Chapter V: Introduction (5)

Tuesday, June 7th, the Central Council of the Building Interests met, and the committee on strikes and grievances, through P. B. Wight, its chairman, submitted a lengthy report. It defined strikes of two kinds--general and special. The general strike, which was more frequent, was a demand by a number of employes, acting in concert, for an increase in wages, or a change in working rules, or methods of conducting business, followed by a united refusal to work. A special strike was concerted refusal to work on a particular job, or for a particular employer, based on the assumption of a contract between employer and employe which never existed, and a pretense of a violation of a contract. A general strike was legitimate, in a business sense. A special was based on false premises, and was practically an attempt to regulate an employer's way of doing business by visiting upon him embarrassment in a temporary stoppage of his business. It was often settled by the employers paying a "fine" to the offended "union" as a condition of the men returning to work in a body. This was nothing less than blackmail, and a receipt of the fine was a criminal act. It was in the nature of conspiracy. It might be an attempt on the part of the strikers to obtain some advantage, which might occasion great annoyance or damage to the employers. Such was the demand of the United Order of American Bricklayers and Stonemasons on the 29th of April last for a Saturday pay-day, which was resisted and refused by many employers. The report then gave a detailed account of the immediate and consequent results of the strike, with a statement of action taken by all building organizations to date, showing the manner in which the question affected all building trades, and resulting in locking out thousands of well-trained and well-behaved artisans, who obeyed the dictates of the handful of officials, committeemen, and a small army of walking delegates, who were to be seen daily at the union headquarters and who were paid by contributions from men whose dues were really filched from their wives and children. The report concluded as follows:

We believe that the Master Masons' association has acted with the
purest motives toward their employes, and in the spirit of
self-sacrifice with regard to their own interest. They have gone so
far as to encourage their men to form a union devoted to higher
principles than the rule-or-ruin policy which actuates the present
organization. This may all be well in the future, but it does not
help to do away with the objection of the men to taking up their
tools. A contract for labor differs from a contract for anything
else only in that the confidence of him who disposes of his labor
must be unqualified to the last degree. If the employer appeals to
the man as an individual he must inspire him with confidence in his
representations. If the Master Masons' association intends never
again to recognize the union rules, let it say so in terms so
unqualified that no one can misunderstand it. If the individual
workman fully believes it, he will be only too glad to come out
like a man, and there will be a scramble to see who gets there
first. If the master mason intends to live up to his profession,
let him guarantee his employe work for a stated time--long enough
to convince him that it is more to his interest to go to work than
to cling to his union and stand still. If no one mason feels
confident that he can guarantee steady work, say, for six months,
let the master masons agree among themselves to provide work, so
that, if a man is laid off on one job he can be sure of work on
another where he will not meet with any interference. If the
employer expects his men to work he must guarantee them full
protection in case of interference. But more than all things he
must guarantee his employe that he will never be displaced in
consequence of any future compromise with any labor organization.
If the master masons have faith in the stand they have taken, and
mean to maintain it at all hazards, they will get all the help they
want. If they have any idea that a strike is on their hands to be
settled by compromise with any body of men, they may as well
surrender to the union at once. We do not believe that this
weakness exists among them, but the public and their unemployed
mechanics must be convinced by their acts that they are thoroughly
in earnest--as we believe they are--and that guarantees, such as
have been suggested, will be carried out in good faith to the very
letter, and at all hazards.

The public, which must sustain us or we fall, will then be
convinced that there is no strike, except a strike for right and
justice. And if needs be that the employers must be responsible for
it, let them glory in it as our forefathers did.

There was a strike, as we admit. A strike did we say, for a
Saturday pay-day? It was so called. It was resisted, and the men
who were expected to pay on Saturday have not done so. It was a
strike aimed at the Master Masons' association. It was not for any
great benefit that Saturday pay-day should confer. It was a strike
to show the power of the striker. It was an exhibition of strength
from those whose strength has not been resisted or questioned for
four years; a power which knew no resistance, but which must be
periodically exhibited to make its presence felt. It is that same
power which is still so strong that it makes your mechanics blind
to all your heaven-born principles and deaf to all your promises.

You, gentlemen of the Master Masons' association, and all you who
have nailed our banner of liberty upon your walls, have strength
also. In a battle of endurance you can win, but if you do win by
extermination, then your sin will be greater than the fruit of your
victory. But remember that those who live by the sword, if they die
so living, shall also die by the sword. Your weapon is the olive
branch. Your principles are just. Let your faith be strong, and in
the end you will find your best friends in the camp of your enemy.

The report was signed by P. B. Wight, H. G. Savage and M. W. Powell, who composed the committee. It was unanimously approved, and a copy was directed to be sent to the Master Masons' association.

A NATIONAL CONVENTION CALLED.

