Chapter III (4)

SIR: After my last communication the excitement and military operations of the insurgents against the government of this State appeared to subside, and I indulged hopes that no open violence would be attempted, but that they were disposed to await the action of the general assembly, now in session at Newport. I regret that I am obliged to inform Your Excellency that within a few days past appearances have become more alarming. Several iron cannon have been stolen from citizens of Providence, and during the night of the 19th a powder house, owned by a merchant of Providence, was broken open and about 1,200 pounds of powder stolen therefrom. Yesterday the military operations of the insurgents became more decided in their character. At Woonsocket and Chepachet there were gatherings of men in military array, pretending to act under the authority of Thomas W. Dorr. They established a kind of martial law in those villages, stopped peaceable citizens in the highways, and at Chepachet four citizens of Providence were seized by an armed force, pinioned, and compelled to march about 10 miles under a guard of about forty men to Woonsocket, where they were cruelly treated under pretense of being spies. The insurgents are provided with cannon, tents, ammunition, and stores.

It is ascertained that Thomas W. Dorr has returned from the city of New York to the State of Connecticut, and I have reason to believe he will be at Chepachet this day, where he will concentrate what forces he has already under arms with such others as he can collect. Those already assembled are composed of citizens of other States as well as of our own, and are variously estimated at 500 to 1,000 men.

I have this morning had an interview with Colonel Bankhead, who will communicate to the War Department such facts as have come to his knowledge. I would further state to Your Excellency that in those villages and their vicinity the civil authority is disregarded and paralyzed.

Under these circumstances I respectfully submit to Your Excellency that the crisis has arrived when the aid demanded by the legislature of the State from the Federal Government is imperatively required to furnish that protection to our citizens from domestic violence which is guaranteed by the Constitution and laws of the United States.

I confidently trust that Your Excellency will adopt such measures as will afford us prompt and efficient relief.

I remain, with great consideration, your obedient servant,

SAM. W. KING.

WASHINGTON, _June 25, 1842_.

Governor KING.

SIR: Your letter of the 23d instant was this day received by the hands of Governor Sprague, together with the documents accompanying the same. Your excellency has unintentionally overlooked the fact that the legislature of Rhode Island is now in session. The act of Congress gives to the Executive of the United States no power to summon to the aid of the State the military force of the United States unless an application shall be made by the legislature if in session; and that the State executive can not make such application except when the legislature can not be convened. (See act of Congress, February 28, 1795.)

I presume that your excellency has been led into the error of making this application (the legislature of the State being in session at the date of your dispatch) from a misapprehension of the true import of my letter of 7th May last. I lose no time in correcting such misapprehension if it exist.

Should the legislature of Rhode Island deem it proper to make a similar application to that addressed to me by your excellency, their communication shall receive all the attention which will be justly due to the high source from which such application shall emanate.

I renew to your excellency assurances of high consideration.

J. TYLER.

PROVIDENCE, R.I., _June 23, 1842_.

Hon. JOHN C. SPENCER,

_Secretary of War_.

SIR: I addressed you yesterday afternoon in great haste, that my letter might go by the mail (then about being closed), to inform you of the sudden change in the aspect of affairs in this State, and also to inform you that I should be this morning at Governors Island, New York.

At the urgent solicitation of Governor King, who crossed over from Newport to Stonington to intercept me on the route, I returned last night to this place from Stonington, having proceeded so far on my way to New York.

In addition to what I stated in my letter yesterday, I learn from Governor King (who has just called on me) that four citizens of this city who had gone to Chepachet to ascertain what was going on there were arrested as spies by the insurgents, bound, and sent last night to Woonsocket, where they were confined when his informer left there at 8 o'clock this morning; also that martial law had been proclaimed by the insurgents at Woonsocket and Chepachet, and no one was allowed to enter or depart from either place without permission.

The citizens of this city are in a state of intense excitement.

I shall return to-morrow to Newport to await any instructions you may be pleased to favor me with.

I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,

JAS. BANKHEAD,
_Colonel Second Regiment Artillery_.

PROVIDENCE, R.I., _June 23, 1842_.

Brigadier-General R. JONES,

_Adjutant-General United States Army_.

SIR: I left Newport yesterday morning to return to Fort Columbus, with the belief that my presence could no longer be necessary for the purpose I had been ordered there for. The legislature was in session, and, as I was well assured, determined honestly and faithfully to adopt measures to meet the wishes of the citizens of this State to form a constitution on such liberal principles as to insure full satisfaction to all patriotic and intelligent men who had any interest in the welfare of the State. The well-known intention of the legislature in this respect would, I hoped and believed, reconcile the factious and produce tranquillity. But the aspect of affairs has suddenly become more threatening and alarming. There is an assemblage of men at Woonsocket and Chepachet, two small villages (say 15 miles distant hence) on the borders of Connecticut, composed principally of strangers or persons from other States. They have recently received 75 muskets from Boston and 80 from New York, in addition to former supplies. They have also several mounted cannon and a large quantity of ammunition, 48 kegs of which they stole from a powder house not far distant from this, the property of a manufacturer of powder. Dorr, it is supposed, joined his party at one of the above-named places the night before last; he has certainly returned from New York and passed through Norwich. His _concentrated_ forces are variously estimated at from 500 to 1,000 men.

