Chapter II: Introduction (2)

_Resolved_, That the Master Carpenters will, as a preliminary to
any negotiations with the carpenters now on strike, require that
the men now on strike without notice to their employers agree to
resume work at the following scale of wages, to be agreed to by
employer and employes--viz.: eight hours to constitute a day's
labor, the wages to be 30 cents an hour and upward.

_Resolved_, That the Master Carpenters lay down the following rules
as a declaration of principles as the unquestionable rights of
employers and employes, upon which there can be no arbitration or
question. These rights to be conceded by both parties before any
further action is taken looking toward a final settlement of
differences for the future:

Rule 1. The right of the employer to employ and discharge employes
whether belonging to carpenters' unions or not.

Rule 2. The right of the employe to work or not to work with
non-union men.

Rule 3. The right of the employer to hire unskilled labor that will
best suit his purpose at any price at which he can get it.

Rule 4: The right of the employe to get the wages he demands or not
to work.

Rule 5. The right of individuals to associate for all honorable
purposes.

After the meeting adjourned, the executive committee delivered a copy of the report to the Executive Council of the carpenters. The document was respectfully received, Mr. Parks remarking that the Master Carpenters would have to "come again," but the communication would be carefully considered.

The resolutions and rules were also sent to the new carpenters' association. A motion was made to fully endorse them, especially in view of the recent action of the union in repudiating their agreement. The proposition was unanimously voted down.

On Friday, April 15th, the Executive Council prepared a lengthy reply to the action of the Carpenters and Builders. It contained an extended statement of the situation, concluding as follows:

In conclusion, we will agree with rule No. 1 in your document if
the words "the right to discharge rests in and is confined to the
individual employer and not the associated employers," were added.
And you understand that under your own rule, No. 2, union men would
have a right to refuse to work with non-union men, and to quit any
job where such were employed, unless they were discharged when the
request was made.

Rule No. 3 must have the words: "But no unskilled man shall be
allowed to do work which properly belongs to the trade of
carpentering, or which necessitates the use of carpenter's tools,"
before we can accept it.

The other rules in your document are immaterial and do not need
review.

Now, for a few words. We will state the terms upon which the
journeyman carpenters of this city will return at once to work.

There must be an agreement made and signed by the contractors,
individually or collectively, through an authorized committee, and
signed by the executive committee of the United Carpenters council
on the part of the journeymen, and in addition to the two rules
given as amended the following:

The minimum rate of wages paid to journeymen carpenters shall be 35
cents per hour.

Eight hours shall constitute a working day; overtime shall be paid
as time and a half and double time for Sunday work.

There shall be an arbitration board for the settling of grievances.

The agreement shall be in force until the 1st day of April, 1888,
and notices of desired changes at that time must be given by the
party so desiring to the other party to the agreement on or before
March 15, 1888.

Hoping you will look at this communication from a business as well
as humanitarian standpoint, and that you will keep in mind the fact
that we are as desirous as you can possibly be of ending the
strike, and that nothing is here set down in malice, every word
being uttered in the spirit of harmony and justice.

The statement was signed by J. B. Parks, Ed. Bates, Alfred A. Campbell, M. S. Moss, William Kliver, John H. McCune and William Ward, Executive Committee of the United Carpenters' council.

The Executive Committee of the Carpenters' and Builders' association carefully considered the document and at once formulated and transmitted to the headquarters of the striking carpenters the following reply:

TO THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CARPENTERS NOW ON STRIKE--
_Gentlemen_: Your communication has been respectfully received and
carefully considered by the executive committee of the Master
Carpenters' association. We respectfully inform you that we can not
in any manner deviate from the action of the association of
Thursday night, which was embraced in the report delivered to you,
and there is nothing in your communication which in the opinion of
this committee justifies the calling of a meeting of the Master
Carpenters' association. Very respectfully yours,

J. W. WOODARD,
JONATHAN CLARK,
FRANCISCO BLAIR,
JOHN RAMCKE,
S. H. DEMPSEY,
Executive Committee Carpenters' and Builders' Association of
Chicago.

The new association of bosses became exasperated at the action of the Carpenters' Council with regard to their agreement, and sent the council notice that unless the proposition for a settlement of the strike was agreed to by noon of April 16th, the association would not consider itself bound to pay 35 cents an hour, recognize the union, or make eight hours a day's work. They demanded that their employes be directed to return to work on Monday, April 18th.

