Chapter VII: The Government and the Priests (2)

[99] "In his declaration, November 8th, however," writes Father Gerard (p. 91, note 1), "he gives as a reason for going abroad, 'lest, being a dangerous man, he should be known and suspected.'" I see no discrepancy between the two statements. Having been long abroad, Fawkes's face would not be known to the ordinary Londoner as that of a Recusant, and he was therefore better qualified to act as a watchman than others who were so known. On the other hand, when there was no need for anybody to watch at all, somebody who had known him in Flanders might notify the Government of his appearance in England, and thereby raise suspicions against him. Besides, there were other reasons for his going over which Fawkes did not think fit to bring to the notice of the Government.

[100] Began October 9, ended November 28.

[101] Marginal note: "This was about a month before Michaelmas."

[102] The Duke of York, afterwards Charles I.

[103] Some such words as 'we resolved' are probably omitted here.

[104] In MS. 'taken it before.'

[105] Interlined in the King's hand 'which was about four thousand pounds.'

[106] Altered in the King's hand to 'to the number of ten,' with a marginal note 'unclear phrase,' in the same hand.

[107] Prince Henry.

[108] Perhaps the Prince was with his mother at Greenwich.

[109] Oct. 27.

[110] Oct. 31.

[111] Nov. 1.

[112] Nov. 2.

[113] Nov. 3.

[114] Nov. 4.

[115] 5 A.M. on Nov. 5.

[116] Nov. 6.

[117] Nov. 7.

[118] Nov. 8.

[119] The attestation in brackets is in Salisbury's hand.

[120] _Gerard_, p. 182.

[121] _I.e._, Thomas Winter.

[122] Mrs. Everett Green's abstract of this, to the effect that Fawkes said that the conspiracy 'was confined to five persons at first, then to two, and afterwards five more were added,' has no foundation in the document she had before her.

[123] _G. P. B._ No. 49.

[124] _G. P. B._ No. 37.

[125] _G. P. B._ No. 133.

[126] The name 'Key' or 'Keyes' occurs in both of them without his Christian name.

[127] _Proclamation Book, R.O._

[128] _G. P. B._ No. 129.

[129] 'The Discourse of the Powder Treason,' published in Bishop Montague's _Works of James I._, p. 233, only forms part of the original so-called 'King's Book,' which was published anonymously in 1605 (_i.e._, before March 25, 1606) under the title of _His Majesty's Speech in this last Session of Parliament ... together with a Discourse of the Manner of the Discovery of this late Intended Treason, joined with the Examination of Some of the Prisoners_.--Brit. Mus., Press Mark E. 1940, No. 10. In the Preface directed by the Printer to the Reader, the Printer states that he was about to commit the Speech to the press when there came into his hands 'a discourse of this late intended most abominable treason,' which he has added. The King's speech was delivered on November 9, and, if it was to be published, it is not likely to have been long kept back. The discourse consists of four parts--1. An account of the discovery of the plot, and arrest of Fawkes. 2. Fawkes's declaration of the 17th. 3. Winter's confession of the 23rd. 4. An account of the flight and capture of the conspirators. The whole composition shows signs of an early date. Part 1 knows nothing of any names except those of Percy and Johnson _alias_ Fawkes, and was probably, therefore, drawn up before the confession of the 9th. At the end it slips off from a statement that Fawkes, having been 'twice or thrice examined when the rack having been only offered and showed unto him, the mask of his Roman fortitude did visibly begin to wear and slide off his face, and then did he begin to confess part of the truth,' into 'and thereafter to open up the whole matter as doth appear by his depositions immediately following.' Then comes the declaration of November 17, with Winter amongst the diggers and Keyes amongst those afterwards made privy. Between Parts 2 and 3 we have the following statement: "And in regard that before this discovery could be ready to go to the press, Thomas Winter, being apprehended and brought to the Tower, made a confession in substance agreeing with this former of Fawkes's, only larger in some circumstances. I have thought good to insert the same likewise in this place, for the further clearing of the matter and greater benefit of the reader." May we not gather from this that the 'discourse' was finally made up for the press on or very soon after the 23rd? Winter, it may be noted, does not mention the name either of his brother or of Keyes.

[130] _Gerard_, App. E., p. 251.

[131] This note is on too small a scale to be reproduced in the frontispiece.

[132] This name is given at a later time to the 'Passage leading to the Parliament Stairs' of Capon's plan, and I have, for convenience sake, referred to it throughout by that name.

[133] See p. 22.

[134] _Gerard_, p. 62.

[135] _Gerard_, pp. 141, 142.

[136] I suppose Thomas Barlow is meant. William Barlow, who was Bishop of Lincoln in the reign of James I., did not write about the plot.