The Amalgamated Building Trades Council decided to call a national convention to form a federation of journeymen builders in the United States. An "Important Call" was issued which recited the fact that there was a national organization of employers in the building industry which proposed to regulate all matters relative to that interest, and that to successfully defend their rights the wage-workers in the building industry must be thoroughly organized and ever on the alert. The following two reasons were given why a national federation of the building trades should be at once perfected:

1. It has been proved beyond all doubt that the interests of a
craft can be best protected by the complete unification of those
engaged therein; and so we have formed our unions and
trades-assemblies of Knights of Labor. It is also an undeviating
fact that the closer those whose interests are identical are drawn
together the easier and more satisfactory is the management of
those interests. And realizing the identity of the interests of the
building trades we, therefore, necessarily believe in their
thorough federation upon such basis as will not interfere with the
complete autonomy of each distinctive trade. [There are scores of
reasons why such a move would be beneficial, which are apparent to
all men of experience in labor organizations, and they need not be
enumerated here.]

2. Because it being a recognized idea that all large industries
shall be regulated by organizations of the employers on the one
hand and the employes upon the other hand, and there already being
in existence a national organization of the employers, or
contractors, under the name of the National Builders' association,
we believe that further delay in perfecting a national organization
upon our side would be suicidal to the best interests of the men of
the building trades, and fraught with danger to our separate trade
organizations.

We believe that steps should at once be taken to bring about this
greatly-desired amalgamation, and that a convention looking to that
end should be called together in this city as soon as practicable.

The date for the convention was fixed upon Tuesday, June 28th.

A CARPENTERS' COMMITTEE.

June 9th the Carpenters' and Builders' association appointed a committee to take charge of all matters of the association, to furnish men, protect them, and look after the interests of the members. The chairman appointed the following on the committee: North side, Messrs. J. L. Diez, John Ramcke and M. Bender; South side, Messrs. Wm. Goldie, Wm. Jackson and S. H. Dempsey; West side, Messrs. M. Campbell, J. F. Tregay and Peter Kauff. The committee retired and elected Mr. Goldie chairman, and agreed to meet daily at the Builders' and Traders' exchange.

A SCHEME THAT FAILED.

June 9th a special meeting of the Bricklayers union, was held, at which an attempt was again made to have the code of principles of the Master Masons approved, but it was unsuccessful. The most that could be done was to secure the appointment of a committee to take steps looking to a settlement of the strike. This committee was composed of A. E. Vorkeller, John Pierson, C. J. Lindgren, P. J. Miniter and Fred Rebush.

On Friday, June 10th, this committee met, after which Mr. Vorkeller, president of the union, called upon Mr. Downey, president of the Master Masons' association, and asked him when he would have a committee ready to meet his committee. Mr. Downey notified him that if he had any communication to make it should be presented in writing, in order that he might be able to submit it to his association. Mr. Vorkeller returned to his office and prepared a letter, which he delivered in person to Mr. Downey in the afternoon.

Shortly after the delivery of the letter the Master Masons' association met in special session, with George Tapper in the chair. Five new members were admitted, which occasioned a remark from a member that it did not look like the association was falling to pieces, or that the members were weakening. The report of the committee on strikes and grievances of the Central Council of the Building Interests, adopted on Tuesday, June 7th, was read. It was received with applause.

Mr. Downey then announced that he had received a letter from the president of the Bricklayers' Union, but before it was read he desired to make a statement in order that his position and the letter might be better understood. He said that on Monday evening, June 6th, Mr. A. E. Vorkeller, president of the Union, had called at his house, where they had a friendly chat. Mr. Vorkeller had then asked him how the strike could be settled, and he had informed Mr. Vorkeller that when the Union indorsed the platform of principles adopted by the builders they could arbitrate all questions of difference that were subjects of arbitration. On the following morning Mr. Vorkeller had called on him and suggested that he would bring with him four Union men to meet a like number of the Master Masons at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, to have an unofficial talk on the subject, it being agreed that no members of either executive committee should be present. Finding that he could not have one person present at that hour he had sent Mr. Vorkeller the following note:

FRIEND VORKELLER: It will be impossible for me to meet you before
3:30, owing to one of the men I appointed not being able to meet
before that time. I trust this will not inconvenience you in any
way. Yours, respectfully,

JOSEPH DOWNEY.

They met at 3:30 o'clock Tuesday afternoon, there being present the following representatives:

Master Masons--Joseph Downey, George Tapper, George H. Fox, C. W.
Hellman, William O'Brien and Charles W. Gindele.

Bricklayers--A. E. Vorkeller and Messrs. Taylor, Charles,
Householder and Kraus.

At the conference it was distinctly understood that the code of principles was to be first adopted and then they would arbitrate other questions. The whole talk was agreed and understood to be unofficial. Mr. Vorkeller then stated that he would call a special meeting of the union and see what could be done. Mr. Downey then read the following letter, which he had received from President Vorkeller:

CHICAGO, June 10, 1887.