Early Saturday morning, April 16th, the executive committee of the Carpenters' and Builders' Association issued an address, as follows:

Believing that the great majority of you are fair and honorable,
the executive committee of the master carpenters take this means to
address an appeal to you, as we believe you can not be reached in
any other way, plainly, calmly, and without a coating of
socialistic ideas being spread over by your so-called leaders,
whose business it is to be agitators and disturbers of our mutual
interests, and whose occupation would be gone if they could not
find a constituency gullible enough to listen to and support them.
It is impossible to say how much farther we would be advanced in
material prosperity in this free country if we were free from the
antagonistic feeling caused by this class of agitators, who are
really out of their element here, and should be confined to the
source of the oppression of labor, on the ground and among the
institutions which support class distinction. Now we are all
workers with you, our business is not speaking or writing, and we
venture to say that nineteen-twentieths of the men who employ you
started in from your body, and did not get where they are by
listening to or following these imported ideas, but did the work
they found to do, made the most of their opportunities, and we hope
the same course will be left open to yourselves, and that the same
spring will furnish more of the same stock, and that
notwithstanding the foothold these perverted maxims (each for all
and all for each) have gained among us, in the long run our plain
judgment will lead us away from them and each will make his own
endeavor to rise as high as his opportunities will allow him, and
by doing so will stimulate his brother to follow in his footsteps.
Is not this better than "each for all and all for each," which will
load you down heavier than you can bear, so that none can rise, and
a class will have to be furnished from some source to employ you
who will surely not have your interests more at heart, and, in that
event, we would be back again to whence we sprung from, or some
other, where we can not tell. You surely will not be improved in
your condition by wasting your time in contending with your
employer for more than there is in existence to give you, for he
can not give you what he has not got, nor can he give you wasted
time nor the advance he has offered without risking a present loss
in the hope of being able in the future to gradually increase the
cost of production to cover his outlay.

Men, go to work; form associations if you will; better your
condition by that means if you can, but do not risk the driving
away from this fair city that which supports you, nor listen,
except to learn, to those born contenders who have no other gifts
than "gab."

Think of the $20,000 at least you are losing every day in wages,
besides what you are spending, and think of those who are likely to
suffer most by it. The wife and children, who have no voice in the
matter, and also believe that your employers are not doing any
better.

Boys, this advice is from a committee of five who got every penny
they possess from hard knocks and the work of their own hands and
brains.

J. W. WOODARD,
JONATHAN CLARK,
FRANCISCO BLAIR,
JOHN RAMCKE,
S. H. DEMPSEY,
Executive Committee Carpenters' and Builders' Association of
Chicago.

The firmness of the employers and the disaffection among the carpenters, after two weeks of fruitless agitation, had produced no good results. No agreement was reached between the bosses and the strikers. The strike was simply declared off by what was regarded by the carpenters as competent authority. The edict which settled the strike was as follows:

TO ALL ORGANIZED CARPENTERS--_Brothers_: You are ordered to report
to your various jobs Monday at 8 A. M., and if your employer
accedes to your demands for eight hours a day and 35 cents an hour,
go to work, but on no account are you to work if your demands are
not granted, neither will you work with scabs.

You will make it your duty to see that every man has the working
card issued by the United Carpenters' council for the months of
April, May and June, and consider as a scab anyone who is not in
possession of one.

If your employer objects to the conditions do not stop to argue the
question, but immediately report to headquarters.

Some of you may not work the first nor the second day, but we will
without fail win this battle if you follow instructions.

Every brother in distress shall be assisted, and we pledge
ourselves that not one of you shall want if only brought to our
notice.

Carefully take note of all jobs working more than eight hours, or
employing scabs, and report to your headquarters. Also, any boss
who defrauds brothers of their pay, with evidence necessary for
prosecution.

It shall be the duty of every man, especially foremen, to bring all
influence they can to bear on their employers to induce them to
join the new Builders' association.

Now, brothers, with joy we say to you, go to work. You will get
your demands. And we beseech you not to work for less. If you do,
you will be found out. There are enough to watch those who will not
do their duty, and you must be subject to a call when it is
necessary.

EXECUTIVE BOARD UNITED CARPENTERS' COUNCIL.

When the news of the collapse of the strike reached the executive committee of the contracting carpenters at the Builders' and Traders' exchange it was at first discredited. When it was confirmed Chairman Woodard said he was glad such action had been taken, and that he knew the bosses would put the men to work Monday. "But," said he, "the members of the Carpenters' and Builders' association will not deviate from the action of Saturday night. We recognize eight hours as a day, but reserve the right to employ union or non-union men, and will pay from 30 cents an hour upward. We shall not hesitate to pay 35 cents, or more, to carpenters who are sufficiently skilled to earn such sums, but we must not be expected to employ men who are not able to earn more than 25 or 30 cents an hour. Our association has a membership that employs fully seven-eighths of the working carpenters, and we shall claim the right to employ competent men at fair wages and to discharge incompetent men at any time. I think it will be but a short time until nearly all of the carpenters will be at work, but not at 35 cents an hour."

Francisco Blair said it would be unjust to require the bosses to discharge competent non-union men who had stood by them during the strike. He was satisfied that no member of the association would do so. There were plenty of bosses who would pay skilled workmen 35 cents an hour--a few men would receive 40 cents, as they had before the strike.

Many of the assemblies of the carpenters met Saturday afternoon and evening and heartily endorsed the order directing them to return to work. They were tired of enforced idleness which had lasted sixteen days, and were ready to go to work on almost any terms.

The following Monday--April 18th--four thousand of the striking carpenters returned to work, many of them secretly accepting the terms of the Carpenters and Builders, working for 30 cents an hour and upward, and pushing a plane or a saw by the side of a non-union carpenter who had not seen an idle day.