[137] Speed's _History_, ed. 1611, p. 891.

[138] March 24th, 1604.

[139] Copy of the Agreement, _G. P. B._, No. 1.

[140] Pat. 44 Eliz., Part 22.

[141] _Gerard_, p. 60, note 1.

[142] _Smith's Antiquities of Westminster_, p. 39. The question of the number of doors in the cellar will be dealt with hereafter.

[143] _Gerard_, p. 67.

[144] _Gerard_, p. 65.

[145] P. 56.

[146] Pat. 4 Edw. _VI._, Part 9.

[147] Pat. 6 Edw. _VI._, Part 5.

[148] Pat. 30 Eliz., Part 10.

[149] Parliament Place.

[150] Assignment, July 17, 42 Eliz., _Land Revenue Records Office_, Inrolments v. fol. 104. I have been unable to trac Whynniard's tenure of the house I have assigned to him. It was within the Old Palace, and was probably the official residence of its keeper. Whynniard was appointed Keeper of the Old Palace in 1602. Pat. 44 Eliz., Part 22.

[151] See plan at p. 81. Was this the baker in whose house Catesby tried in vain to secure a room?--'Bates's Confession, Dec. 4, 1605'; _G. P. B._ No. 145.

[152] Whynniard was Keeper of the Wardrobe at Hampton Court, which would account for his servant being concerned in the Queen's removal.

[153] Otherwise Parliament Stairs.

[154] I suspect that this was what was afterwards known as Cotton Garden. I have been unable to trace the date at which it was conveyed to Sir Robert Cotton.

[155] _G. P. B._ No. 40.

[156] See p. 63.

[157] See p. 90.

[158] This we know from Capon's pencilled notes to the sketch in the frontispiece.

[159] The late Chairman of the Works Department of the London County Council; than whom no man is better qualified to speak on such matters.

[160] There are indeed old walls marked in Capon's plan beneath the ground, but we do not know of what substance they were composed or how near the surface they came.

[161] Speed, no doubt, rested this assertion on Winter's evidence that 'we underpropped it, as we went, with wood.' (See p. 64.)

[162] _Gerard_, pp. 66, 67.

[163] See the remarks of the Edinburgh Reviewer on the ease with which Baron Trenck executed a far harder piece of work without being discovered for a considerable time.

[164] Used as such, Father Gerard notes, till the Union with Ireland in 1800.

[165] This was true of the general line of the bank, but, as will be seen at pp. 81, 83, there was a kind of dock which brought the water within about thirty yards of the house.

[166] _Gerard_, pp. 59, 60.

[167] _G. P. B._ No. 129.

[168] This is clearly a slip. The cellar was not under the house hired by Percy.

[169] For its possible situation see p. 91; or it may have been erected in the courtyard shown in the plans at pp. 82, 83.

[170] See pp. 34, 65. The difficulty of measuring the thickness of the wall was not so great as Father Gerard fancies. In 1678 Sir Christopher Wren reported that 'the walls are seven feet thick below' (_Hist. MSS._ Com. Report XI. App. ii. p. 17). As he did not dig below the surface this must mean that they were seven feet thick at the level of the floor of the so-called cellar, and this measurement must have been known to the conspirators after they had access to it. I am informed that in the case of a heavy wall, especially when it is built on light soil, as was the case here, the foundations are always constructed to be broader than the wall itself. The diggers, observing the angle of the face they attacked, might roughly calculate that a foot on each side might be added, thus reaching the nine feet.

[171] Father Gerard (p. 64, note 2) writes: "There is, as usual, hopeless confusion between the two witnesses upon whom, as will be seen, we wholly depend for this portion of the story. Fawkes (November 17, 1605) makes the mining operations terminate at Candlemas, and Winter (November 23) says that they went on to 'near Easter' (March 31). The date of the hiring the 'cellar' was about Lady Day (March 25)." I can see no contradiction. The resumption of work for a third time in March was, from Winter's mode of referring to it, evidently for a very short time. "And," he says, "near to Easter, as we wrought the third time, opportunity was given to hire the cellar." Fawkes, though less clear and full, implicitly says much the same thing. He says that 'about Candlemas we had wrought the wall half through,' and then goes on to describe how he stood sentinel, &c. Then at the beginning of another paragraph we have "As they were working upon the wall they heard a rushing in a cellar, &c." Fawkes gives no dates, but he says nothing to contradict the third working spoken of by Winter.

[172] _Gerard_, pp. 65, 66.

[173] _Goodman_, i. 104.