MR. JOSEPH DOWNEY, President Master Masons' Association--_Dear
Sir_: In accordance with interview with you on the 7th inst. in
relation to appointing a committee with power to act, for the
purpose of arbitration, and, if possible, end the differences which
exist between our associations, and which are causing increased
uneasiness, not only to those on both sides who are immediately
concerned, but also to the public at large, who have been patient
witnesses to this uncalled for and unnecessary lockout, so far as
we are concerned we court the fullest investigation from the public
of our side of the case without having the least fear of the
result; but we are willing, and have agreed in special meeting, to
send a committee to settle this difficulty honorably to ourselves
as well as to you, according to the aforesaid interview. If this
suits your convenience you will please notify us immediately, if
possible, and oblige yours respectfully,

A. E. VORKELLER, President.

Mr. Charles W. Gindele remarked that when he entered the room where the meeting was held he made the announcement that the talk should be unofficial, which all acceded to. After a long conference they were led to conclude that the bricklayers would concede nearly everything but nine hours a day. The bricklayers were informed that they must adopt the platform of principles before there could be any arbitration.

Mr. George H. Fox said Mr. Gindele's statement was correct, and it was distinctly understood that the representatives of the bricklayers should go before their own people and adopt the platform of principles.

Mr. George Tapper, who was also at the meeting, said his impression of the conference was decidedly unfavorable. He had then called the attention of Mr. Vorkeller to the clause in the constitution of the Union in regard to apprentices, and told him that if he (Tapper) had a son who did not get his schooling before he was 18 years of age he would be debarred from learning the trade of a bricklayer. In reply to this Vorkeller had made the astounding statement that there was no trouble in such a case. All the boy had to do was to say he was 18 years old and he was all right, as they had boys come to them with long mustaches and had fixed them all right. Mr. Tapper said he replied by saying that was teaching boys to lie, and gave them the first steps toward the penitentiary, and if that was their way of doing business he wanted nothing more to do with them. He also said that Vorkeller had agreed that the section of the platform of principles providing for the free right to employ or to work was right, but when asked if his men would work alongside a non-union man he had said: "No; they would quit and carry off their tools." Mr. Tapper said he was disgusted with the whole business.

Mr. C. P. Wakeman thought it would be no harm to appoint a committee to confer with the Union committee. He thought also that the appointment of the committee by the Union was an acknowledgment of the code of principles. If the Master Masons demanded more than partial justice they would lose.

Mr. A. J. Hageman said if the Bricklayers' Union had not acknowledged the principles of the Master Masons there was nothing yet to arbitrate.

Mr. C. W. Gindele said he understood the Bricklayers were to submit what they wanted to arbitrate, but they had not done so.

Mr. E. Earnshaw said from the reading of the letter the Union had nothing to concede. It was endeavoring to lead the Masons into a trap in order to make capital out of it. By saying they "court the fullest investigation" the unionists emphatically claimed that they were right and the Master Masons were all wrong.

Mr. Downey stated that Mr. Vorkeller had frequently stated to him that he was in favor of the code of principles, but would have to "shin around" to induce the union to recognize them, fearing he would not be successful.

Mr. George C. Prussing said the arbitration movement had been instituted to keep the Union men together, as many of them were leaving, and an effort was being made to make these men understand that if a settlement should be reached they would be shut out. No arbitration should be had which meant only partial justice. There were principles that could not be arbitrated. When the Union amended its constitution so as to conform to their principles the Builders would be ready to join hands with them. Or, if a new Union should be organized on such a basis, it would be met with open hands. Compromise they would not. It would be stultification.

The vote on the motion to appoint the committee was lost, only eight voting in favor of it.

A motion was made to lay the communication on the table, which prevailed, only ten voting against it.

Mr. G. C. Prussing submitted the following, which was adopted as the sense of the meeting, with but one dissenting vote:

The position of this Association can hardly be misunderstood at
this late day. It has been laid down in our platform in
unmistakable language, and is further contained in an address to
the Bricklayers and Stonemasons of Chicago and published by the
public press.

We have addressed them as individuals, and shall continue to treat
them as individuals, not an organization. Principles can never be
subject to arbitration. And such matters as can properly be
arbitrated--such as hours of work, wages, or other working
rules--can not be discussed with any committee until an
organization is in existence which has adopted the principle of
individual liberty freely and fully, and is governed by
constitution and by-laws based thereon.

This community has suffered too often and too long, and the
sacrifices brought have been too great to listen to any hint of a
possible arbitration or compromise. We owe it to ourselves; to the
other building trades who have taken the position held by us, we
owe it to the entire community to settle the present troubles
right. That is, on a basis that promises security against future
arbitrary interruptions of business.

To individuals we are ready to give work; we guarantee them steady
employment as far as in our power, and will protect them in every
way, and if the men who now take up their tools should choose to
form an organization for mutual protection and any other honorable
and lawful purposes, based on the principles we acknowledge, we
will aid and assist them in perfecting such organization, and will
treat with them, and arbitrate any and all questions properly
subject to arbitration.

