mr. Anderson voted against any grant to Prince Arthur, and explained that he "thought it unfair that savings by the abolition of old offices on the civil list should go to the Crown, while the burden of establishing new princes was to be thrown on the people." He has also voted in a minority of four in favour of Sir Charles Dilke's motion for enquiring into the expenditure, under the various classes prescribed by the Civil List Act, declining to accept the general opinion that the vote was a Republican vote, merely because Sir C. Dilke moved it, and as a protest against the Government for refusing the information, and the Opposition Benches for endeavouring to howl down the motion.

Mr. Anderson's speeches are always short, unadorned, and practical. He has endeavoured, by moving a resolution, to reduce the inordinate length of the speeches in the House as the only way of saving time to get through the yearly increasing work of legislation, and he has proposed some other resolutions for facilitating the business of the House.

SIR JAMES CAMPBELL.

Glasgow cannot lay claim to a hereditary aristocracy. She has, however, what is infinitely better for the purposes of commercial, political, and social progress--an aristocracy of energy, talent, and moral worth. There are very few of her merchants and manufacturers who have not been the architects of their own fortune. The pioneers of her industrial prosperity do not build their aspirations and hopes upon a few broad acres, or a pedigree stretching backwards to the time of William the Conqueror. These maybe fine things in their way, and, like an antique jewel, they may serve very well to wear on special occasions, or to treasure as an antiquary would do some rare coin or "auld nick-nacket." But the magnates of Glasgow have a juster and more legitimate cause for pride; their ambition is of a less ornamental, but far more useful kind. The Youngs, the Napiers, the Elders, the Campbells, and the Bairds are, after all, your true and permanent nobility. All that is not the direct result of merit and industry can only induce vanity and vexation of spirit. It is no uncommon thing to hear men who have been pitchforked into an affluent position--whose progenitors may have taken part in the "forty-five"--to go no further back--look with disdain upon the pretensions of those who have, within the short span of a single lifetime, realised a colossal fortune. But Catullus has truly said that there's "nothing so foolish as the laugh of fools," and many men still require to be taught that--

"Honour and fame from no condition rise,"

although the fact is every day patent to the most casual observation.

Sir James Campbell belongs to a family who have secured a right to a permanent place in the annals of the West of Scotland. In commerce, in politics, in matters ecclesiastical, they have been alike conspicuous. Born at the Port of Menteith, in Perthshire, Sir James is one of three brothers who went forth into the world and distinguished themselves, not less by their success as merchants, than by the honour and integrity of all their transactions. The father of the family was a farmer, who occupied the small farm of Inchanoch, in Menteith--as his ancestors for three generations before him had done--the produce accruing from which was scarcely sufficient to provide in an adequate degree for the maintenance of a numerous family. While his sons were yet young, he removed with his family to Glasgow, which was even then considered an inviting field for all who possessed energy, industry, and ability to work. Here James became connected in partnership with a tailor named Paterson, the father, we believe, of a well-known tradesman now in Glasgow. For some years they carried on business together in Brunswick Street, but fortune frowned upon their efforts, and the firm was dissolved. Subsequently James entered into partnership with his brother William, who had been engaged for some years in a small drapery shop in High Street, and the brothers established themselves in business in the Saltmarket. Their business was at this time in a very humble way--their operations being confined for the most part to supplying basket-women and hawkers with cotton goods, such as handkerchiefs and pinafores. By dint of unwearied energy and attention to business the brothers were enabled, in course of time, to extend their ramifications so far as to build a large warehouse in Candleriggs, which they continued to occupy for many years, and in which they conducted an extensive wholesale business as well as retail. The eldest brother, John, who had been for some years in America, had charge of the retail department of the concern. There are several features of the business as carried on at this time that deserve to be noticed. In the first place, they were the first to set their face against the objectionable system of "prigging," which up to that time had prevailed to a greater or less extent in every description of retail business. Their goods were all ticketed with a certain figure, the lowest that they could possibly be sold at so as to leave a fair margin of profit, and from this price nothing would induce them to make any abatement. Adopting the Horatian maxim, they "kept one consistent plan from end to end." The result was that goods which in another establishment would be quoted at 2s 6d or 2s 8d, were sold by Messrs. Campbell for 1s 6d or 1s 9d, being less than they could generally be obtained for elsewhere, even after a customer had spent his ingenuity and breath in half-an-hour's "prigging." The advantages to be obtained at Messrs. Campbell's establishment soon became known, and although it required a great effort to induce thrifty housewives to desist from attempting to cheapen and "prig" down their goods, Messrs. Campbell ultimately succeeded in putting a stop to the practice, so far at least as their own establishment was concerned. Since then, their example has been followed by all the other respectable drapers and warehousemen throughout the city, so that a child of tender years can now be entrusted to make a purchase without the slightest risk of being overcharged or imposed upon. In connection with their warehouse in Candleriggs, the firm for many years carried on warping mills in the upper flats, being thus manufacturers as well as merchants. Before leaving Candleriggs, however, and entering upon their present extensive premises in Ingram Street, which they opened in 1856, they had abandoned the manufacturing department of their business, and confined themselves exclusively to buying and selling. Such were the beginnings of a concern which, at the present day, is surpassed by none, and equalled by few in the city of Glasgow, and such were the circumstances under which the two brothers laid the foundations of a reputation for sterling integrity and worth, which has given their family a leading place in the West of Scotland. It may be mentioned that in 1842 they opened an additional retail warehouse in Buchanan Street, under the firm of Campbell & Co.--a business afterwards disposed of to Neilson, Shaw, & M'Gregor; and that the retail business in Candleriggs Street was disposed of to Donald & Sellar.