[174] _G. P. B._ No. 40. Father Gerard (p. 142) says that we learn on the unimpeachable testimony of Mrs. Whynniard, the landlady, that Fawkes not only paid the last instalment of rent on Sunday, November 3, but on the following day, the day immediately preceding the intended explosion, had carpenters and other work folk in the house for mending and repairing thereof (_G. P. B._ No. 39). "To say nothing of the wonderful honesty of paying rent under the circumstances, what was the sense of putting a house in repair upon Monday, which on Tuesday was to be blown to atoms?" The rent having fallen due at Michaelmas, is it not probable that it was paid in November to avoid legal proceedings, which might at least have drawn attention to the occupier of the house. As to the rest, the 'unimpeachable testimony' is that--not of Mrs. Whynniard, but of Roger James (_G. P. B._ No. 40), who says that the carpenter came in about Midsummer, not on November 4.

[175] _Gerard_, p. 69.

[176] _G. P. B._ No. 101.

[177] See p. 108.

[178] _G. P. B._ No. 39.

[179] _Gerard_, p. 87.

[180] Here is another 'discrepancy,' which Father Gerard has not noticed. As the 'cellar' was not taken till a little before Easter, Percy could not make a door into it about the middle of Lent. My solution is, that in his second examination, on November 6th, Fawkes was trying to conceal the existence of the mine, in order that he might not betray the miners, and therefore antedated the making of the door. See p. 25.

[181] _Gerard_, p. 88.

[182] _Gerard_, p. 89.

[183] _Gerard_, p. 74.

[184] See p. 66.

[185] See the table in _State Papers relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada_, ed. by Prof. Laughton for the Navy Records Society, i. 339.

[186] _Edinburgh Review_, January 1897, p. 200.

[187] _Gerard_, p. 148.

[188] We know that Percy visited the house at Westminster at Midsummer. See p. 104.

[189] Grange to Salisbury, Nov. 5.--_G. P. B._ No. 15.

[190] Justices of Warwickshire to Salisbury, Nov. 12.--_Ib._ No. 75.

[191] _Goodman_, i. 102.

[192] _Gerard_, p. 151.

[193] _Goodman_, i. 105.

[194] _Gerard_, p. 152.

[195] Warrant, Feb. 8; Commission, Feb. 21; Pass, Oct. 25, 1605.--_S. P. Dom._, xii. 65; Docquet Book, 1605; _S. P. Dom._, xv. 106.

[196] To the theory that Salisbury wanted inconvenient witnesses disposed of, because the man who shot Percy and Catesby got a pension of two shillings a day, I reply that the Government was more afraid of a rebellion than of testimony. At all events, 2_s._ at that time was certainly not worth 1_l._ now, as Father Gerard assumes here, and in other passages of his book. It is usual to estimate the value of money as being about four or five times as much as it is in the present day. The relative price, however, depended so much on the commodities purchased that I hesitate to express myself positively on the subject. The only thing that I am quite clear about is that Father Gerard's estimate is greatly exaggerated. It is true that he grounds his errors on a statement by Dr. Jessopp that 4,000 marks was equivalent to 30,000_l._, but the very exaggeration of these figures should have led him to suspect some error, or, at least--as I have recently been informed by Dr. Jessopp was the fact--that his calculation was based on other grounds than the relative price of commodities.

[197] Father Greenway's statement, that while the rebels were in the field, messengers came post haste continually one after the other, from the capital, all bearing proclamations mentioning Percy by name (_Gerard_, p. 155) is disposed of by the fact that there were only three proclamations in which Percy's name was mentioned, dated the 5th, the 7th, and the 8th. Percy was killed on the morning of the 8th, and even the messenger who started on the 7th can hardly have known that the sheriff had gone to Holbeche, and consequently could not himself have reached that place while Percy was living.

[198] See p. 11.

[199] T. Winter's examination, November 25 (_G. P. B._ No. 116). Compare Tresham's declaration of November 13 (_ib._ No. 63).

[200] Jardine's _Gunpowder Plot_, p. 91.

[201] _Add. MSS._ 11,402, fol. 109.

[202] Smith's _Antiquities of Westminster_, p. 41.

[203] See p. 31.

[204] On this, see p. 110.

[205] _Gerard_, p. 126, note 1.

[206] In an earlier part of the letter we are told of 'Johnson,' that 'on Tuesday at midnight, as he was busy to prepare his things for execution was apprehended in the place itself, with a false lantern, booted and spurred.'

[207] _S. P. France._

[208] See p. 31. I give the extract in the form received by Edmondes, that printed in _Winwood_, ii. 170, received by Cornwallis, being slightly different.

[209] _i.e._ 'owned.'

[210] _Gerard_, p. 127.

[211] _Winwood_, ii. 170.