After the meeting adjourned Mr. Downey sent a communication to Mr. Vorkeller in reply to his letter, of which the following is a copy:

A. E. VORKELLER, President, etc.--_Dear Sir_: Your letter of this
day contained more than a surprise for me. Any and all interviews
held with you by me and other members of our Association were at
your seeking and request, and with the distinct understanding that
we were acting in our own individual capacity, without any
authority from any organized body, and that I, as president of the
Master Masons' association, have no authority to appoint any
committee for purposes set forth in your communication. Nor is your
letter written in the spirit you proposed, or your position as
given by yourself in interviews with me. You certainly must have
understood, for it was repeated over and over again, that I would
not consent to any effort at arbitration until your body shall have
adopted, plainly and fairly, the principles held by us as an
Association. I refer to principles as stated in our platform. Nor
can such agreement be expressed by a simple vote, but must be shown
by eliminating all sections of your constitution and by-laws in
conflict therewith.

Your letter has been placed before our Association, and by it was
laid on the table. Our position is again outlined by resolution
adopted, and will be found in the daily papers.

Very respectfully yours,
JOSEPH DOWNEY, President.

IT WORKED WELL.

Monday, June 13th, the rule of the Carpenter bosses for a nine-hour day was put into effect. It occasioned no such break with the men as had been promised. Nearly all acceded to the rule, and those who quit had their places filled at once by non-union men who were only too anxious to get a job.

OUT OF FUNDS.

Tuesday evening, June 14th, a special meeting of the Bricklayers' Union was held, at which the depleted condition of the treasury was made known. The men working were asked to divide their earnings with the idle men, which they flatly refused to do. A resolution was passed requiring the men to work alternate weeks. This occasioned trouble, the men refusing to obey the order. They were willing to pay the regular assessment of $1 a week, but no more. The executive committee was authorized to sell a lot owned by the Union at the corner of Monroe and Peoria streets, to raise funds to meet the demands of the idlers. In order to keep up a show with the men the officers continued to claim that money was plenty, and more could be had; yet their demands for a few dollars were not met in cash--only promises.

INFLUENCE.

The following invitation was sent to fifty prominent citizens of Chicago:

UNION LEAGUE CLUB, CHICAGO, June 11th, 1887.

_Dear Sir_:--You are requested to meet a number of gentlemen in the
parlors of the Union League club, next Monday evening, June 13th,
at 8 o'clock, P. M., sharp, to consider the present labor
troubles, in our city and elsewhere, and to discuss the propriety
of inaugurating a movement, the object and aim of which will be to
harmonize existing and imaginary differences between employers and
employes, and to restore and re-establish every and all rights of
citizenship guaranteed by the constitution of the United States,
and to maintain the supremacy of the law throughout the length and
breadth of the land. The vital questions of the day must be met,
calmly considered and settled.

You are earnestly invited to respond to this call.
By order of
COMMITTEE ON POLITICAL ACTION.

The guests assembled in the parlors of the club and were escorted to the library, where Mr. G. F. Bissell presided during a lengthy discussion of the labor question. At the close of the meeting resolutions were adopted for the appointment of a committee of seven whose duty it was to procure signatures of citizens to a paper endorsing the action of the Master Masons and Builders in the stand they had taken against the tyranny of the unions, and to request the press to keep the subject before the public.

On Tuesday the committee met and prepared a heading for signatures, which contained extracts from the code of principles of the builders, in regard to the right of every man to work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, and the right of every boy to learn a trade. To these extracts were appended the following:

We, the undersigned, endorse the action of the Master Masons and
other organizations of Builders and agree to use our best endeavors
to bring about a resumption of building operations based on the
Code of Principles at the head of this paper.

Signatures were procured to these papers in large numbers and were presented to the Master Masons' association. They had a good effect, as some of the weaker members needed just such endorsement to make them strong.

ANGRY BRICKLAYERS.

Applications for the small stipend promised by the Union to men out of employment grew to be more frequent. The demands were not met with the promptitude which the idle men thought should characterize the occasion, and some of them became loud and emphatic in their protestations against what they said was unfair treatment. They became so earnest in their expressions that they were called to one side and cautioned to not be so bold as to give the Union away. Many of them heeded the caution for the time being, but as they filed out of the office they were very angry because they got no money, claiming that they were needy and had as much right to assistance as anybody. One of them boldly and rather roughly asserted that "the whole thing was bursted," and the managers were "making a play to keep the men together," but he thought it would play out in a few days.

One of them who was well posted on some historical facts, made the following statement: "In 1883, at the time of the strike, the Bricklayers of Chicago got $13,000 from the International union in aid of the strikers. During the same year the Chicago union was assessed $4,600 to assist the strikers in Pittsburgh, but the assessment was never paid. The union then withdrew from the International union and became an independent organization. The cash in the treasury of the union has been exhausted, and if the lot is sold there will not be enough money to pay up the claims for relief to date. The International union has refused financial aid to the Chicago union until the Pittsburgh assessment is paid, and all other assessments made since then, amounting to about $17,000. President Darrow, of the International union, has written a letter to the Chicago union notifying the officers that if they will join the International union again and agree to make good all back assessments, he will send the Chicago union $5,000. If they do not accept this proposition and join now he will establish a branch of the International union in Chicago as soon as the present strike is over, if not sooner. The Chicago union will not accept the offer, and where is it to get assistance from? If it kept faith with the idle men it would require $10,000 a week to sustain itself. Under such pressure the union can not be expected to hold out very long."