I had proceeded thus far yesterday afternoon on my return to New York, and had taken my seat in the cars for Stonington, when an express from Governor King, who was at Newport, overtook me, to request that I would not leave the State; too late, however, for me then to stop here, as the cars were just moving off. On getting to Stonington I there found Governor King, who had crossed over from Newport to intercept me, and at his solicitation I at once returned with him last night in an extra car to this place. Not then having a moment's time to write you, as the steamboat left immediately on the arrival of the cars at Stonington, I sent my adjutant on in the boat with directions to report to you the fact and the cause of my return.

I had written thus far when the governor called on me, and has informed me that four citizens of this State, who had gone to Chepachet to ascertain the exact state of affairs there, were arrested as spies, bound, and sent last night to Woonsocket, where two hours ago they were still in confinement. Martial law has been declared in Chepachet and Woonsocket, and no one allowed to enter or depart without permission. I yesterday afternoon wrote to the Secretary of War (as I had been directed), in great haste, however, to send by the mail, to inform him of the sudden change in the aspect of affairs here; in which letter I stated that I should be at Governors Island this morning. As I, of course, then did not contemplate to the contrary, I beg you will do me the favor to acquaint him with the cause of my return.

I can only add that the citizens of this place are in a state of intense anxiety and excitement. I remain here to-day at the special request of several who have just left me. To-morrow I shall return to Newport to await any communication from you.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JAS. BANKHEAD,
_Colonel Second Regiment Artillery_.

PROVIDENCE, R.I., _June 27, 1842_.

SIR:[123] As there was no mail yesterday from this, I could make no report to the Major-General Commanding of the military movements in this quarter up to that time. Since my last letter to you most of the volunteers and other military companies called out by the governor have assembled here to the amount of about 2,000 men. The force of the insurgents under the immediate direction of Mr. Dorr, and concentrated at Chepachet, is estimated at from 800 to 1,000 men armed with muskets, about 1,500 without arms, and 10 or 12 cannon mounted.

[Footnote 123: Addressed to Brigadier-General R. Jones, Adjutant-General United States Army.]

It seems to be impossible to avoid a conflict between the contending parties without the interposition of a strong regular force.

The State force here can defend this city, and it might successfully attack the insurgent force at Chepachet; but there would be danger in leaving the city without adequate means of protection to it, as there is doubtless a large number within the city with concealed arms ready to commence hostilities.

The position taken by Dorr's troops at Chepachet is naturally strong, and has been much strengthened by intrenchments, etc. It would therefore be highly imprudent to make the attack, even if no secret foes were left behind within the city, without a positive certainty of success; and with the aid of a few disciplined troops a defeat there would be ruinous and irreparable.

A force of 300 regular troops would insure success, and probably without bloodshed.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JAS. BANKHEAD,
_Colonel Second Regiment Artillery_.

WASHINGTON, _June 27, 1842_.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The intelligence from Rhode Island since the call was made on you by the Senators from that State is of a character still more serious and urgent than that then communicated to you by Mr. Sprague, who was charged with communications to Your Excellency from Governor King. We are informed that a requisition was made upon the Government of the United States by the governor of Rhode Island, pursuant to resolutions passed by the general assembly of that State when in session in May last, calling for a proclamation against those engaged in an armed rebellion against the government of Rhode Island and for military aid in suppressing the same; that Your Excellency replied to Governor King that in the opinion of the Executive the force arrayed against the government of the State was not then such as to warrant immediate action on his part, but that Your Excellency in your reply proceeded to say: "If an exigency of lawless violence shall actually arise, the executive government of the United States, on the application of your excellency under the authority of the resolutions of the legislature already submitted, will stand ready to succor the authorities of the State in their efforts to maintain a due respect for the laws." Whereby it was understood that in the event of the assembling of such an armed force as would require the interference contemplated by the Constitution and laws of the United States the Executive of the United States, upon being duly notified of the fact by the governor of the State, would act upon the requisition already made by the legislature without further action on the part of that body.