[212] Chamberlain to Carleton, November 7.--_S. P. Dom._ xvi. 23.

[213] See p. 99.

[214] _G. P. B._ No. 129.

[215] _Winwood_, ii. 170.

[216] These words look as if he had been found not in the passage but in the court.

[217] He was a favourite dependent of Knyvet's, who, on April 10, 1604, had recommended him for an office in the Tower.--_S. P. Dom._ vii. 18.

[218] See my _History of England_, 1603-1642, i. 80, 81.

[219] _I.e._ Guardians.

[220] _Correspondence of King James VI. with Sir Robert Cecil_, pp. 31, 33, 36.

[221] _Correspondence of King James VI. with Sir Robert Cecil_, p. 75.

[222] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, June 16/26.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[223] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, July 21/31.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[224] See p. 142.

[225] _Hist. of England_, 1603-1642, i. 81.

[226] S. P. Scotland, lxix. 20.

[227] James I. to Sir T. Parry, Nov., 1603.--Tierney's _Dodd_, iv.; App. p. 66.

[228] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, June 30/July 10 (_Roman Transcripts, R.O._). There is a plain-spoken marginal note in the Pope's hand, 'Non sara vero, ne noi gli habbiamo dato quest' ordine.' In the instructions by the Nuncio at Brussels to Dr. Gifford, July 22/August 1 (Tierney's _Dodd_, iv.; App. lxvi.), nothing is said about this mission, but a definite promise is given 'eosque omnes e regno evocare quos sua Majestas rationabiliter judicaverit regno et statui suo noxios fore.'

[229] 'Salute.' Does this mean safety or salvation, or is it left doubtful?

[230] _I.e._ to James and to Henry IV. Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, July 11/21.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[231] Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, July 20/30.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[232] Barneby to Del Bufalo, Aug. 8/18.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._ (The original is in Latin.)

[233] Afterwards Duke of Sully.

[234] Parry to Cecil, Aug. 20, 1603.--_S. P. France._

[235] See p. 151, note 2.

[236] Del Bufalo to James I. Sept. 19/29; _compare_ Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, Sept. 21/Oct. 1.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[237] We have two copies of James's letter to Parry translated into Latin, but undated (_S. P. France._) Cecil's covering letter (_ib._) is in draft and dated Nov. 6. It must, however, have been held back, as both Parry's and Del Bufalo's despatches show that it did not reach Paris till early in December.

[238] Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, December 4/14.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[239] January 11/21.

[240] Information given to Del Bufalo.

[241] He wrote on the margin of Del Bufalo's letter: "Quanto alla facolta di chiamare sotto pena di scomunica i torbolenti, non ci par da darla per adesso, perche trattiamo con heretici, e corriamo pericolo di perdere i sicuri, si come non ci par che il Nuntio debba premere nella cosa di mandar noi personaggio, perche dubitiamo che essendo tanta gelosia tra Francia e Spagna non intrassimo in grandissima difficolta. E meglio aspettare la conclusione della Pace secondo noi, perche non sapiamo che chi mandassimo fosse per usar la prudentia necessaria."

[242] He told the Spanish Ambassador, 'che quelli del Consiglio gli havevano fatto tanta forza che no haveva potuto far altro, ma che no si sarebbe eseguito con rigore alcuno.' (Del Bufalo to Aldobrandino, March 27/April 6.)--_Roman Transcripts, R. O._

[243] Precisely the course he had recommended in his letter written to Cecil whilst he was still in Scotland, see p. 144.

[244] See p. 33.

[245] A news-letter gives an account of the Council meeting, from which it appears that James began by haranguing against the Puritans, but Cranborne--Cecil was now known by this title--and others asked why the Catholics were not put on the same footing, on which the King got angry, and finally directed that the Catholics should also suffer. (Advices from London, Feb. 19/March 1).--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[246] In those days liberty of conscience meant what we should call liberty of worship.

[247] Lindsay at last got off to Rome in November 1604. On his proceedings there see _History of England_, 1603-1642, i. 224.

[248] In the MS. 'et non haverebbe.' Mr. Rawdon Brown, amongst whose papers, now in the Record Office, this despatch is found, remarks that mistakes of this kind frequently occur in letters first ciphered and then deciphered.

[249] In the margin is 'Questo poi e troppo,' perhaps an addition by the ambassador, or even by Mr. Rawdon Brown.

[250] 'Religione' is suggested by Mr. Rawdon Brown for the 'ragione' of the decipherer.

[251] In the copy 'non si puo far di meno di non observar le leggi,' the 'non' being incorrectly repeated.