AMALGAMATION.

Trade organizations of almost every character had experienced difficulty in securing all they demanded from time to time, because of a want of co-operation--in their semi-tyrannical efforts--from kindred organizations. If the carpenters made a demand which was refused by the bosses, and non-union men should thereafter be employed on a building, they wanted the union employes in all other trades, working on the same job, to lay down their tools and walk out--a boycott must at once be established. If an employer assumed the right to carry on his own business in a manner which was distasteful to one or more employes in one trade, he must be forced to quit business until he was ready to obey the mandate of the trade affected. If he interposed an objection to such interference, he should be taught a severe lesson under the tyrannical, barbarous rule of the boycott.

In order to lay the foundation for joint action in the direction indicated, a meeting was held April 10th, at which a plan of organization of the building trades was discussed. It was then deemed advisable to secure the consent of the various trade organizations in the city to the creation of a council for what was called "mutual protection." The proposition met with most hearty approval by ten trade organizations, the members of which saw at once how much more tightly the rein of tyranny could be drawn over a contractor who might be able to successfully vanquish one trade, but would have to accede to anything when employes in ten building trades were arrayed against him.

Delegates were appointed to what it was proposed to call "The Amalgamated Council of the Building Trades of Chicago," from the following trade and labor organizations: Carpenters, Painters, Derrickmen, Hod-carriers, Steam-fitters, Lathers, Gas-fitters, Galvanized-iron and Cornice workers, Slaters and Stair-builders.

A meeting was held at Greenebaum's hall on Sunday, April 17th. A constitution and by-laws were adopted and officers were elected as follows: President, J. H. Glenn; Vice-President, P. A. Hogan; Secretary, Ed. Bates; Financial Secretary, J. Burns; Treasurer, V. Carroll; Sergeant-at-Arms, J. Woodman.

As soon as the organization was perfected it affected dictatorial powers, assuming the right to regulate nearly everything of any consequence for the unions which were represented. The objects of the Council were declared to be "to centralize the efforts and experience of the various organizations engaged in the erection and alteration of buildings, and, with common interest, prevent that which may be injurious, and also to properly perfect and carry into effect that which they deem advantageous to themselves. When any organization represented in the Council is desirous of making a demand for either an advance in wages or an abridgement of the hours of labor, it is required to make a report thereon to the Council, through its delegates, prior to the demand being made, when, if the action is concurred in by a two-thirds vote, it is to be declared binding."

In effect, the Council became an offensive and defensive body, the principal business of which was to take advantage of every employer in the building trades. If one should refuse to yield a point demanded by one trade, however unjust the demand might be, it was the business of this boycott Council to "carry into effect that which they deemed advantageous to themselves," which, on ordinary occasions, would result in a stoppage of work of every kind upon a building until the employer should yield. They also expected to be in a position to compel all non-union men to obey the mandates of the organization.

At a meeting of the Council, April 23d, the constitution was amended by adding the following section:

It shall be the special duty of this Council to use the united
strength of the organizations represented therein to compel all
non-union men to conform to and obey the laws of the organizations
to which they should properly belong.

This stroke at personal liberty was strictly in furtherance of the "advantage" sought to be taken of the employer. The same power was to be brought to bear upon the workmen, who assumed the right to be independent, by seeking to "compel" them to "obey laws of the organizations to which they should properly belong." Not content with boycotting the employer, they must arrange a boycott upon a fellow-workman, because he might decline to join one of their unions. As if to "compel" a free man to do that against which his manhood revolts!

HODCARRIERS AND LABORERS.

There was comparative quiet for a week, during which time the carpenters were pushing their work rapidly. But the smooth order was soon broken. The first week in April the Hodcarriers' union had passed a resolution changing their pay from 25 to 30 cents an hour, and that of laborers from 22 to 25 cents an hour, and demanding recognition of their union. This order--for it was nothing less--was directed to take effect the first Monday in May. On Saturday, April 30th, the Hodcarriers and Laborers were instructed to make their demands, and report to a meeting to be held on Sunday, in order that the union might determine whether a strike should be ordered and the men called off on Monday.

The bosses decided that under no circumstances would they recognize the Hodcarriers' union, maintaining that they were fully justified in so doing because the Bricklayers' union had refused to aid any proposition on the part of the Hodcarriers and Laborers to strike. The employers expected nothing less than a strike, as they universally refused the demands, claiming they could at once fill the places made vacant from the ranks of idle men in the city. In order to make their cause appear stronger the laborers claimed that numbers of bosses had acceded to their demands, but this was not true.

Laborers in the stone yards took up the cause, concluding it was an opportune time to make some demands. They insisted upon eight hours a day, and two gangs of men when required to work overtime.

The Stone-Cutters association met at once and put an end to the proposition for a strike by adopting the eight-hour day, resolving to work overtime and pay one-fourth extra for it--but not work two gangs of men--and at the same time refused to obey the dictation of the union by resolving that they would "employ men whether they belong to a union or not." This prompt action ended the strike of the laborers so far as the Stone-Cutters were concerned.