We understand that upon this notice being given through the communications handed you by Mr. Sprague on Saturday, containing proof of the existence and array of a large body of armed men within the State of Rhode Island, who had already committed acts of lawless violence, both by depredating largely upon property in various parts of the State and by capturing and confining citizens, as well as owning and manifesting a determination to attack the constituted authorities, you considered that it was desirable that this communication should have been accompanied with a further resolution of the general assembly authorizing the governor to act in this instance, from the fact that the assembly was then in session by adjournment.

It is the purpose of this communication respectfully to state that we conceive the existing circumstances call for the immediate action of the Executive upon the information and papers now in its possession.

The meeting of the legislature during the last week was by adjournment. It is in law regarded as the May session of the general assembly, and can be regarded in no other light than if it had been a continuous session of that body held from day to day by usual adjournments. Had this last been the case, it can not be conceived that new action on its part would have been required to give notice of any movements of hostile forces engaged in the same enterprise which was made known to the Executive by its resolutions of May last.

Our intelligence authorizes us to believe that a multitude of lawless and violent men, not citizens of Rhode Island, but inhabitants of other States, wickedly induced by pay and by hopes of spoil, and perhaps instigated also by motives arising from exasperation on the part of their instigators and of themselves at the course heretofore indicated in this matter by the executive government of the Union, have congregated themselves and are daily increasing their numbers within the borders of our State, organized, armed, and arrayed in open war upon the State authorities, and ready to be led, and avowedly about to be led, to the attack of the principal city of the State as part of the same original plan to overthrow the government, and that in the prosecution of this plan our citizens have reason to apprehend the most desperate and reckless assaults of ruffianly violence upon their property, their habitations, and their lives.

We beg leave to refer you, in addition, to a letter which we understand was received yesterday by General Scott from Colonel Bankhead, detailing some information in his possession.

We therefore respectfully request an immediate compliance on the part of the Executive with the requisition communicated in the papers from Governor King, as the most effectual, and, in our opinion, the only measure that can now prevent the effusion of blood and the calamities of intestine violence, if each has not already occurred.

We are, with the highest respect, Your Excellency's obedient servants,

JAMES F. SIMMONS.
WM. SPRAGUE.
JOSEPH L. TILLINGHAST.

WASHINGTON, _June 29,1842_.

The Secretary Of War.

SIR: From the official communication of Colonel Bankhead to you, this day laid before me, it is evident that the difficulties in Rhode Island have arrived at a crisis which may require a prompt interposition of the Executive of the United States to prevent the effusion of blood. From the correspondence already had with the governor of Rhode Island I have reason to expect that a requisition will be immediately made by the government of that State for the assistance guaranteed by the Constitution to protect its citizens from domestic violence. With a view to ascertain the true condition of things and to render the assistance of this Government (if any shall be required) as prompt as may be, you are instructed to proceed to Rhode Island, and, in the event of a requisition being made upon the President in conformity with the laws of the United States, you will cause the proclamation herewith delivered to be published. And should circumstances in your opinion render it necessary, you will also call upon the governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut, or either of them, for such number and description of the militia of their respective States as may be sufficient to terminate at once the insurrection in Rhode Island. And in the meantime the troops in the vicinity of Providence may with propriety be placed in such positions as will enable them to defend that city from assault.

JOHN TYLER.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the legislature of the State of Rhode Island has applied to the President of the United States setting forth the existence of a dangerous insurrection in that State, composed partly of deluded citizens of the State, but chiefly of intruders of dangerous and abandoned character coming from other States, and requiring the immediate interposition of the constitutional power vested in him to be exercised in such cases, I do issue this my proclamation, according to law, hereby commanding all insurgents and all persons connected with said insurrection to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within twenty-four hours from the time when this proclamation shall be made public in Rhode Island.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand.

Done at the city of Washington this ---- day of ---- A.D. 1842, and of the Independence of the United States the sixty-sixth.

[L.S.] JOHN TYLER.

By the President:
DANL. WEBSTER,
_Secretary of State_.

WASHINGTON, _April 22, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith, for your approval and ratification, a treaty which I have caused to be negotiated between the United States and Texas, whereby the latter, on the conditions therein set forth, has transferred and conveyed all its right of separate and independent sovereignty and jurisdiction to the United States. In taking so important a step I have been influenced by what appeared to me to be the most controlling considerations of public policy and the general good, and in having accomplished it, should it meet with your approval, the Government will have succeeded in reclaiming a territory which formerly constituted a portion, as it is confidently believed, of its domain under the treaty of cession of 1803 by France to the United States.