[252] "Non predicando li preti nessuna cosa piu constantemente di questa che il buon Cattolico bisogna che habbia questa ferma rissolutione in se medesimo di esser per conservar la Religione pronto a solevarsi etiam contra la vita e stato del suo Principe naturale."

[253] Molin to the Doge, March 7/17, 1605, _Venetian Transcripts, R.O._

[254] Lindsay to James I. Jan. 26/Feb. 5, 1605, _S. P. Italian States_.

[255] Compare the last passage quoted from Molin's despatch, p. 161.

[256] This is, however, precisely what James had failed to induce the Pope to do.

[257] Father Gerard asks what 'our offence' was. It was clearly nothing personal to the writer, and I am strongly inclined to interpret the words as referring to Lindsay's proceedings at Rome, of which so much had been made.

[258] Sir Everard Digby to Salisbury (_S. P. Dom._ xvii. 10.) As Father Gerard says, the date cannot be earlier than May 4, 1605, when the Earldom was conferred on Cranborne.

[259] Father Gerard gives the date of Davies's pardon from the Pardon Roll as April 25, 1605. It should be April 23, 1604.

[260] _Gerard_, 94, 95, 254. Father Gerard ascribes this application to 'a later date' than March 1606. It was, in fact a good deal later, as the endorsement 'Mr. Secretary Conway' shows that it was not earlier than 1623. The further endorsement 'touching Wright and his services performed in the damnable plot of the Powder Treason,' proves nothing. What did Conway's clerk know beyond the contents of the application itself?

[261] Father Gerard (p. 98) tells us of one Thomas Coe, who wrote on Dec. 20, 1605, telling him that he had forwarded to the King 'the primary intelligence of these late treasons.' If this claim was justified, why do we not find Coe's name, either amongst the State Papers or on the Patent Rolls, as recipient of some favour from the Crown? A still more indefensible argument of Father Gerard's is one in which a letter written to Sir Everard Digby about an otter hunt is held (p. 103) to show the existence of Government espionage, because though written before Digby was acquainted with the plot it is endorsed, 'Letter written to Sir Everard Digby--Powder Treason.' Any letter in Digby's possession would be likely to be endorsed in this way whatever its contents might have been.

[262] _Gerard_, pp. 95, 96.

[263] _Gerard_, p. 106.

[264] Salisbury to Edmondes, Oct. 17, 1605.--_Stowe MSS._ 168, fol. 181.

[265] See _History of England_, 1603-1642, i. 238, 243.

[266] Garnet's Declaration, March 9, 1606.--_Hist. Rev._ July, 1888, p. 513.

[267] Father Gerard gives a facsimile, p. 199.

[268] _Harl. MSS._ 360, fol. 112 b.

[269] See p. 128.

[270] As in the case of the merchant who refused to pay the imposition on currants, 'Bate' and 'Bates' were considered interchangeable.

[271] _G. P. B._, No. 145. The words in italics are added in a different hand. Dunbar's name does not occur in the list of Commissioners at p. 24.

[272] See p. 41.

[273] _Gerard_, p. 179. I do not think his argument on this point conclusive, but obviously it would be useless to forge a document unless it was to be used in evidence.

[274] _Harl. MSS._ 360, fol. 96.

[275] _Gerard_, p. 170.

[276] Salisbury's Minute to Favat, Dec. 4, 1605.--_Add. MSS._ 6178, fol. 98.

[277] _Gerard_, p. 181.

[278] An _alias_ for Garnet.

[279] Salisbury to Edmondes, March 8, 1606.--_Stowe MSS._ 168, fol. 366.

[280] _Harl. MSS._ 360, fol. 117.

[281] _Ib._ fol. 113.

[282] _Add. MSS._ 21203, fol. 38 b.

[283] _A true and perfect relation._ Sig. G., 2, _verso_.

[284] _Ib._, Sig. K., 3.

[285] Morris's _Condition of Catholics_, 210. A Latin translation of part of the letter was printed in 1610, by Eudaemon Joannes, _Ad actionem proditoriam, &c._, p. 6.

[286] _G. P. B._, No. 166.

[287] See the express words ascribed to Bates at p. 180.

[288] See p. 190.

[289] Sir E. Digby's Papers, No. 9, published at the end of Bishop Barlow's reprint of _The Gunpowder Treason_.

[290] The Saturday or Sunday after the octave of Corpus Christi, _i.e._, June 8 or 9, old style, which seems to have been used, as the same day is described as being about the beginning of Trinity Term, which began on May 31.

[291] Garnet's Declaration, March 9.--_Hist. Rev._, July 1888 pp. 510-517.

[292] The letter is printed in Tierney's _Dodd_, iv. App. cix., where there is an argument in a note to show that the part from which I am about to quote came from a later letter. For my purpose the date is immaterial.