A BID FOR SYMPATHY.

A mass meeting was called at Battery D by the Bricklayers' union for the purpose of eliciting sympathy from the public. It was held Thursday evening, June 16th, there being three thousand workingmen present. Revs. Lorimer and Goss and Gen. Beem were invited to be present, but they were not there. Persons who favored the builders' side of the question were conspicuous by their absence. One builder who was bold enough to get as far as the door was knocked down and driven away. Edward Mulrany, of the Bricklayers' union, presided, and the exercises were conducted by members of the union. The following lengthy preamble and resolutions were read and adopted unanimously, followed by great applause and loud cheers:

The United Order of American Bricklayers and Stonemasons of the
city of Chicago, in mass-meeting assembled at the armory of battery
D, June 16, 1887, do adopt and declare the following preamble and
resolutions:

_Whereas_, Certain questions and matters of difference have arisen
between us and the Master Masons' and Builders' association of
Chicago, and the controversy over the same has resulted in a
widespread suspension of building operations in this city, to the
immense injury of both the employers and the employed, and to the
great damage of the community at large; and

_Whereas_, There is no adequate remedy for any such case under any
existing law; and

_Whereas_, The working people have often been admonished through
the public press and otherwise that they should not resort to a
strike or boycott to obtain their rights, but should appeal to the
law for protection and relief, and in case the existing laws are
insufficient to the lawmaking power for new and better enactments;
and

_Whereas_, In pursuance of such admonitions they earnestly appealed
to the legislature at the last session to provide an adequate
remedy for conflicts of employers and the employed; and

_Whereas_, The legislature nevertheless wholly neglected and
refused to provide any such remedy, or even to consider and discuss
the subject in any open and public manner; and

_Whereas_, There is now no other mode in which relief can be sought
than retaliation by strike or boycott on the one hand, or by
voluntary arbitration on the other; and

_Whereas_, The same legislature that refused to provide any remedy
for such cases, has sought to make every participant in any strike
or boycott punishable as a criminal, without extending the same
penalties to the corresponding offense of a lockout, so far as we
are yet informed; and

_Whereas_, We have heretofore offered and proposed, and do now
again and openly and publicly offer and propose, to submit to the
full and final decision of arbitrators, to be chosen in the usual
manner, every question and matter of difference or controversy
pending between us and said Master Masons' and Builders'
association, and to abide by and perform such decision, and would
be willing to have one of the judges of Cook county chosen to act
as umpire in case of disagreement of the arbitrators; and

_Whereas_, The power of public opinion is the only force by which
we can compel such submission to arbitration; and

_Whereas_, The public at large are deeply interested in the matter,
and would be greatly benefited by an early resumption of the
suspended building operations; and

_Whereas_, We are willing and desire that a decision by arbitration
should extend over and include the entire residue of the building
season of the present year, that any future difficulty may be
avoided; now, therefore, be it

_Resolved_, As follows: 1. That we condemn in strong terms the
neglect of the legislature to provide any adequate legal remedy by
a state board of labor and capital, or otherwise, for conflicts
between employers and the employed, and that we will continue the
agitation of this subject till proper laws have been enacted
providing such a remedy.

2. That we condemn in equally strong terms the refusal of said
Master Masons' and Builders' association to submit to arbitration
whatever claims, charges, questions, controversies, or differences
they may have with or against us; and we appeal to the mighty power
of public opinion to uphold our cause, and to compel the submission
to the arbitration we desire.

3. That we purposely abstain from attempting to argue in the
present preamble and resolutions the justice of the points for
which we contend with the Master Masons' and Builders' association,
because that is the matter which should be discussed before and
determined by the arbitrators whose appointment we desire.

4. That we appeal to the two great organs of public opinion, the
pulpit and the public press, to advocate the righteousness of our
demands, or to point out to us if they can wherein the same are
contrary to justice or offensive to law and order; and in that case
to show us some other lawful way, if any exists, by which justice
may be secured.

When Drs. Lorimer and Goss and Gen. Beem could not be found in the assembly, the venerable Judge Booth, who has attended nearly every public meeting in Chicago for half a century, delivered a brief address in which he expressed himself in favor of arbitration.

Other speeches of the evening were made by M. L. Crawford, of the typographical union; George Lang, a bricklayer; William Kliver, president of the trades assembly; John Pierson, ex-president, and A. E. Vorkeller, president of the Bricklayers' union; William Davidson and C. R. Temple.

TO MAKE BRICK.

Friday, June 17th, the Chicago brick manufacturers met and agreed to resume work in their yards Monday, June 20th, and to continue to work until they made enough brick to fill their sheds. If by that time the strike was not settled they were to close their yards for the season.

AN ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC.