The country thus proposed to be annexed has been settled principally by persons from the United States, who emigrated on the invitation of both Spain and Mexico, and who carried with them into the wilderness which they have partially reclaimed the laws, customs, and political and domestic institutions of their native land. They are deeply indoctrinated in all the principles of civil liberty, and will bring along with them in the act of reassociation devotion to our Union and a firm and inflexible resolution to assist in maintaining the public liberty unimpaired--a consideration which, as it appears to me, is to be regarded as of no small moment. The country itself thus obtained is of incalculable value in an agricultural and commercial point of view. To a soil of inexhaustible fertility it unites a genial and healthy climate, and is destined at a day not distant to make large contributions to the commerce of the world. Its territory is separated from the United States in part by an imaginary line, and by the river Sabine for a distance of 310 miles, and its productions are the same with those of many of the contiguous States of the Union. Such is the country, such are its inhabitants, and such its capacities to add to the general wealth of the Union. As to the latter, it may be safely asserted that in the magnitude of its productions it will equal in a short time, under the protecting care of this Government, if it does not surpass, the combined production of many of the States of the Confederacy. A new and powerful impulse will thus be given to the navigating interest of the country, which will be chiefly engrossed by our fellow-citizens of the Eastern and Middle States, who have already attained a remarkable degree of prosperity by the partial monopoly they have enjoyed of the carrying trade of the Union, particularly the coastwise trade, which this new acquisition is destined in time, and that not distant, to swell to a magnitude which can not easily be computed, while the addition made to the boundaries of the home market thus secured to their mining, manufacturing, and mechanical skill and industry will be of a character the most commanding and important. Such are some of the many advantages which will accrue to the Eastern and Middle States by the ratification of the treaty--advantages the extent of which it is impossible to estimate with accuracy or properly to appreciate. Texas, being adapted to the culture of cotton, sugar, and rice, and devoting most of her energies to the raising of these productions, will open an extensive market to the Western States in the important articles of beef, pork, horses, mules, etc., as well as in breadstuffs. At the same time, the Southern and Southeastern States will find in the fact of annexation protection and security to their peace and tranquillity, as well against all domestic as foreign efforts to disturb them, thus consecrating anew the union of the States and holding out the promise of its perpetual duration. Thus, at the same time that the tide of public prosperity is greatly swollen, an appeal of what appears to the Executive to be of an imposing, if not of a resistless, character is made to the interests of every portion of the country. Agriculture, which would have a new and extensive market opened for its produce; commerce, whose ships would be freighted with the rich productions of an extensive and fertile region; and the mechanical arts, in all their various ramifications, would seem to unite in one universal demand for the ratification of the treaty. But important as these considerations may appear, they are to be regarded as but secondary to others. Texas, for reasons deemed sufficient by herself, threw off her dependence on Mexico as far back as 1836, and consummated her independence by the battle of San Jacinto in the same year, since which period Mexico has attempted no serious invasion of her territory, but the contest has assumed features of a mere border war, characterized by acts revolting to humanity. In the year 1836 Texas adopted her constitution, under which she has existed as a sovereign power ever since, having been recognized as such by many of the principal powers of the world; and contemporaneously with its adoption, by a solemn vote of her people, embracing all her population but ninety-three persons, declared her anxious desire to be admitted into association with the United States as a portion of their territory. This vote, thus solemnly taken, has never been reversed, and now by the action of her constituted authorities, sustained as it is by popular sentiment, she reaffirms her desire for annexation. This course has been adopted by her without the employment of any sinister measures on the part of this Government. No intrigue has been set on foot to accomplish it. Texas herself wills it, and the Executive of the United States, concurring with her, has seen no sufficient reason to avoid the consummation of an act esteemed to be so desirable by both. It can not be denied that Texas is greatly depressed in her energies by her long-protracted war with Mexico. Under these circumstances it is but natural that she should seek for safety and repose under the protection of some stronger power, and it is equally so that her people should turn to the United States, the land of their birth, in the first instance in the pursuit of such protection. She has often before made known her wishes, but her advances have to this time been repelled. The Executive of the United States sees no longer any cause for pursuing such a course. The hazard of now defeating her wishes may be of the most fatal tendency. It might lead, and most probably would, to such an entire alienation of sentiment and feeling as would inevitably induce her to look elsewhere for aid, and force her either to enter into dangerous alliances with other nations, who, looking with more wisdom to their own interests, would, it is fairly to be presumed, readily adopt such expedients; or she would hold out the proffer of discriminating duties in trade and commerce in order to secure the necessary assistance. Whatever step she might adopt looking to this object would prove disastrous in the highest degree to the interests of the whole Union. To say nothing of the impolicy of our permitting the carrying trade and home market of such a country to pass out of our hands into those of a commercial rival, the Government, in the first place, would be certain to suffer most disastrously in its revenue by the introduction of a system of smuggling upon an extensive scale, which an army of custom-house officers could not prevent, and which would operate to affect injuriously the interests of all the industrial classes of this country. Hence would arise constant collisions between the inhabitants of the two countries, which would evermore endanger their peace. A large increase of the military force of the United States would inevitably follow, thus devolving upon the people new and extraordinary burdens in order not only to protect them from the danger of daily collision with Texas herself, but to guard their border inhabitants against hostile inroads, so easily excited on the part of the numerous and warlike tribes of Indians dwelling in their neighborhood. Texas would undoubtedly be unable for many years to come, if at any time, to resist unaided and alone the military power of the United States; but it is not extravagant to suppose that nations reaping a rich harvest from her trade, secured to them by advantageous treaties, would be induced to take part with her in any conflict with us, from the strongest considerations of public policy. Such a state of things might subject to devastation the territory of contiguous States, and would cost the country in a single campaign more treasure, thrice told over, than is stipulated to be paid and reimbursed by the treaty now proposed for ratification. I will not permit myself to dwell on this view of the subject. Consequences of a fatal character to the peace of the Union, and even to the preservation of the Union itself, might be dwelt upon. They will not, however, fail to occur to the mind of the Senate and of the country. Nor do I indulge in any vague conjectures of the future. The documents now transmitted along with the treaty lead to the conclusion, as inevitable, that if the boon now tendered be rejected Texas will seek for the friendship of others. In contemplating such a contingency it can not be overlooked that the United States are already almost surrounded by the possessions of European powers. The Canadas, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, the islands in the American seas, with Texas trammeled by treaties of alliance or of a commercial character differing in policy from that of the United States, would complete the circle. Texas voluntarily steps forth, upon terms of perfect honor and good faith to all nations, to ask to be annexed to the Union. As an independent sovereignty her right to do this is unquestionable. In doing so she gives no cause of umbrage to any other power; her people desire it, and there is no slavish transfer of her sovereignty and independence. She has for eight years maintained her independence against all efforts to subdue her. She has been recognized as independent by many of the most prominent of the family of nations, and that recognition, so far as they are concerned, places her in a position, without giving any just cause of umbrage to them, to surrender her sovereignty at her own will and pleasure. The United States, actuated evermore by a spirit of justice, has desired by the stipulations of the treaty to render justice to all. They have made provision for the payment of the public debt of Texas. We look to her ample and fertile domain as the certain means of accomplishing this; but this is a matter between the United States and Texas, and with which other Governments have nothing to do. Our right to receive the rich grant tendered by Texas is perfect, and this Government should not, having due respect either to its own honor or its own interests, permit its course of policy to be interrupted by the interference of other powers, even if such interference were threatened. The question is one purely American. In the acquisition, while we abstain most carefully from all that could interrupt the public peace, we claim the right to exercise a due regard to our own. This Government can not consistently with its honor permit any such interference. With equal, if not greater, propriety might the United States demand of other governments to surrender their numerous and valuable acquisitions made in past time at numberless places on the surface of the globe, whereby they have added to their power and enlarged their resources.