[293] Garnet's Declaration, March 9.--_Hist. Rev._, July 1888, pp. 510-517.

[294] Garnet's Declaration, March 10. _Hist. Rev._, July 1888, p. 517.

[295] The author of Sir Everard Digby's life writes:--"I fully admit that if Father Garnet was weak, his weakness was owing to an excess of kindheartedness and a loyalty to his friends that bordered on extravagance." (_The Life of a Conspirator_, by 'One of his Descendants,' p. 134.) It will be noticed that I am inclined to go further than this.

[296] In addition to what has been already said, a letter from the Nuncio at Brussels to Dr. Gifford, written on July 22/Aug. 1, 1604, may be quoted. He says that the Pope 'paratissimum esse ea omnia pro sua in Catholicos authoritate facere quae Serenissimae suae Majestati securitatem suae personae, et status procurare possunt, eosque omnes e regno evocare quos sua Majestas rationabiliter judicaverit regno et statui [MS. statuti] suo noxios fore.'--_Tierney's Dodd_, App. No. 5.

INDEX

Aldobrandino, Cardinal, report by the Nuncio at Paris to, 151

Bancroft, Archbishop, informs Salisbury that Percy had ridden towards
Croydon, 23

Banishment of the priests, 160

Barlow, Bishop, mistaken reference to a book of, 84

Barneby, reports to the Nuncio at Paris, 153

Bartlet, George, said to have stated that Catesby visited Salisbury
House, 11

Bates, Thomas, arrest of, 47;
examination of, 179;
value of the evidence of, 182-189;
charge brought against Greenway by, 189

Baynham, Sir Edmund, mission of, 195

Brewer, Mr. H. W., author of a conjectural view of the neighbourhood
of the old House of Lords, 93

Brick, softer in 1605 than at present, 97

Bright, Mrs., evidence of, 28.
_See_ Skinner, Mrs.

Buck, Master, alleged statement by, 7

Bufalo, del, _see_ Nuncio in Paris

Capon, William, mistakes the position of Percy's house, 77;
worthlessness of the evidence of, 107

Catesby, Robert, said to visit Salisbury, 11;
cannot have given information, 121;
informs Greenway of the plot, 177;
his relations with Garnet, 192

Cecil, Sir Robert, corresponds with James on toleration, 143-148;
forwards James's reply to the Nuncio's overtures, 156;
has no motive for inventing Gunpowder Plot, 160.
_See_ Cranborne, Viscount, and Salisbury, Earl of

Cellar, the, Fawkes antedates the hiring of, 18, 20;
new door made into, 25;
evidence on the lease of, 28;
supposed bargain between Ferrers and Percy for, 30;
Fawkes's account of the hiring of, 34;
Winter's account of the hiring of, 65;
partly let to Mrs. Skinner, 100, 101;
leased to Percy, 105;
the miners said to be ignorant of the position of, 105;
Capon's evidence on the details of, 107;
new door into, _ib._;
entrances into, 110;
alleged public access to, 111;
Knyvet's visit to, 129;
Suffolk's search in, 131

Clement VIII., Pope, writes to James, 150;
annotates a report from the Nuncio at Paris, 151, 152;
rejects James's proposals, 158;
his conduct towards James, 167;
Lindsay's report on the proceedings of, 168

Cobham, Lord, reports a saying of James I., 8

Coe, Thomas, as informer, 175, _note_ 1

Coke, Attorney-General, conducts the first examination of Fawkes, 17;
attends the commissioners for the examination of the plot, 25;
his fishing inquiry, 40;
omits a passage in Fawkes's confession, and brings a false charge
against Gerard, 178

Cornwallis, Salisbury's letter to, 31

Cranborne, Viscount, his conversation with the Venetian ambassador,
162-166.
_See_ Cecil, Sir Robert, and Salisbury, Earl of

Davies, an informer, 173

Devonshire, Earl of, a commissioner to examine the plot, 24

Digby, Sir Edward, misstatement about the knighting of the sons of, 10;
arrest of, 47;
writes to Salisbury, 169;
receives a letter about an otter hunt, 175, _note_ 1;
his evidence against Garnet, 192

Digby, Sir Kenelm, alleged statement by, 10

Doubleday, Edmond, secures Fawkes, 135-137

Dunchurch, hunting-match at, 30

_Edinburgh Reviewer_, the, negative criticism of, 3;
his summary of the story of the plot, 14