With reference to Sir James's public career a great deal might be written, and yet the gist of it might be comprised in a few sentences. Both he and his brother William, so well known as Mr. Campbell of Tillichewan, were for a long time members of the Town Council, and Sir James occupied for the statutory period of three years--from 1840 to 1843--the position of Lord Provost. It was while Sir James filled the civic chair that the heir apparent to the Throne was born, and to mark the occurrence of such an important event, as well as in recognition of the active part which he took in connection with the festivities and demonstrations that happened in Glasgow to celebrate the same, he received from her Majesty the honour of knighthood. In 1837, he had come forward as a candidate for the representation of the city, conjointly with Mr. Monteith of Carstairs; but as he stood in the Conservative interest, and as Glasgow, even at that distance of time, was a Radical constituency, he was, despite his great local influence, defeated by a considerable majority. His opponents on this occasion were Lord William Bentinck, Mr. John Dennistoun, and Mr. Robert Monteith; and after a hard struggle the election terminated with the following result:--

Lord William Bentinck, 2767 John Dennistoun, 2743 Robert Monteith, 2121 James Campbell, 2090

Again in 1841, while Lord Provost, he was an unsuccessful candidate for the representation of the city, the poll terminating as follows:--

James Oswald, 2776 John Dennistoun, 2728 James Campbell, 2416 George Mills, 355

In every movement having for its object the promotion of the interests and well-being of Glasgow, Sir James has taken an active and useful part. Politically, his support and influence have had an important bearing upon the fortunes of the Conservative party in the West of Scotland; and to the Established Church, of which he has all along been a steadfast and warm adherent, he has contributed unwearied service.

On the 14th January, 1868, Sir James was entertained at a banquet in the Corporation Galleries in recognition of his private worth and his public services as a citizen of Glasgow. The banquet was so far official that the Lord Provost occupied the chair, and he was supported by most of the leading men of Glasgow. In proposing the health of Sir James, the Lord Provost (Sir James Lumsden) declared that he had "for many years taken an active part, and still takes a deep interest in all municipal affairs;" and added, "he is well known as a warm and attached friend, a judicious counsellor, ever ready not only to lend his name and open his purse in the furtherance of all measures leading to the improvement of his fellow-citizens, but by taking such an active part in their management as shows his earnestness in accomplishing whatever he takes in hand." In the course of his speech, the Lord Provost also mentioned the interesting fact that, entering the Council in 1831, Sir James was one of the four surviving members of that body who presided over municipal affairs prior to the passing of the Borough Reform Bill--Mr. William Smith, Mr. William Brown, and Mr. Thomas Douglas being the other three.