To Mexico the Executive is disposed to pursue a course conciliatory in its character and at the same time to render her the most ample justice by conventions and stipulations not inconsistent with the rights and dignity of the Government. It is actuated by no spirit of unjust aggrandizement, but looks only to its own security. It has made known to Mexico at several periods its extreme anxiety to witness the termination of hostilities between that country and Texas. Its wishes, however, have been entirely disregarded. It has ever been ready to urge an adjustment of the dispute upon terms mutually advantageous to both. It will be ready at all times to hear and discuss any claims Mexico may think she has on the justice of the United States and to adjust any that may be deemed to be so on the most liberal terms. There is no desire on the part of the Executive to wound her pride or affect injuriously her interest, but at the same time it can not compromit by any delay in its action the essential interests of the United States. Mexico has no right to ask or expect this of us; we deal rightfully with Texas as an independent power. The war which has been waged for eight years has resulted only in the conviction with all others than herself that Texas can not be reconquered. I can not but repeat the opinion expressed in my message at the opening of Congress that it is time it had ceased. The Executive, while it could not look upon its longer continuance without the greatest uneasiness, has, nevertheless, for all past time preserved a course of strict neutrality. It could not be ignorant of the fact of the exhaustion which a war of so long a duration had produced. Least of all was it ignorant of the anxiety of other powers to induce Mexico to enter into terms of reconciliation with Texas, which, affecting the domestic institutions of Texas, would operate most injuriously upon the United States and might most seriously threaten the existence of this happy Union. Nor could it be unacquainted with the fact that although foreign governments might disavow all design to disturb the relations which exist under the Constitution between these States, yet that one, the most powerful amongst them, had not failed to declare its marked and decided hostility to the chief feature in those relations and its purpose on all suitable occasions to urge upon Mexico the adoption of such a course in negotiating with Texas as to produce the obliteration of that feature from her domestic policy as one of the conditions of her recognition by Mexico as an independent state. The Executive was also aware of the fact that formidable associations of persons, the subjects of foreign powers, existed, who were directing their utmost efforts to the accomplishment of this object. To these conclusions it was inevitably brought by the documents now submitted to the Senate. I repeat, the Executive saw Texas in a state of almost hopeless exhaustion, and the question was narrowed down to the simple proposition whether the United States should accept the boon of annexation upon fair and even liberal terms, or, by refusing to do so, force Texas to seek refuge in the arms of some other power, either through a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, or the adoption of some other expedient which might virtually make her tributary to such power and dependent upon it for all future time. The Executive has full reason to believe that such would have been the result without its interposition, and that such will be the result in the event either of unnecessary delay in the ratification or of the rejection of the proposed treaty.