June 18th the Central Council of the Building Interests issued the following address to the public:

The Central Council of the Building Interests of Chicago, which now
addresses you, was organized June 1st, 1887, under the following
circumstances:

When, on the 29th of April last, the United Order of Bricklayers
and Stonemasons of Chicago decided, without consultation with their
employers, that they would only receive their pay every two weeks
on Saturdays, the Master Masons' association refused to comply with
the demand, and the union men struck on their work wherever it was
refused. The Master Masons' association then resolved to suspend
all work on and after the 13th of May, and did so unanimously. The
fire-proofing companies which employed men of the same union took
the same action. The strike was made inoperative for the time being
by the lockout of the employers.

The Builders' and Traders' exchange met on the following day,
resolved to sustain the Master Masons, and called upon each trade
represented to send three representatives to a general conference
to consider the situation. The conference was organized with a full
representation, and on the 25th of May adopted the following
platform and code of principles to be submitted and be ratified by
all the building organizations:

We affirm that absolute personal independence of the individual to
work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a fundamental
principle which should never be questioned or assailed; that upon
it depends the security of our whole social fabric and business
prosperity, and that employers and workmen should be equally
interested in its defense and preservation.

We recognize that there are many opportunities for good in
associations of workmen, and while condemning and opposing improper
action upon their part, we will aid and assist them in all just and
honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental principles it would
be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are still many points upon
which conference and arbitration are perfectly right and proper,
and that upon such points it is a manifest duty to take advantage
of the opportunities afforded by associations to confer together to
the end that strikes, lockouts, and other disturbances maybe
prevented.

Code of principles by the employe to be made a universal condition
of employment by all building interests of Chicago, viz:

I recognize the right of every man to decide for himself, without
dictation or interference, when he shall work or cease to work,
where he shall work, how many hours he shall work, and for what
wages he shall work. I recognize the right of the employer to
decide for himself whom he shall employ or cease to employ, and to
regulate and manage his business with perfect independence,
provided, only, that he deal lawfully, justly and honorably with
all men.

I recognize the right of every father to have his son taught, and
of every son to learn any lawful trade, to be the same as his right
to a knowledge of reading and writing, or any other branch of
learning, which should be subject to regulation only by the laws of
the land.

By accepting employment I agree in all my relations and intercourse
with my employers and fellow-workmen to maintain and live up to
these principles.

The conference also asked each organization to nominate one member
to a Central Council of the Building Interests.

The platform was adopted by the several organizations, and
representatives were appointed to this body, which is now
recognized by the trades as the representative of all the building
interests collectively, and is permanently organized.

At the same time the Master Masons' association resolved to resume
business on or before June 1, and adopted a uniform set of working
rules, defining the hours of labor and other conditions necessary
to the prosecution of their business, etc., in accordance with the
platform that had been adopted. The fire-proofing companies did the
same thing. The action of these bodies broke the lockout, which was
of but brief existence.

It is naturally asked, therefore: Why this continued stoppage and
stagnation in the building business? It may be briefly said, in
reply, that the men have in large numbers refused the work offered
to them in accordance with the dictates of the United Order of
Bricklayers and Stonemasons, and upon that body rests the
responsibility entirely.

Whatever dispute the Master Masons have had with their employes'
union, has been taken up by the whole body of trades here
represented, while the employers of the associations of master
masons, fire-proofers, and carpenters have officially decided to
treat no more with unions as unions, but with men as reasoning
beings.

With these facts before us it behooves us to look the question
squarely in the face and see how we stand to-day. Some of the
masons have small forces of bricklayers and stonemasons at work and
all the laborers they want, for there is practically no strike
among the laborers. The fire-proofers are well supplied and have
practically resumed business. There are a few buildings in
progress, on which we are informed that the owners have employed
foremen and journeymen appointed by the union. There are others
again, the contractors for which are "union bosses," or members of
the union, who have become employers without severing their
membership, and hence are strictly bound to all union rules.

But we still see many deserted buildings where the sound of the
trowel is not heard.

Thousands of well-trained and to their credit, be it said,
well-behaved artisans may be seen in the streets and about their
homes. Many are Bricklayers, obeying the dictates of the handful of
officials and committeemen and small army of walking delegates who
may be seen daily at the union headquarters, placed there by their
votes, or, at least, allowed to be there by their indifference, and
certainly well paid by their contributions. The time of these
officials is partly devoted to receiving contributions from men
whose dues are now really filched from their wives and children,
partly to having their vanity flattered by the obsequious prayers
of so-called capitalists for help to satisfy their greed and
avarice in getting their own buildings finished before their
neighbors, and partly to giving out fulsome accounts of their
victories over the bosses, in a supposed contest that really does
not exist.

In consequence of this we see the public misled by the daily press
into a belief that nothing is going on but a strike between the
boss Masons and the Bricklayers' union on the senseless question of
a Saturday pay-day, characterized by nothing but the obstinacy on
both sides, while in reality the united employers in all the
building trades are contending simply for the natural rights of a
man whether he be employer or employe, against a score of
professional agitators who temporarily control the skilled
mechanics of this country.