The Bricklayers union met Friday night, April 29th, and discussed the proposed strike of the Hodcarriers and Laborers, and in a very peculiar manner lent assistance to their weak brethren. They passed a magnanimous resolution that "in the event of a strike no bricklayer should consent to do a hodcarrier's work." But further than this no action was taken.

On the afternoon of Sunday, May 1st, four thousand hodcarriers and laborers assembled in the vicinity of Taylor street hall, near Canal street. At 3 o'clock the proposed meeting was held, but not more than one-half of those present could gain admission to the hall. The men inside and outside of the hall were discussing their grievances and "rushing the can" in a manner that promised a famine in beer on the following day. Patrick Sharkey presided at the meeting, at which there was a decided sentiment in favor of a strike. Speeches in English, German, Polish, and Bohemian were made to this effect, and a resolution was passed for a committee to wait on the contractors to see what they would do in answer to the demands that had been made. It was decided to allow men to work where the bosses acceded to the union demands, but no union man should work where there was one man employed who was not receiving the full scale of wages.

It was decided that no man who could get the union wages should be asked to leave his work, but he would be asked to aid in supporting those who were compelled to take part in the strike. It was claimed, before the close of the meeting, that four thousand of the seven thousand Hodcarriers and Laborers in the city would remain at work, while the other three thousand would "be forced to strike."

On Monday morning, May 2d, the promised strike of the Hodcarriers and Laborers began. More than four thousand quit work because their demands for 25 and 30 cents an hour, and recognition of their union, were not met. The men had reported at their respective jobs where they made their demands. When they were refused they were grievously disappointed, and sat and stood around waiting for the arrival of the "Walking Delegate," or for orders from the bosses to go to work at the increased rate of wages. In many instances they had to stand aside and see their places taken by non-union men. This was galling, but they remained, almost universally, quite orderly. What irritated them more than anything else was the fact that union Bricklayers offered no objection to working with non-union laborers. They had confidently expected that one union would support another, but the Bricklayers refused to recognize them as members of a union. They appeared to be too common for an aristocratic Bricklayer.

Eight Walking Delegates paraded the city and endeavored to persuade non-union men to quit work and join the union. They were successful in but few instances. Non-union Laborers who had secured a good job were disposed to stick to it, and it seemed to require more than persuasion to draw them away from their work.

In the treasury of the Hodcarriers' union there was the sum of $12,000, but that amount would not reach very far in a general lockout of five thousand members, each of whom was entitled to receive $5 a week while unemployed. They could expect no assistance from the Bricklayers, who had snubbed them; or the Carpenters, who had exhausted their treasury while on a strike lasting sixteen days; or the plasterers, who were not strong in numbers or finances, and had business of their own to look after. Their cause was helpless from the start, especially in view of the fact that there were thousands of idle laborers who were only too glad to step into the places made vacant without asking any questions about wages.

On Tuesday the places of the four thousand strikers had been so nearly filled that but three hundred vacancies were reported. This was a hard blow to the union, but they stubbornly refused to yield a single point.

A special meeting of the Master Masons' and Builders' association was held Tuesday night, May 3d, at the Builders' and Traders' exchange, at which a resolution was unanimously adopted to not accede to the demands of the Hodcarriers' and Laborers' Union for an increase in wages. There were eighty-seven of the members present, only thirty being absent. Expressions were taken from those present in regard to the course that should be pursued in reference to the strike, and there was not a dissenting voice on the proposition to refuse the demands made. The absentees were all heard from, and the president of the association said they were all of the same opinion. It was a quiet, earnest meeting, at which the members exhibited their determination to stand together, no matter what the result might be. On inquiry as to the number of Master Masons who needed laborers it was ascertained that there were but six members of the association who were without laborers, while less than a dozen others needed a few men. It was agreed that the members who had laborers to spare should lend some of them to those who most needed them until they could secure as many as they required. An executive committee was appointed, composed of Joseph Downey, Thomas E. Courtney, and Herman Mueller. This committee was instructed to hold daily sessions at the Builders' and Traders' exchange for the purpose of hearing complaints from members and supplying them with laborers, and to have a general supervision of the labor question pending a final settlement of the strike. They had no difficulty in securing all the men they wanted, the laborers being perfectly satisfied with the wages paid.

On Thursday, May 5th, the Master Masons' association learned that a number of cases of intimidation had been attempted with their non-union laborers, but they passed them over because the battle had already been won.

A STRIKE CLAUSE.

On Friday, May 6th, Joseph Downey, President of the Master Masons' Association, sent the following communication to D. Adler, President of the Illinois Association of Architects. It was sent for the purpose of endeavoring to secure the co-operation of the Architects of the city--in view of a general strike in the building trades, which it was plain to be seen was impending:

TO THE ARCHITECTS OF CHICAGO--_Gentlemen_: Owing to incessant and
unreasonable demands being made upon us from time to time by our
employes, causing incalculable delays, which mean disaster to those
signing time contracts, the members of this association have,
therefore, unanimously agreed to sign no contracts after May 1,
unless the words "except in case of strikes or epidemics" are
inserted in the time clause.