In full view, then, of the highest public duty, and as a measure of security against evils incalculably great, the Executive has entered into the negotiation, the fruits of which are now submitted to the Senate. Independent of the urgent reasons which existed for the step it has taken, it might safely invoke the fact (which it confidently believes) that there exists no civilized government on earth having a voluntary tender made it of a domain so rich and fertile, so replete with all that can add to national greatness and wealth, and so necessary to its peace and safety that would reject the offer. Nor are other powers, Mexico inclusive, likely in any degree to be injuriously affected by the ratification of the treaty. The prosperity of Texas will be equally interesting to all; in the increase of the general commerce of the world that prosperity will be secured by annexation.

But one view of the subject remains to be presented. It grows out of the proposed enlargement of our territory. From this, I am free to confess, I see no danger. The federative system is susceptible of the greatest extension compatible with the ability of the representation of the most distant State or Territory to reach the seat of Government in time to participate in the functions of legislation and to make known the wants of the constituent body. Our confederated Republic consisted originally of thirteen members. It now consists of twice that number, while applications are before Congress to permit other additions. This addition of new States has served to strengthen rather than to weaken the Union. New interests have sprung up, which require the united power of all, through the action of the common Government, to protect and defend upon the high seas and in foreign parts. Each State commits with perfect security to that common Government those great interests growing out of our relations with other nations of the world, and which equally involve the good of all the States. Its domestic concerns are left to its own exclusive management. But if there were any force in the objection it would seem to require an immediate abandonment of territorial possessions which lie in the distance and stretch to a far-off sea, and yet no one would be found, it is believed, ready to recommend such an abandonment. Texas lies at our very doors and in our immediate vicinity.

Under every view which I have been able to take of the subject, I think that the interests of our common constituents, the people of all the States, and a love of the Union left the Executive no other alternative than to negotiate the treaty. The high and solemn duty of ratifying or rejecting it is wisely devolved on the Senate by the Constitution of the United States.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _April 22, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith an additional article to the treaty of extradition lately concluded between the Governments of France and the United States, for your approval and ratification. The reason upon which it is founded is explained on the face of the article and in the letter from Mr. Pageot which accompanies this communication.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _April 26, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 22d instant, requesting the President to communicate to that body any communication, papers, or maps in possession of this Government specifying the southern, southwestern, and western boundaries of Texas, I transmit a map of Texas and the countries adjacent, compiled in the Bureau of Topographical Engineers, under the direction of Colonel J.J. Abert, by Lieutenant U.E. Emory, of that Corps, and also a memoir upon the subject by the same officer.

JOHN TYLER.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In my annual message at the commencement of the present session of Congress I informed the two Houses that instructions had been given by the Executive to the United States envoy at Berlin to negotiate a commercial treaty with the States composing the Germanic Customs Union for a reduction of the duties on tobacco and other agricultural productions of the United States, in exchange for concessions on our part in relation to certain articles of export the product of the skill and industry of those countries. I now transmit a treaty which proposes to carry into effect the views and intentions thus previously expressed and declared, accompanied by two dispatches from Mr. Wheaton, our minister at Berlin. This is believed to be the first instance in which the attempt has proved successful to obtain a reduction of the heavy and onerous duties to which American tobacco is subject in foreign markets, and, taken in connection with the greatly reduced duties on rice and lard and the free introduction of raw cotton, for which the treaty provides, I can not but anticipate from its ratification important benefits to the great agricultural, commercial, and navigating interests of the United States. The concessions on our part relate to articles which are believed not to enter injuriously into competition with the manufacturing interest of the United States, while a country of great extent and embracing a population of 28,000,000 human beings will more thoroughly than heretofore be thrown open to the commercial enterprise of our fellow-citizens.

Inasmuch as the provisions of the treaty come to some extent in conflict with existing laws, it is my intention, should it receive your approval and ratification, to communicate a copy of it to the House of Representatives, in order that that House may take such action upon it as it may deem necessary to give efficiency to its provisions.

JOHN TYLER.