Now, last of all, what do we see at the Master Masons'
headquarters? A united body of men with large interests at stake,
and great responsibilities, who have not attempted to enforce a
long and exhausting lockout for bringing their misguided employes
to terms through poverty and distress, but calmly and deliberately
leaving to us, the representatives of the sister building trades,
the arbitrament of their own interests. The principles that they
have adopted are those which we formulated, and they have agreed to
the broad doctrine of freedom and justice. They did not seek to
prolong the contest with their employes which had arisen from such
a slight pretext. But as soon as the conference advised they acted
(and so have the Carpenters). They have offered immediate
employment on a fair basis. Is it their fault that their employes
do not all come back to them? They have used every means that they
can with due regards to their own dignity and self-respect to bring
their men back. If they do not come it is simply because of the
authority which the Union holds over its members. They are more
devoted to their Union, which says "no," restraining their
individual acts, than to their employers, who say "come"--more even
than to their wives and families. In other words, while
individually they believe in the principles which we have
enunciated, they hope for a reconciliation between the union and
the bosses. From all past experience many of them believe that
there will be a reconciliation or compromise, and they think their
own safety is in waiting. We should remember that these men stand
in a dilemma. Each one of them is in a state of mental perplexity
trying to decide in his own mind which course to take for his own
interest. Heretofore he has not exercised his own mind on these
subjects. He has left all the details of the contract for his labor
to the officials of his Union. It has become a second nature to him
to look to his Union for protection in all things. He has
voluntarily ceased to be a free agent.

There has been much talk of late on the subject of arbitration. A
proper understanding of the situation will show how impossible such
a course is at present. The responsibility for the prevention of
the men from working has been fixed where it belongs. It is useless
to talk now of a settlement. There will be no solution until the
idle men take up their tools and renounce their allegiance to the
present Union. There will be no yielding until that is the case.
The sister trades have and will continue to sustain the Masons and
other trades affected by the encroachments of labor organizations
until then.

In the following resolutions, passed at the regular meeting held
June 10, the Central Council thus expressed its views upon the
importance of uniform working hours:

_Whereas_, In the opening of this Council it is of the greatest
interest to all of the trades here represented that the hours of
work on buildings in course of erection should be uniform in all
the trades.

_Resolved_, That while we recognize the right of every trade to
establish its own working hours, we think those established by a
large majority, not only in Chicago but in other cities, should be
considered as a precedent for others to follow.

At the same meeting the stand taken by the Master Masons was thus
indorsed:

_Resolved_, That the Association of Master Masons and Builders has
the heartiest support of the building trades here represented in
its battle against exactions of an unscrupulous and tyrannical
trade union, which is the enemy alike to the building trades and
the interests of its own members.

The position they have taken under the principles adopted by the
conference is a just one, they have held out the olive branch to
their former employes, and it only remains to inspire them with
confidence in its representations to the end that work may speedily
be resumed.

GEORGE TAPPER, President.
F. C. SCHOENTHALER, Secretary.

THE BRICKLAYERS' UNION DESPISED.

Organized labor in Chicago had no sympathy for the Bricklayers' union. Members of other unions entertained for it a feeling of bitterness which was constantly being manifested. This was fully illustrated at a meeting of the Amalgamated Building Trades Council held Saturday evening, June 18th, at which delegates stated that the Bricklayers' union had taken contracts from Master Masons for the erection of buildings, and had then hired non-union hod-carriers, carpenters, cornice-makers, lathers and laborers of all classes. The Bricklayers' union was characterized as "the meanest organization on God's green footstool," and it was remarked that it would be a good thing for Chicago if it was wiped out of existence. The union was bitterly denounced for its selfish, mercenary, unjust, tyrannical conduct toward other labor organizations.

On Sunday, June 19th, at a meeting of the Trade and Labor Assembly, Edward Mulrany, of the Bricklayers' union, made a vicious attack upon James Brennock, of the Building Trades council, on account of the action of the previous evening. Mr. Brennock, an old man, attempted to explain the true situation, but his voice was drowned by Mulrany, who fairly yelled: "Lies! lies! you're a liar!" and heaped abuse upon the old man to such an extent that he was forced to subside.

The Bricklayers' union had for so long had everything its own way that the leaders assumed the right to not only dictate to the bosses and other unions, but they usurped the prerogative of trampling upon anything and everything that attempted to question a single act of the union. They had made servile tools of the members of every other organization until all had grievances of such a character that they were in a position to sympathize with even an employer, in a fight against the oppression of the Bricklayers' union. The Hodcarriers went so far as to threaten to take up trowels and lay brick for members of the Master Masons' association in order to aid in breaking up the Union that had been so abusive to all other labor organizations. Under these circumstances it was but reasonable to expect that the tide of the strike would turn in favor of the Master Masons.

A NEW UNION.

A proposition was made for the organization of a new Union of the Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' which should recognize the principles of right and justice laid down in the platform of the National Association of Builders, and approved by every organization of builders in Chicago. Blanks were printed and placed in the hands of the members of the Master Masons' association upon which to procure the signatures of their respective employes. The blanks were in the following form:

We believe in the right of workmen to organize for mutual
protection and all just and honorable purposes, and assert our
right.

We recognize the right of every man to work or not to work, to
employ or not to employ.

We recognize the right of every boy to learn any lawful trade.

We recognize that strikes and lockouts are baneful and may be
prevented by arbitration.

We believe that all matters of joint interest to employers and
workmen should be discussed and acted on by joint committees,
representing organizations of both employers and workmen.

We believe that by organizing upon the principles set forth the
foundation to future harmony is laid and the best interests of all
conserved.

Now, therefore, do we, the undersigned, agree to attend a meeting
to be called at an early day, to form ourselves into the "Chicago
Union of Bricklayers and Stonemasons."

This paper was circulated among the bricklayers and stonemasons who were working under the rules of the Master Masons' association, and in three days the signatures of two hundred and fifty men were procured.

On Tuesday, June 21st, a committee issued a call for a meeting for the organization of a new union, which was as follows:

MR. ............................

_Dear Sir_: Wednesday evening has been set for forming the Chicago
Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' Union. Meeting will be held at the
Builders' and Traders' Exchange at 7:30 P. M. Your presence is
desired, with all the bricklayers and stonemasons in your employ,
and if your men have any friends who wish to join said Union, bring
them with you, for the purpose of taking your first step for
liberty.

THE COMMITTEE.

The call had been signed by 284 bricklayers and stonemasons, 225 of which met and took the first steps necessary to an organization. All but 30 of those present were ex-members of the old union. A committee was appointed to draft a constitution and by-laws. Another meeting was held on Friday evening, at which a number of new members were received.

On Wednesday, June 30th, the new union met and adopted a constitution which embraced as its basis the code of principles of the Master Masons' association and declared the objects to be as follows:

The object of this Union is to carry into living effect the
principles set forth; to do away with labor disturbances, such as
strikes, lockouts, and boycotts; and to institute a practical mode
of arbitration; to give all moral and material aid in its power to
its members and those dependent upon them; to educate and elevate
its members socially, morally, and intellectually; to establish and
administer a fund for the relief of sick and distressed members,
and for mortuary benefit.

Other provisions were as follows:

"Members shall consist of active, passive, and honorary members.
Any bricklayer or stonemason who has worked in Chicago one week at
the minimum rate of wages for competent journeymen may become an
active member, or any journeyman who presents evidence of
membership in any other union in the United States or Canada, which
is founded on the same principles, may be enrolled as a member."

"Members employed as foremen shall not be subject to the union
during such employment."

The initiation fee was fixed at $5 and the annual dues at the same amount. Provision was made for committees on arbitration, house and finance. The powers of the committee on arbitration were defined as follows:

The arbitration committee shall have full power to adjust all
grievances and make a written award after a joint meeting with the
arbitration committee of the Master Masons' association. This
committee shall have power to determine for the year all working
rules, including the minimum rate of wages per hour for all
competent mechanics, and for all overtime and Sunday work.

The constitution also provided for rules for running the union, and for benefits for injuries received, and for the payment of funeral expenses of deceased members.

Officers were elected as follows: President, Lewis Meyer; secretary, T. D. Price; treasurer, T. J. Fellows; sentinel, Henry Annes.

The officers were directed to procure a charter.

NATIONAL BUILDING TRADES COUNCIL.

On Tuesday, June 28th, the first national convention of the Amalgamated Building Trades was held in Chicago. There were sixty-eight delegates present, of whom fifty were from Chicago. The others were from Detroit, 3; Washington, 1; Cincinnati, 2; New York, 3; Pennsylvania, 1; Bay City, 1; Brooklyn, 1; Denver, 1; Milwaukee, 1; Philadelphia, 2; Sioux City, 1; Pittsburgh, 1. P. W. Birk, of Brooklyn, presided during the session which lasted three days.

The objects of the council were defined as follows:

The objects of the Council are to assist in the organization of the
journeymen workers of the building trades, and the federation of
such trade organizations into building trade councils and central
bodies in each locality of the United States; to create a bond of
unity between the wage-working builders, and to aid by counsel and
support all legitimate efforts made for the betterment of the
condition of members of the building trades.

The following appeal to the building trade organizations was adopted and directed to be sent all over the country:

TO ALL COUNCILS, FEDERATIONS, AND ORGANIZATIONS OF THE BUILDING
TRADES IN THE UNITED STATES--_Greeting_: The time has come in the
wisdom of the soundest thinkers and most experienced workers in the
ranks of labor when it is not only proper, but necessary, that the
journeymen workers of the building industry in the United States
should be thoroughly organized and federated under a national
council. Such an organization, by the conservative exercise of the
control delegated to it by a constitution upon which all local
organizations can unite, could do a great work in looking after the
interests of the various crafts and callings engaged in the
building industry; and, by a timely and wise supervision in cases
of wage or other difficulties, exercise an incalculable influence
in directing the course of events to a solution favorable to the
workers, by keeping the craftsmen of the whole country fully
informed of the situation and the necessities of the case. The
contractors, or "Master Builders," have formed and are endeavoring
to perfect a National Association with the declared purpose of
opposing the efforts of the labor organizations to regulate wages
and the hours of labor.