Very respectfully,
JOSEPH DOWNEY, President.

PAY ON SATURDAY.

The Master Masons' Association unofficially received information that the Bricklayers' union had passed a resolution fixing Saturday as pay-day, instead of Monday, or Tuesday, which had been the rule for many years. This action was not taken by the union because it was believed greater good could be accomplished, or because it was a necessary change; but was for the purpose of further testing the temper of the employers and notifying them that they were subject to the dictation of the union.

On Friday Mr. Downey sent the following unofficial communication to A. E. Vorkeller, President of the Bricklayers' union, hoping to secure a rescinding of the Saturday pay-day resolution, and avoid a strike:

TO THE UNITED ORDER OF AMERICAN BRICKLAYERS AND STONEMASONS--
_Gentlemen_: It has come to the knowledge of the Master Masons' and
Builders' association that at your last meeting you passed a
resolution that the members of your union should hereafter be paid
on Saturday, instead of Monday and Tuesday, as is now and has been
the custom.

There has been no official action by the Master Masons' and
Builders' association, but I have conferred with a number of them,
and am impelled to write this letter to notify you of the fact that
while we might prefer to comply with your request, we find it will
be impossible to make up our pay-rolls in time to pay on Saturday,
especially in the busy season, when some of us have from two
hundred to three hundred men employed.

We trust, gentlemen, that you will reconsider the action taken
which resulted in the adoption of the resolution mentioned, as we
are particularly anxious that the good feeling which has prevailed
between your union and our association shall be continued without
interruption. Very respectfully yours,

JOSEPH DOWNEY.

A DECLARATION.

The evening of the same day a meeting of the Hodcarriers was held at West Twelfth street Turner Hall, at which a resolution was passed declaring it to be the duty of all employes in the building trades to go out in a body in order to support the strike which they had inaugurated, and in which they had been unsuccessful.

GOING SLOW.

A result of the strikes and unsettled state of affairs was to be seen in the disposition of contractors to go slow in bidding for new work, fearing they might be stopped by a strike and prevented from completing a building after the work had gotten well under way. Similar experience in past years had made them wary.

THE BRICKLAYERS' STRIKE.

Saturday, May 7th, was the first pay-day after the passage of the resolution by the Bricklayers' union fixing that day for payment. When the hour arrived for quitting work demand was made of the foreman on each job for payment in accordance with the resolution. It was refused, the Master Masons having determined that if the men were to strike because their demand was not conceded, they should be given an opportunity to do so at once. This general demand was taken as official notification that the resolution had passed. There was a universal expression of opinion among the Master Masons that they would refuse the demand--because of the spirit and manner in which it was made--and that they would stand firmly together upon the question.

On Monday, May 9th, about two hundred bricklayers quit work because they had not been paid on the previous Saturday, but they were returned to work by President Vorkeller, of the union, because, he said, the rule for Saturday pay-day did not take effect until May 14th. Mr. Vorkeller called on President Downey and asked that a conference be held on the question of Saturday pay-day. In view of the action of the union in first resolving that the pay-day should be changed, this request was looked upon as very strange. But Mr. Downey notified him that he would present the question to the Master Masons' association.

In referring to the situation Mr. Thomas Courtney voiced the sentiments of the builders when he said the only way to settle the prevailing uneasiness would be to stop all building at once and let it remain stopped until the strikers were tired of it. This seemed like a harsh measure, but it was the only sure way to success. All were tired of this labor agitation, and as the building of residence property especially was overdone, it was the best time he ever saw for a lockout. The workmen were not only fixing their own hours for work and their own pay, but now they wanted to fix their own pay-day. With so much labor disturbance it was a marvel to him that there was any disposition to erect a building in Chicago.

A committee from the Amalgamated Trades Council called at the Builders' and Traders' exchange to see the executive committee of the Master Masons' association for the purpose of talking about the strike of the Hodcarriers. The committee was composed of Messrs. Brennock of the Carpenters, Carroll of the Stonecutters, and McBrearty of the Hodcarriers. They found President Downey, to whom they stated that they had called to see if the differences could be adjusted. Mr. Downey stated that the members of the executive committee were out paying their employes, and that another time would have to be fixed for the conference. He hoped the result of the conference would be satisfactory to all, and that at its conclusion they could say the strike was ended. The committee said that was what they wanted. Mr. Downey wanted to know what authority the committee had in the matter, and was told that they represented twelve of the building trades, and had the power to order every union man in those trades off a building where the union scale of wages was not paid or where non-union men were employed. But, they did not desire to exercise that power, as it was more the business of the Council to arbitrate and effect settlements than to encourage strikes. It was agreed that a conference should be had Tuesday morning, at which time the entire situation with reference to the Hodcarriers would be discussed.

In order to exhibit the venomous spirit of some of the strikers an effort was made by the union Hodcarriers and Laborers to make the life of non-union Laborers a burden. A scheme was started for dropping mortar and pouring water on them in order to drive them away from any job where union men were at work.

On Tuesday evening, May 10th, the Master Masons' association met. President Downey read a letter from the Bricklayers' Union which contained an unqualified statement that the union would not rescind the resolution making Saturday the pay-day.

Mr. George C. Prussing submitted the draft of a communication to be sent to the Bricklayers' Union, and stated that he thought it was highly proper to send it, in the hope that by courteous treatment the differences would be settled with less difficulty. The proposition to send the communication was unanimously adopted. The communication was as follows:

TO THE UNITED ORDER OF AMERICAN BRICKLAYERS AND STONEMASONS--
_Gentlemen_: Notice of your resolution fixing pay-day every
Saturday two weeks has been laid before this association.

We submit to your consideration that a subject of this kind can
hardly be "fixed" by a resolution in a meeting of employes, but
should be referred to and properly discussed by a joint committee
of both employers and employes before action is taken.

Thus far the rule has been to pay up to and including Saturday on
the following Tuesday among the members of this association, and as
far as heard from no complaint of any irregularity in paying
workmen has been made. In a city as large as this, covering such
immense area, and where it is not infrequent for the same firm to
be engaged upon work on the North, South, and West sides at the
same time, two days at least are necessary to make up pay-rolls
and envelope money properly. If, therefore, the change of pay-day
from Tuesday to Saturday should be adopted, it would necessitate
the closing of pay-day on Thursday night preceding. This, we
submit, would not serve either you or us as well as to pay to the
end of the previous week. You have not given us any reasons for
your arbitrary demand for a change, and we have failed to find any
in our judgment good and sufficient. If any such reasons exist we
shall be pleased to know them. Until then we shall continue to pay
as before, regularly every second Tuesday, up to the preceding
Saturday night.

By order of the
CHICAGO MASTER MASONS' ASSOCIATION.

The communication was at once taken to the Bricklayers' Union by C. P. Wakeman, it having been stated that the union was in session and would receive any communication that should be sent. In about thirty minutes Mr. Wakeman returned from his visit to the Bricklayers, and reported that he had been received in grand shape. The hall was packed full, and when he took his place on the platform to read the communication he was loudly cheered. He asked the Bricklayers to lay the question of pay-day over and appoint a committee to see if the matter could not be settled. He was satisfied that two-thirds of those present were in favor of a compromise. They agreed to telephone the Builders' and Traders' exchange as soon as a conclusion was reached.

The telephone was not used, but a committee from the Bricklayers' union called at 10:30 o'clock and notified Mr. Wakeman that the union had unanimously passed a resolution making Saturday the pay-day, and that it would not recede from it, but was willing to allow two days in which to make up the pay-roll, closing it on Thursday night. The report was received, after which a motion was made to lay the report on the table, but it was withdrawn.

William O'Brien said the demand for pay on Saturday, if acceded to, would result in another demand for pay at noon on Saturday and give the men the afternoon, and then the contractors would have "blue Monday" in fact. He was in favor of acting like men and standing firmly by their principles, and they would command the respect of everybody. [Applause.]

Mr. Charles W. Gindele said if the bricklayers had done the fair thing they would have conferred with the contractors before passing the resolutions, but they had made the demand arbitrarily. The community and the material men were watching the action of the association, and were ready to stand by it if it stood by its members. It was only a matter of time until the strike would have to burst, and he was in favor of bursting it then. If it was not done the community could not be expected to stand by them. If all building was stopped there were enough vacant buildings in the city to house everybody. [Applause.]

A motion to not concur in the report of the committee was unanimously adopted, which was equivalent to a refusal to accede to the demands of the bricklayers in regard to making Saturday the pay-day.

A resolution was then adopted refusing to comply with the demands of the bricklayers in regard to Saturday as a pay-day, fixing Monday or Tuesday of every other week as the day of payment, and agreeing to shut down all work if the bricklayers should strike on account of this action. There was but one opposing vote.

President Downey submitted an agreement which had already been signed by a large majority of the members of the association. It embraced a proposition to stand together upon the question of pay-day, and to all stop work, if it should be necessary, in order to maintain their rights against unjust exactions of the laboring men. After the agreement was read an opportunity was given for members to sign it who had not done so, and twenty names were added to the list. The association then voted to approve the sentiments expressed in the agreement, the vote being unanimous.

The Executive Committee submitted a report of the doings of its members in regard to the labor troubles. It was as follows:

TO THE CHICAGO MASTER MASONS' ASSOCIATION--_Gentlemen_: Your
executive committee does respectfully report that a committee of
three, claiming to be appointed by and to represent the Amalgamated
Trades council, and to be clothed by it with power to settle the
existing laborers' strike, did call by appointment this morning at
the exchange and met us, together with a number of members of this
association whom we asked to join us for this particular purpose.
After quite a lengthy and exhaustive discussion of the situation
said committee of three insisted:

Firstly, on the establishment of a minimum rate of wages for all
masons' laborers at 231/2 cents per hour.

Secondly, one time and one-half to be granted for all work done
over and above eight hours per day, no matter during which hours
such work may be performed.

Thirdly, for double pay for Sunday work, and,

Lastly, on the recognition of their union.

The first three propositions are debatable and might have been
acceded to by your committee and this body, and if the fourth had
been understood to mean an acknowledgement of the fact that a union
of masons' laborers more or less numerous has been formed, and is
now in existence, your committee would have been ready to go to
that length. But the gentlemen wanted more--far more. They informed
us that a recognition of their union means that the members of this
association pledge themselves to employ henceforth none but
laborers belonging to their union, to grant to it the practical
control of the labor market, and to drive every laborer now
employed from our buildings, and in reality out of the city all who
have not now, or do not in near future, join the ranks of their
union. In other words, to make ourselves the whippers-in of said
union. It means that we sanction and support the aim and object of
said union, which is that none shall work in Chicago at their
calling except upon surrender of his manhood into its keeping and
at its beck and call. It means that we sanction the employment of
brute force to coerce men into their ranks. It means that we
sanction and approve of the outrages committed daily against men
now at work upon terms mutually satisfactory to themselves and
their employers.

We, the members of this association, must plead guilty, in common
with the entire community, to suffering the fundamental principles
underlying the very fabric of our government, and guaranteed by our
constitution--principles called inalienable rights of man--to be
overridden and practically abrogated by lawless bodies throughout
the land.

Thus far are we equally guilty with all other citizens in
neglecting our duty as such. To uphold this government and
constitution is the duty of all citizens. We are part of this
community, and comparatively a small fraction.

This community will awake from its lethargy and to its duty when
that time comes, and God speed the coming. The voice of this
association will give no uncertain sound. In the meantime, let us
never voluntary do or sanction wrong. We may suffer, but we can not
cope against it without the active support of the community. But
never let it be said that we approved of the methods employed
recently by trades-unions.

Your committee would not make you liable to such charge by its act,
and reports the whole matter to you for final action.

Respectfully.
JOSEPH DOWNEY,
H. MUELLER,
Executive Committee.

We, the undersigned members, who were present at the committee
meeting this morning do join in the report.

G. C. PRUSSING,
GEORGE TAPPER,
C. P. WAKEMAN.

The report was adopted by a rising vote, followed by prolonged applause.

President Downey stated that he had recently seen a great many of the brick manufacturers and the officers of the stone pool in regard to selling materials in case of a lockout, and they had assured him that they would stand by the contractors in case of a general strike, and not sell a dollars' worth of building material while the strike lasted.

The pulse of the manufacturers of and dealers in building materials was felt, and it was ascertained that they fully realized they were standing on a volcano that was likely to burst at any time and stop them. One of them covered the case fully when he said they were practically dependent upon the contractors, and if it became necessary for the Master Masons to shut down, the brick manufacturers and stone men would support them by shutting down their yards and stopping the manufacture of brick and the production of building stone. They were on the eve of a strike among their own employes, instances of discontent cropping out almost every day, and if the producers of building materials should elect to stand by the contractors he was satisfied the strike questions would not only be settled for the season, but for all time.

The committee from the Amalgamated Building Trades Council, composed of Messrs. Brennock, Carroll and McBrearty again met the executive committee of the Master Masons' association and made its demand for the Hodcarriers. The Master Masons were asked to recognize the union, pay 25 cents an hour and agree to employ none but union hodcarriers and laborers. The executive committee of the Master Masons, composed of Messrs. Downey, Courtney and Mueller, with Mr. Prussing added, told the council committee that they would not accede to the demand. They insisted that they could not pay 25 cents an hour to laborers, and under no circumstances would they discharge the army of non-union laborers, as it would be an injustice to poor men who were dependent upon their labor for support. Mr. Courtney told them these men were not able, if inclined, to join the union, and it would be almost inhuman to throw them out of employment when they were faithful employes. Mr. Carroll admitted that the Council was not ready to order the union laborers to stop work, as there were too many non-union hodcarriers and laborers in the city, and until these were brought into the union a general strike would not accomplish what was wanted. He also remarked that the Council had decided to call off all union men on jobs where non-union men were employed, but he could not say whether it would carry out the declaration. The hodcarriers had inaugurated the strike, and might conclude to drop it until they were in better shape by having more non-union men in their assemblies.

TWO THOUSAND BRICKLAYERS QUIT.

On Monday, May 11th, the strike of the Bricklayers materialized. Two thousand members of the union dropped their trowels because the employers refused to recognize their edict in regard to Saturday pay-day. This act threw out of employment an equal number of Hodcarriers and Laborers, many of whom were not in sympathy with the movement of the Bricklayers. President Vorkeller of the Bricklayers' union, insisted that no strike had been ordered, but the men would not work unless the Saturday pay-day was granted. No "strike had been ordered," but the men were striking as fast as they could. Upon being informed that the pay-day would not be changed they stopped at once, all understanding that they must quit. Yet, according to the president of the union, "there was no strike ordered." They were simply "standing by the resolution." Some of the men quit work very reluctantly, remarking that it was the height of nonsense to strike on such a frivolous proposition. But they had to obey orders, and did so with military precision. The Walking Delegate was promptly on hand to see that every man obeyed orders, and the snap of his finger did its work on a great many jobs where the men were in no hurry to quit work.

The president of the union claimed that they could endure a long lockout, as they had real estate and cash representing $75,000, and could make it $100,000 by assessments. But the Bricklayers were not Knights of Labor, and were not amalgamated with any other labor organization, and consequently were not in a position to give to or receive assistance from any other labor union.

At the Builders' and Traders' exchange there was considerable bustle among the contractors. They realized that the strike for which they had been looking had commenced, and they put their heads together as if they were preparing for a long and hard fight. There was not a dissenting voice to be heard in regard to the question. Everyone who entered the exchange wore an earnest look, and expressed determination to not yield on the question of pay-day if the building business of the city was to stop a whole year. They had wrestled with the strike problem in almost every aspect in which it could be placed, until it had become a burden too heavy to bear. A period had been reached when the trouble could be settled for all time, and they were determined to settle it in a manner that would be effective. They realized that they might lose thousands of dollars while engaged in the effort, but with the co-operation of the material men they could reach a conclusion that would be lasting.

It was not a question of hours or wages, as those had been conceded with many other exactions. It had become a question whether the contractor was to allow his employes to domineer over him and dictate everything, or whether he should have a little to do with the management of his own affairs. The building interests had been hampered for years by demand after demand, nearly all of which had been of an arbitrary character. It was more convenient for the contractors, and better for the men, that they should be paid on Monday or Tuesday. A majority of the Bricklayers did not object to the pay-day, but the leaders demanded the change, and they were forced to submit. Labor unions are generally managed by the leaders for their own interests.

The Bricklayers were the best organized body in the city. They had no affiliations with other unions. If a Bricklayer entered Chicago with a card from another union in his hand he would not be permitted to work until he paid the Chicago Union $25. The result was that Bricklayers were driven from the city and the United Order of American Bricklayers and Stonemasons dictated for years rules, not only for their own government, but for the control of every Master Mason that attempted to fill a contract.

Among the contractors the fight had become one for principle, and every element that was in sympathy with the maintenance of the right was invited to unite with the contracting Masons in their effort put forth to attain that object.

In furtherance of the movement a committee was appointed by the Master Masons' association to confer with dealers in building materials and procure their signature to an agreement that they would not sell and deliver building material to any one pending a settlement of the labor troubles, except upon the authority of Joseph Downey, president of the Master Masons' associations. The agreement was as follows:

_Whereas_, We believe the position taken by the Chicago Master
Masons' association in the present building trade strike to be
correct; and,

_Whereas_, We believe that the more complete the cessation of all
building work during the strike can be made, the shorter will be
the interference with business.

_Now_, _therefore_, Do we, the undersigned, hereby agree with and
among one another not to sell or deliver materials to any building
in Chicago or suburbs during the continuance of this strike, except
as may be allowed or requested by the executive committee appointed
by the Chicago Master Masons' association in charge of the strike.

The committee was composed of Joseph Downey, president; Thomas Courtney, treasurer, (who went to Europe June 1st, and his place was filled by E. Earnshaw); Herman Mueller, secretary. A sub-committee was appointed, composed of C. W. Gindele, Daniel Freeman and E. S. Moss. The three divisions of the city were created "districts," and were put in charge of the following members: South side, William O'Brien; North side, John Mountain; West side, William Iliff. Visitors were then appointed and the city was thoroughly canvassed and patrolled in order to secure full co-operation of the material dealers, and to protect the interests of the members generally.

Dealers in stone, brick, lime, cement, sand, architectural iron, tile, and every other class of building material, flocked to the exchange and appended their signatures to the agreement. They were only too glad to lend their assistance to break the backbone of a species of tyranny under which they had been oppressed for years. The committee reported that nearly every important dealer had signed the agreement. Backed by this element the contractors were relieved. They felt assured of success.

There was joy in the camp of the Hodcarriers when it was announced that the Bricklayers had gone out. Their joy was not on account of the strike, but because it would result in throwing out of employment the non-union Hodcarriers and Laborers who had stepped into their places when they struck for an advance in pay, and were locked out. The idle men who were needy drew on the treasury of the Hodcarriers' union and took out of it nearly every dollar it contained.

The Amalgamated Building Trades' Council met and attempted to order a general strike of all building trades, but discovered that they were powerless to do so, because the delegates had not been given "power to act" by their respective unions. The desire to order the general strike was present, but the authority was absent. There was no lack of willingness on the part of the leaders. They are always ready and willing to keep their positions at the sacrifice of anything and anybody.

The leaders of the striking bricklayers were quietly, but actively engaged in laying plans for the future. They claimed to be ready to meet any emergency that might come. At the same time the contractors claimed to hold the key to the situation, and said they would never give up until they could have a little to say in the management of their own business.

The executive committee of the Master Masons' association decided that there should be a general shutting down of all work on which bricklayers and stonemasons were engaged, and in pursuance of this decision the following notice was issued May 10th.

Notice.--The members of the Master Masons' association now working
men are hereby requested to stop work Friday night, May 13th, and
to report to the executive committee.

JOSEPH DOWNEY,
President.