APRIL 29, 1844

WASHINGTON, _April 29, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith transmit to the Senate, with reference to my message of the 22d instant, the copy of a recent correspondence[124] between the Department of State and the minister of Her Britannic Majesty in this country.

JOHN TYLER.

[Footnote 124: With reference to the annexation of Texas.]

WASHINGTON, _April 29, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate a report of the Secretary of War, prepared in compliance with the request contained in a resolution of the 10th instant.[125]

JOHN TYLER.

[Footnote 125: Proceedings under act of March 3, 1843, for the relief of the Stockbridge tribe of Indians in the Territory of Wisconsin.]

WASHINGTON, _May 1, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a dispatch from the British minister, addressed to the Secretary of State, bearing date the 30th April, in reply to the letter of the Secretary of State of the 27th April, which has already been communicated to the Senate, having relation to the Texas treaty.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 3, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 29th ultimo, requesting a copy of additional papers upon the subject of the relations between the United States and the Republic of Texas, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 6, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith transmit the accompanying correspondence, relating to the treaty recently concluded by the minister of the United States at Berlin with the States comprising the Zollverein.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 6, 1844_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit to the House of Representatives a report[126] of the Secretary of War, prepared as requested by the resolution of the House of the 18th of January last.

JOHN TYLER.

[Footnote 126: Transmitting lists of persons employed by the War Department since March 4, 1837, without express authority of law, etc.]

WASHINGTON, _May 6, 1844_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report and accompanying documents from the Secretary of War, containing all the information that can be now furnished by that Department, in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 18th of January, respecting the allowance of claims previously rejected.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 7, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to ratification, a postal convention between the United States and the Republic of New Granada, signed in the city of Bogota on the 6th of March last.

In order that the Senate may better understand the objects of the convention and the motives which have made those objects desirable on the part of the United States, I also transmit a copy of a correspondence between the Department of State and the chairman of the Committee on Commerce in the Senate, and between the same Department and Mr. Blackford, the chargé d'affaires of the United States at Bogota, who concluded the convention on the part of this Government.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 10, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I deem it proper to transmit the accompanying dispatch, recently received from the United States envoy at London, having reference to the treaty now before the Senate lately negotiated by Mr. Wheaton, our envoy at Berlin, with the Zollverein.