Edmondes, Salisbury's letter to, 31

Favat, Salisbury's letter to, 183, 184

Fawkes, Guy, first examination of, 17;
assumes the name of Johnson, 18;
shields his companions by false statements, 19;
alleged alteration of the examination of, 20;
confesses the whole of the design, 21;
second examination of, 25;
third examination of, 26;
fourth examination of, 30;
threatened with torture, 32;
fifth examination of, 33;
relation of the fifth examination of, with that of Nov. 17, 37;
his declaration under torture, 43;
gives the names of the plotters, 44;
examined on the hints given to noblemen to absent themselves from
Parliament, 48;
a watch bought for, 49;
doubts as to the genuineness of his full account of the plot
examined, 50-54;
capable of directing mining operations, 78;
ascertains that the cellar is to be let, 109;
alleged discrepancies in the accounts of the seizure of, 127;
arrest of, 132-136

Ferrers, or Ferris, Henry, gives up his house to Percy, 29;
agreement for the lease by, 89

Fulman's Collection, notes on the plot preserved in, 9

Garnet, Henry, receives information of the plot from Greenway, 177;
Digby's evidence against, 192;
his knowledge of the plot, 193-199

Gerard, John (Jesuit in the 17th century), not to be trusted when in
ignorance of the facts, 7;
said to have given the sacrament to the conspirators, 44;
probably ignorant of the plot, 177;
false charge brought by Coke against, 178

Gibbons, Mrs., has charge of the house, 28

Goodman, Bishop, thinks Salisbury contrived the plot, 7

Grant, John, his name erroneously given as digging the mine, 73

Greenway (_alias_ for Oswald Tesimond), informs Garnet of the plot, 177;
said to have been informed of the plot by Bates, 180;
discussion on Bates's evidence against, 183-192;
his relations with Garnet, 195-198

Grene, Father, reports a saying of Usher's, 8

Gunpowder stored by the plotters, exaggerations about the amount of, 112;
disposal of, 113

Holbeche House, capture or death of the plotters at, 46

House hired by Percy, the, Fawkes's statement about, 18;
in charge of Mrs. Gibbons, 28;
evidence on the lease of, 29;
situation of, 77-91;
alleged smallness of, 91;
alleged populousness of the neighbourhood of, 92;
position of the garden belonging to, 96;
powder brought to, 102;
a carpenter admitted to, 104

House of Lords, the old, description of, 100

James, Roger, evidence of, 91

James I. said to have called November 5 Cecil's holiday, 8;
orders the use of torture, 26;
said to have interpreted the Monteagle letter by inspiration, 114,
125, 126;
his relations with the Catholics, 141-142;
refuses to sign a letter to the Pope, 143;
corresponds with Cecil on toleration, _ib._;
letter falsely attributed to, 150;
interruption of Lindsay's mission from, 151;
receives overtures from the Nuncio at Brussels, 151;
his position towards the recusants, 153;
is assured of the Pope's desire to keep the Catholics in obedience,
154;
banishes the priests, 160

Keyes, Robert, inquiry into the movements of, 24;
arrest of, 47;
confusion about his working in the mine, 71;
acknowledges that he worked at the mine, 74;
mistake in the 'King's Book' about, _ib._;
brought from Lambeth, 102

'King's Book,' the, erroneous account of Robert Winter's proceedings
in, 74;
probable date of the issue of, 74, _note_ 1

Knyvet, Sir Thomas, visits the cellar, 128, 136

Lenthall said to have been told that Salisbury contrived the plot, 10;
Wood's character of, 12

Lindsay, Sir James, carries a letter from the Pope to James, 150;
is unable to return with the answer, 151;
starts for Italy, 156;
Cranborne's opinion of, 162;
reports from Rome, 168

Mar, Earl of, is a commissioner to examine the plot, 24

Mine, the, silence of Fawkes about, 20;
Mrs. Whynniard ignorant of, 29;
the Government ignorant of, 30;
first mentioned by Fawkes, 33;
described by Winter, 63;
position of, 96;
made through the wall of Percy's house, 97;
alleged inexperience of the makers of, 98;
precautions to avoid noise in, 99;
penetrates the wall under House of Lords, 102;
disposal of the earth and stones from, 103;
the Government ignorant of the position of, 104

Montague, Lord, sent to the Tower, 48

Monteagle, Lord, the letter addressed to said to have been known
beforehand, 10;
false statements about the interpretation of, 114;
Salisbury said to have been previously informed of, 115;
delivery of, 122;
taken to Salisbury, 123

Mordaunt, Lord, sent to the Tower, 48

Northampton, Earl of, a commissioner to examine the plot, 24;
is a Catholic, 25

Nottingham, Earl of, a commissioner to examine the plot, 24;
his relations to the Catholics, 25

Nuncio at Brussels, the, makes overtures to James, 151

Nuncio at Paris, the, reports on James's proceedings, 151;
writes to Parry on the Pope's desire to keep the Catholics in
obedience, 154;
writes to James, 155;
James's reply to the overtures of, 156;
sends the reply to Rome, 157

Osborne, Francis, thinks the plot a device of Salisbury, 7

Owen, Hugh, not a priest, 60, _note_ 1

Parry, Sir Thomas, draft of a letter to, 22;
uncertainty when Salisbury's letter was sent to, 31;
receives overtures from the Nuncio, 154

Percy, Thomas, Fawkes's statement about the hiring of the house and
cellar by, 18;
proclamation for the apprehension of, 23;
rumours about the movements of, _ib._;
search of his house, 24;
enters into possession of the house and cellar, 29;
reward offered for the apprehension of, 44;
the Sheriff of Worcestershire announces the death of, 44;
buys a watch for Fawkes, 49;
Winter's account of the proceedings of, 62-69;
agreement for the lease of the house to, 85;
not likely to be turned out when Parliament met, 86;
takes the cellar, 105;
alleged bigamy of, 115;
said to have visited Salisbury, 117;
displays his connection with the Court, 118;
receives a pass for post-horses, _ib._;
alleged secret orders to kill, 119

Pope, the (_see_ Clement VIII.)

Popham, Chief Justice, examines Fawkes, 17;
sends to Salisbury a rumour of Percy's movements, 23;
makes inquiries into the movements of Catholics, 24;
a commissioner to examine the plot, 25

Priests, the banishment of, proclamation for, 160

Privy Councillors, form of publishing the signatures of, 40

Recusants, their fines remitted, 149;
fines reimposed on, 161

Rokewood, Ambrose, examination of the landlady of, 24

Salisbury, Earl of, alleged to have invented the plot, 7;
said to have told his son that he had contrived the plot, 10;
writes an account of the plot to Parry, 22;
is a commissioner for the examination into the plot, 24;
his letter to the ambassadors, 31;
cannot have deceived his fellow-commissioners, 41;
said to have known of the plot before the Monteagle letter, 115;
said to have received visits from Percy, 117;
said to have issued orders not to take Percy alive, 119;
the Monteagle letter delivered to, 123;
probably knew nothing of the plot independent of the letter, 124;
was the probable interpreter of the letter, 125;
receives a letter from Sir E. Digby, 169;
has no motive for inventing the plot, 172;
expects plots, 176;
writes to Favat, 183;
failure of the charge against, 200

Shepherd, John, evidence of, 77

Skinner, Mrs., gives up the cellar to Percy, 28, 105

Spedding, James, his canon of historical evidence, 5

Speed, John, his statement that Percy's house was only to be let when
Parliament was not sitting, 85

Standen, Sir Anthony, mission of, 158

Suffolk, Earl of, a commissioner for examining the plot, 24;
friendly to the Catholics, 25;
sent to search the cellar, 131

Talbot of Grafton, John, summoned before the Council, 48

Tresham, Francis, informed of the plot, 66;
probably informs the Government, 121;
his connection with the letter to Monteagle, 122

Usher, language used about the plot by, 8

Vaux, Mrs., committed to the charge of an alderman, 48

Vowell, Peter, said to assert the plot to have been invented, 10

Waad, Sir William, gives information of Percy's movements, 23;
pronounces Fawkes obstinate, 32;
informs Salisbury that Winter is ready to confess, 70

Walsh, Sir Richard, writes to announce the death or capture of the
plotters, 45

Whynniard, John, Fawkes's evidence about his lease to Percy, 18;
position of the house of, 77;
appointed keeper of the Old Palace, 86;
history of the land held by him, 93, 94;
position of the garden of, 95;
leases the cellar to Percy, 105

Whynniard, Mrs., consents to the lease of the cellar, 28

Winter, Robert, arrest of, 47;
incorrectly stated to have worked in the mine, 71;
his name substituted for that of Keyes, 73

Winter, Thomas, inquiry into the movements of, 24;
captured at Holbeche, 46;
doubts as to the genuineness of his full account of the plot
examined, 54-67;
his account of the plot, 57-69;
no evidence of the torture of, 70;
explanation of the confusion between Keyes and, 72;
Coke wishes to examine, 74

Wood, Anthony, statements by a correspondent of, 9;
his character of Lenthall, 12

Worcester, Earl of, a commissioner to examine the plot, 24;
is understood to be a Catholic, 25

Wotton, Sir Henry, says that Cecil invented plots, 10

Wright, Christopher, death of, 46, 47;
Robert Winter's name substituted for, 73

Wright, Henry, an informer, 173, 174

Wright, John, killed at Holbeche, 46, 47

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