I will not withhold the expression of my full assent to the views expressed by Mr. Everett in his conference with Lord Aberdeen.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 10, 1844_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I communicate to Congress a letter from the Imaum of Muscat and a translation of it, together with sundry other papers, by which it will be perceived that His Highness has been pleased again to offer to the United States a present of Arabian horses. These animals will be in Washington in a short time, and will be disposed of in such manner as Congress may think proper to direct.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 11, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith communicate to the Senate, for its consideration, two conventions concluded by the minister of the United States at Berlin--the one with the Kingdom of Wurtemberg, dated on the 10th day of April, and the other with the Grand Duchy of Hesse, dated on the 26th day of March, 1844--for the mutual abolition of the _droit d'aubaine_ and the _droit de detraction_ between those Governments and the United States, and I communicate with the conventions copies of the correspondence necessary to explain the reasons for concluding them.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 15, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 13th instant, requesting to be informed "whether, since the commencement of the negotiations which resulted in the treaty now before the Senate for the annexation of Texas to the United States, any military preparation has been made or ordered by the President for or in anticipation of war, and, if so, for what cause, and with whom was such war apprehended, and what are the preparations that have been made or ordered; has any movement or assemblage or disposition of any of the military or naval forces of the United States been made or ordered with a view to such hostilities; and to communicate to the Senate copies of all orders or directions given for any such preparation or for any such movement or disposition or for the future conduct of such military or naval forces," I have to inform the Senate that, in consequence of the declaration of Mexico communicated to this Government and by me laid before Congress at the opening of its present session, announcing the determination of Mexico to regard as a declaration of war against her by the United States the definitive ratification of any treaty with Texas annexing the territory of that Republic to the United States, and the hope and belief entertained by the Executive that the treaty with Texas for that purpose would be speedily approved and ratified by the Senate, it was regarded by the Executive to have become emphatically its duty to concentrate in the Gulf of Mexico and its vicinity, as a precautionary measure, as large a portion of the home squadron, under the command of Captain Conner, as could well be drawn together, and at the same time to assemble at Fort Jesup, on the borders of Texas, as large a military force as the demands of the service at other encampments would authorize to be detached. For the number of ships already in the Gulf and the waters contiguous thereto and such as are placed under orders for that destination, and of troops now assembled upon the frontier, I refer you to the accompanying reports from the Secretaries of the War and Navy Departments. It will also be perceived by the Senate, by referring to the orders of the Navy Department which are herewith transmitted, that the naval officer in command of the fleet is directed to cause his ships to perform all the duties of a fleet of observation and to apprise the Executive of any indication of a hostile design upon Texas on the part of any nation pending the deliberations of the Senate upon the treaty, with a view that the same should promptly be submitted to Congress for its mature deliberation. At the same time, it is due to myself that I should declare it as my opinion that the United States having by the treaty of annexation acquired a title to Texas which requires only the action of the Senate to perfect it, no other power could be permitted to invade and by force of arms to possess itself of any portion of the territory of Texas pending your deliberations upon the treaty without placing itself in an hostile attitude to the United States and justifying the employment of any military means at our disposal to drive back the invasion. At the same time, it is my opinion that Mexico of any other power will find in your approval of the treaty no just cause of war against the United States, nor do I believe that there is any serious hazard of war to be found in the fact of such approval. Nevertheless, every proper measure will be resorted to by the Executive to preserve upon an honorable and just basis the public peace by reconciling Mexico, through a liberal course of policy, to the treaty.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 15, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 13th instant, requesting to be informed "whether a messenger has been sent to Mexico with a view to obtain her consent to the treaty with Texas, and, if so, to communicate to the Senate a copy of the dispatches of which he is bearer and a copy of the instructions given to said messenger; and also to inform the Senate within what time said messenger is expected to return," I have to say that no messenger has been sent to Mexico in order to obtain her assent to the treaty with Texas, it not being regarded by the Executive as in any degree requisite to obtain such consent in order (should the Senate ratify the treaty) to perfect the title of the United States to the territory thus acquired, the title to the same being full and perfect without the assent of any third power. The Executive has negotiated with Texas as an independent power of the world, long since recognized as such by the United States and other powers, and as subordinate in all her rights of full sovereignty to no other power. A messenger has been dispatched to our minister at Mexico as bearer of the dispatch already communicated to the Senate, and which is to be found in the letter addressed to Mr. Green, and forms a part of the documents ordered confidentially to be printed for the use of the Senate. That dispatch was dictated by a desire to preserve the peace of the two countries by denying to Mexico all pretext for assuming a belligerent attitude to the United States, as she had threatened to do, in the event of the annexation of Texas to the United States, by the dispatch of her Government which was communicated by me to Congress at the opening of its present session. The messenger is expected to return before the 15th of June next, but he may be detained to a later day. The recently appointed envoy from the United States to Mexico will be sent so soon as the final action is had on the question of annexation, at which time, and not before, can his instructions be understandingly prepared.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 16, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In my message communicating the treaty with Texas I expressed the opinion that if Texas was not now annexed it was probable that the opportunity of annexing it to the United States would be lost forever. Since then the subject has been much agitated, and if an opinion may be formed of the chief ground of the opposition to the treaty, it is not that Texas ought not at some time or other to be annexed, but that the present is not the proper time. It becomes, therefore, important, in this view of the subject, and is alike due to the Senate and the country, that I should furnish any papers in my possession which may be calculated to impress the Senate with the correctness of the opinion thus expressed by me. With this view I herewith transmit a report from the Secretary of State, accompanied by various communications on the subject. These communications are from private sources, and it is to be remarked that a resort must in all such cases be had chiefly to private sources of information, since it is not to be expected that any government, more especially if situated as Texas is, would be inclined to develop to the world its ulterior line of policy.

Among the extracts is one from a letter from General Houston to General Andrew Jackson, to which I particularly invite your attention, and another from General Jackson to a gentleman of high respectability, now of this place. Considering that General Jackson was placed in a situation to hold the freest and fullest interview with Mr. Miller, the private and confidential secretary of President Houston, who, President Houston informed General Jackson, "knows all his actions and understands all his motives," and who was authorized to communicate to General Jackson the views of the policy entertained by the President of Texas, as well applicable to the present as the future; that the declaration made by General Jackson in his letter "that the present golden moment to obtain Texas must not be lost, or Texas might from necessity be thrown into the arms of England and be forever lost to the United States," was made with a full knowledge of all circumstances, and ought to be received as conclusive of what will be the course of Texas should the present treaty fail--from this high source, sustained, if it requires to be sustained, by the accompanying communications, I entertain not the least doubt that if annexation should now fail it will in all human probability fail forever. Indeed, I have strong reasons to believe that instructions have already been given by the Texan Government to propose to the Government of Great Britain, forthwith on the failure, to enter into a treaty of commerce and an alliance offensive and defensive.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 17, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 13th instant, relating to a supposed armistice between the Republics of Mexico and Texas, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the papers by which it was accompanied.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 18, 1844_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 29th ultimo, upon the subject of unpublished correspondence in regard to the purchase of or title to Texas, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied.

JOHN TYLER.

WASHINGTON, _May 18, 1844_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_: