Chapter VIII: Part 8

To the mind of a savage man unimpressed with the idea that self-murder is forbidden by law or custom, there can seem no reason why, if he so wills, he should not follow his beloved chief, master, or friend to the “happy other world;” and when this is remembered we need not feel astonished as we read of accounts in which scores of self immolations are related. It is quite likely that among our own people similar customs might be followed did not the law and society frown down such proceedings. In fact the daily prints occasionally inform us, notwithstanding the restraints mentioned, that sacrifices do take place on the occasion of the death of a beloved one.

_FEASTS._

In Beltrami[96] an account is given of the funeral ceremonies of one of the tribes of the west, including a description of the feast which took place before the body was consigned to its final resting-place:

I was a spectator of the funeral ceremony performed in honor of the
manes of _Cloudy Weather’s_ son-in-law, whose body had remained with
the Sioux, and was suspected to have furnished one of their repasts.
What appeared not a little singular and indeed ludicrous in this
funeral comedy was the contrast exhibited by the terrific
lamentations and yells of one part of the company while the others
were singing and dancing with all their might.

At another funeral ceremony for a member of the _Grand Medicine_,
and at which as _a man of another world_ I was permitted to attend,
the same practice occurred. But at the feast which took place on
that occasion an allowance was served up for the deceased out of
every article of which it consisted, while others were beating,
wounding, and torturing themselves, and letting their blood flow
both over the dead man and his provisions, thinking possibly that
this was the most palatable seasoning for the latter which they
could possibly supply. His wife furnished out an entertainment
present for him of all her hair and rags, with which, together with
his arms, his provisions, his ornaments, and his mystic medicine
bag, he was wrapped up in the skin which had been his last covering
when alive. He was then tied round with the bark of some particular
trees which they use for making cords, and bonds of a very firm
texture and hold (the only ones indeed which they have), and instead
of being buried in the earth was hung up to a large oak. The reason
of this was that, as his favorite Manitou was the eagle, his spirit
would be enabled more easily from such a situation to fly with him
to Paradise.

Hind[97] mentions an account of a burial feast by De Brebeuf which occurred among the Hurons of New York:

The Jesuit missionary, P. de Brebeuf, who assisted at one of the
“feasts of the dead” at the village of Ossosane, before the
dispersion of the Hurons, relates that the ceremony took place in
the presence of 2,000 Indians, who offered 1,300 presents at the
common tomb, in testimony of their grief. The people belonging to
five large villages deposited the bones of their dead in a gigantic
shroud, composed of forty-eight robes, each robe being made of ten
beaver skins. After being carefully wrapped in this shroud, they
were placed between moss and bark. A wall of stones was built around
this vast ossuary to preserve it from profanation. Before covering
the bones with earth a few grains of Indian corn were thrown by the
women upon the sacred relics. According to the superstitious belief
of the Hurons the souls of the dead remain near the bodies until the
“feast of the dead”; after which ceremony they become free, and can
at once depart for the land of spirits, which they believe to be
situated in the regions of the setting sun.

Ossuaries have not been used by savage nations alone, for the custom of exhuming the bones of the dead after a certain period, and collecting them in suitable receptacles, is well known to have been practiced in Italy, Switzerland, and France. The writer saw in the church-yard of Zug, Switzerland, in 1857, a slatted pen containing the remains of hundreds of individuals. These had been dug up from the grave-yard and preserved in the manner indicated. The catacombs of Naples and Paris afford examples of burial ossuaries.

_SUPERSTITION REGARDING BURIAL FEASTS._

The following account is by Dr. S. G. Wright, acting physician to the Leech Lake Agency, Minnesota:--

Pagan Indians or those who have not become Christians still adhere
to the ancient practice of feasting at the grave of departed
friends; the object is to feast with the departed; that is, they
believe that while they partake of the visible material the departed
spirit partakes at the same time of the spirit that dwells in the
food. From ancient time it was customary to bury with the dead
various articles, such especially as were most valued in lifetime.
The idea was that there was a spirit dwelling in the article
represented by the material article; thus the war-club contained a
spiritual war-club, the pipe a spiritual pipe, which could be used
by the departed in another world. These several spiritual implements
were supposed, of course, to accompany the soul, to be used also on
the way to its final abode. This habit has now ceased.

_FOOD._

This subject has been sufficiently mentioned elsewhere in connection with other matters and does not need to be now repeated. It has been an almost universal custom throughout the whole extent of the country to place food in or near the grave of deceased persons.

_DANCES._

Gymnastic exercises, dignified with this name, upon the occasion of a death or funeral, were common to many tribes. It is thus described by Morgan:[98]

An occasional and very singular figure was called the “dance for the
dead.” It was known as the _O-hé-wä._ It was danced by the women
alone. The music was entirely vocal, a select band of singers being
stationed in the center of the room. To the songs for the dead which
they sang the dancers joined in chorus. It was plaintive and
mournful music. This dance was usually separate from all councils
and the only dance of the occasion. It was commenced at dusk or soon
after and continued until towards morning, when the shades of the
dead who were believed to be present and participate in the dance
were supposed to disappear. The dance was had whenever a family
which had lost a member called for it, which was usually a year
after the event. In the spring and fall it was often given for all
the dead indiscriminately, who were believed then to revisit the
earth and join in the dance.

The interesting account which now follows is by Stephen Powers[99] and relates to the Yo-kaí-a of California, containing other matters of importance pertaining to burial:

I paid a visit to their camp four miles below Ukiah, and finding
there a unique kind of assembly-house, desired to enter and examine
it, but was not allowed to do so until I had gained the confidence
of the old sexton by a few friendly words and the tender of a silver
half dollar. The pit of it was about 50 feet in diameter and 4 or 5
feet deep, and it was so heavily roofed with earth that the interior
was damp and somber as a tomb. It looked like a low tumulus, and was
provided with a tunnel-like entrance about 10 feet long and 4 feet
high, and leading down to a level with the floor of the pit. The
mouth of the tunnel was closed with brush, and the venerable sexton
would not remove it until he had slowly and devoutly paced several
times to and fro before the entrance.

Passing in I found the massive roof supported by a number of peeled
poles painted white and ringed with black and ornamented with rude
devices. The floor was covered thick and green with sprouting wheat,
which had been scattered to feed the spirit of the captain of the
tribe, lately deceased. Not long afterwards a deputation of the
Senèl come up to condole with the Yo-kaí-a on the loss of their
chief, and a dance or series of dances was held which lasted three
days. During this time of course the Senèl were the guests of the
Yo-kaí-a, and the latter were subjected to a considerable expense.
I was prevented by other engagements from being present, and shall
be obliged to depend on the description of an eye-witness, Mr. John
Tenney, whose account is here given with a few changes:

There are four officials connected with the building, who are
probably chosen to preserve order and to allow no intruders. They
are the assistants of the chief. The invitation to attend was from
one of them, and admission was given by the same. These four wore
black vests trimmed with red flannel and shell ornaments. The chief
made no special display on the occasion. In addition to these four,
who were officers of the assembly-chamber, there were an old man and
a young woman, who seemed to be priest and priestess. The young
woman was dressed differently from any other, the rest dressing in
plain calico dresses. Her dress was white covered with spots of red
flannel, cut in neat figure, ornamented with shells. It looked
gorgeous and denoted some office, the name of which I could not
ascertain. Before the visitors were ready to enter, the older men of
the tribe were reclining around the fire smoking and chatting. As
the ceremonies were about to commence, the old man and young woman
were summoned, and, standing at the end opposite the entrance, they
inaugurated the exercises by a brief service, which seemed to be a
dedication of the house to the exercises about to commence. Each of
them spoke a few words, joined in a brief chant, and the house was
thrown open for their visitors. They staid at their post until the
visitors entered and were seated on one side of the room. After the
visitors then others were seated, making about 200 in all, though
there was plenty of room in the center for the dancing.

Before the dance commented the chief of the visiting tribe made a
brief speech in which he no doubt referred to the death of the chief
of the Yo-kaí-a, and offered the sympathy of his tribe in this loss.
As he spoke, some of the women scarcely refrained from crying out,
and with difficulty they suppressed their sobs. I presume that he
proposed a few moments of mourning, for when he stopped the whole
assemblage burst forth into a bitter wailing, some screaming as if
in agony. The whole thing created such a din that I was compelled to
stop my ears. The air was rent and pierced with their cries. This
wailing and shedding of tears lasted about three or five minutes,
though it seemed to last a half hour. At a given signal they ceased,
wiped their eyes, and quieted down.

Then preparations were made for the dance. One end of the room was
set aside for the dressing-room. The chief actors wens five men, who
were muscular and agile. They were profusely decorated with paint
and feathers, while white and dark stripes covered their bodies.
They were girt about the middle with cloth of bright colors,
sometimes with variegated shawls. A feather mantle hung from the
shoulder, reaching below the knee; strings of shells ornamented the
neck, while their heads were covered with a crown of eagle feathers.
They had whistles in their months as they danced, swaying their
heads, bending and whirling their bodies; every muscle seemed to be
exercised, and the feather ornaments quivered with light. They were
agile and graceful as they bounded about in the sinuous course of
the dance.

The five men were assisted by a semicircle of twenty women, who only
marked time by stepping up and down with short step. They always
took their places first and disappeared first, the men making their
exit gracefully one by one. The dresses of the women were suitable
for the occasion. They were white dresses, trimmed heavily with
black velvet. The stripes were about three inches wide, some plain
and others edged like saw teeth. This was an indication of their
mourning for the dead chief, in whose honor they had prepared that
style of dancing. Strings of haliotis and pachydesma shell beads
encircled their necks, and around their waists were belts heavily
loaded with the same material. Their head-dresses were more showy
than those of the men. The head was encircled with a bandeau of
otters’ or beavers’ fur, to which were attached short wires standing
out in all directions, with glass or shell beads strung on them, and
at the tips little feather flags and quail plumes. Surmounting all
was a pyramidal plume of feathers, black, gray, and scarlet, the top
generally being a bright scarlet bunch, waving and tossing very
beautifully. All these combined gave their heads a very brilliant
and spangled appearance.

The first day the dance was slow and funereal, in honor of the
Yo-kaí-a chief who died a short time before. The music was mournful
and simple, being a monotonous chant in which only two tones were
used, accompanied with a rattling of split sticks and stamping on a
hollow slab. The second day the dance was more lively on the part of
the men, the music was better, employing airs which had a greater
range of tune, and the women generally joined in the chorus. The
dress of the women was not so beautiful, as they appeared in
ordinary calico. The third day, if observed in accordance with
Indian custom, the dancing was still more lively and the proceedings
more gay, just as the coming home from a Christian funeral is apt to
be much more jolly than the going out.

A Yo-kaí-a widow’s style of mourning is peculiar. In addition to the
usual evidences of grief, she mingles the ashes of her dead husband
with pitch, making a white tar or unguent, with which she smears a
band about two inches wide all around the edge of the hair (which is
previously cut off close to the head), so that at a little distance
she appears to be wearing a white chaplet.

It is their custom to “feed the spirits of the dead” for the space
of one year by going daily to places which they were accustomed to
frequent while living, where they sprinkle pinole upon the ground.
A Yo-kaí-a mother who has lost her babe goes every day for a year to
some place where her little one played when alive, or to the spot
where the body was burned, and milks her breasts into the air. This
is accompanied by plaintive mourning and weeping and piteous calling
upon her little one to return, and sometimes she sings a hoarse and
melancholy chant, and dances with a wild static swaying of the body.

_SONGS._

It has nearly always been customary to sing songs at not only funerals, but for varying periods of time afterwards, although these chants may no doubt occasionally have been simply wailing or mournful ejaculation. A writer[100] mentions it as follows:

At almost all funerals there is an irregular crying kind of singing,
with no accompaniments, but generally all do not sing the same
melody at the same time in unison. Several may sing the same song
and at the same time, but each begins and finishes when he or she
may wish. Often for weeks, or even months, after the decease of a
dear friend, a living one, usually a woman, will sit by her house
and sing or cry by the hour, and they also sing for a short time
when they visit the grave or meet an esteemed friend whom they have
not seen since the decease. At the funeral both men and women sing.
No. 11 I have heard more frequently some time after the funeral, and
No. 12 at the time of the funeral, by the Twanas. (For song see
p. 251 of the magazine quoted.) The words are simply an exclamation
of grief, as our word “alas,” but they also have other words which
they use, and sometimes they use merely the syllable _la_. Often the
notes are sung in this order, and sometimes not, but in some order
the notes _do_ and _la_, and occasionally _mi_, are sung.

Some pages back will be found a reference, and the words of a peculiar death dirge sung by the Senèl of California, as related by Mr. Powers. It is as follows:

Hel-lel-li-ly,
Hel-lel-lo,
Hel-lel-lo.

Mr. John Campbell, of Montreal, Canada, has kindly called the attention of the writer to death songs very similar in character; for instance, the Basques of Spain ululate thus:

Lelo il Lelo, Lelo dead Lelo,
Lelo il Lelo,
Lelo zarat, Lelo zara,
Il Lelon killed Lelo.

This was called the “ululating Lelo.” Mr. Campbell says:

This again connects with the Linus or Ailinus of the Greeks and
Egyptians * * * which Wilkinson connects with the Coptic “ya
lay-lee-ya lail.” The Alleluia which Lescarbot heard the South
Americans sing must have been the same wail. The Greek verb
ὀλολύζω and the Latin ululare, with an English howl and wail,
are probably derived from this ancient form of lamentation.

In our own time a writer on the manner and customs of the Creeks describes a peculiar alleluia or hallelujah he heard, from which he inferred that the American Indians must be the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel.

_GAMES._

It is not proposed to describe under this heading examples of those athletic and gymnastic performances following the death of a person which have been described by Lafitau, but simply to call attention to a practice as a secondary or adjunct part of the funeral rites, which consists in gambling for the possession of the property of the defunct. Dr. Charles E. McChesney, U.S.A., who for some time was stationed among the Wahpeton and Sisseton Sioux, furnishes a detailed and interesting account of what is called the “ghost gamble.” This is played with marked wild-plum stones. So far as ascertained it is peculiar to the Sioux. Figure 33 appears as a fair illustration of the manner in which this game is played.

After the death of a wealthy Indian the near relatives take charge
of the effects, and at a stated time--usually at the time of the
first feast held over the bundle containing the lock of hair--they
are divided into many small piles, so as to give all the Indians
invited to play an opportunity to win something. One Indian is
selected to represent the ghost and he plays against all the others,
who are not required to stake anything on the result, but simply
invited to take part in the ceremony, which is usually held in the
lodge of the dead person, in which is contained the bundle inclosing
the lock of hair. In cases where the ghost himself is not wealthy
the stakes are furnished by his rich friends, should he have any.
The players are called in one at a time, and play singly against the
ghost’s representative, the gambling being done in recent years by
means of cards. If the invited player succeeds in beating the ghost,
he takes one of the piles of goods and passes out, when another is
invited to play, &c., until all the piles of goods are won. In cases
of men only the men play, and in cases of women the women only take
part in the ceremony.

Before white men came among these Indians and taught them many of
his improved vices, this game was played by means of figured
plum-seeds, the men using eight and the women seven seeds, figured
as follows, and shown in Figure 34.

Two seeds are simply blackened on one side, the reverse containing
nothing. Two seeds are black on one side, with a small spot of the
color of the seed left in the center, the reverse side having a
black spot in the center, the body being plain. Two seeds have a
buffalo’s head on one side and the reverse simply two crossed black
lines. There is but one seed of this kind in the set used by the
women. Two seeds have half of one side blackened and the rest left
plain, so as to represent a half moon; the reverse has a black
longitudinal line crossed at right angles by six small ones. There
are six throws whereby the player can win, and five that entitle him
to another throw. The winning throws are as follows, each winner
taking a pile of the ghost’s goods:

Two plain ones up, two plain with black spots up, buffalo’s head up,
and two half moons up wins a pile. Two plain black ones up, two
black with natural spots up, two longitudinally crossed ones up, and
the transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain black ones
up, two black with natural spots up, two half moons up, and the
transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain black ones, two
black with natural spots up, two half moons up, and the buffalo’s
head up wins a pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, two
longitudinally crossed ones up, and the transversely crossed one up
wins a pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, buffalo’s
head up, and two long crossed up wins a pile. The following
auxiliary throws entitle to another chance to win: two plain ones
up, two with black spots up, one half moon up, one longitudinally
crossed one up, and buffalo’s head up gives another throw, and on
this throw, if the two plain ones up and two with black spots with
either of the half moons or buffalo’s head up, the player takes a
pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, two half moons up,
and the transversely crossed one up entitles to another throw, when,
if all of the black sides come up, excepting one, the throw wins.
One of the plain ones up and all the rest with black sides up gives
another throw, and the same then turning up wins. One of the plain
black ones up with that side up of all the others having the least
black on gives another throw, when the same turning up again wins.
One half moon up, with that side up of all the others having the
least black on gives another throw, and if the throw is then
duplicated it wins. The eighth seed, used by the men, has its place
in their game whenever its facings are mentioned above. I transmit
with this paper a set of these figured seeds, which can be used to
illustrate the game if desired. These seeds are said to be nearly a
hundred years old, and sets of them are now very rare.

For assisting in obtaining this account Dr. McChesney acknowledges his indebtedness to Dr. C. C. Miller, physician to the Sisseton Indian Agency.

Figures 35 to 45 represent the appearance of the plum stones and the different throws; these have been carefully drawn from the set of stones sent by Dr. McChesney.

_POSTS._

These are placed at the head or foot of the grave, or at both ends, and have painted or carved on them a history of the deceased or his family, certain totemic characters, or, according to Schoolcraft, not the achievements of the dead, but of those warriors who assisted and danced at the interment. The northwest tribes and others frequently plant poles near the graves, suspending therefrom bite of rag, flags, horses’ tails, &c. The custom among the present Indians does not exist to any extent. Beltrami[101] speaks of it as follows:

Here I saw a most singular union. One of these graves was surmounted
by a cross, whilst upon another close to it a trunk of a tree was
raised, covered with hieroglyphics recording the number of enemies
slain by the tenant of the tomb and several of his tutelary
Manitous.

The following extract from Schoolcraft[102] relates to the burial posts used by the Sioux and Chippewas. Figure 46 is after the picture given by this author in connection with the account quoted:

Among the Sioux and Western Chippewas, after the body had been
wrapped in its best clothes and ornaments, it is then placed on a
scaffold or in a tree until the flesh is entirely decayed, after
which the bones are buried and grave-posts fixed. At the head of the
grave a tubular piece of cedar or other wood, called the
_adjedatig_, is set. This grave-board contains the symbolic or
representative figure, which records, if it be a warrior, his totem,
that is to say the symbol of his family, or surname, and such
arithmetical or other devices as seem to denote how many times the
deceased has been in war parties, and how many scalps he has taken
from the enemy--two facts from which his reputation is essentially
to be derived. It is seldom that more is attempted in the way of
inscription. Often, however, distinguished chiefs have their war
flag, or, in modern days, a small ensign of American fabric,
displayed on a standard at the head of their graves, which is left
to fly over the deceased till it is wasted by the elements. Scalps
of their enemies, feathers of the bald or black eagle, the
swallow-tailed falcon, or some carnivorous bird, are also placed, in
such instances, on the _adjedatig_, or suspended, with offerings of
various kinds, on a separate staff. But the latter are
superadditions of a religious character, and belong to the class of
the Ke-ke-wa-o-win-an-tig (_ante_, No. 4). The building of a funeral
fire on recent graves is also a rite which belongs to the
consideration of their religious faith.

_FIRES._

It is extremely difficult to determine why the custom of building fires on or near graves was originated, some authors stating that the soul thereby underwent a certain process of purification, others that demons were driven away by them, and again that they were to afford light to the wandering soul setting out for the spirit land. One writer states that--

The Algonkins believed that the fire lighted nightly on the grave
was to light the spirit on its journey. By a coincidence to be
explained by the universal sacredness of the number, both Algonkins
and Mexicans maintained it for four nights consecutively. The former
related the tradition that one of their ancestors returned from the
spirit land and informed their nation that the journey thither
consumed just four days, and that collecting fuel every night added
much to the toil and fatigue the soul encountered, all of which
could be spared it.

So it would appear that the belief existed that the fire was also intended to assist the spirit in preparing its repast.

Stephen Powers[103] gives a tradition current among the Yurok of California as to the use of fires:

After death they keep a fire burning certain nights in the vicinity
of the grave. They hold and believe, at least the “Big Indians” do,
that the spirits of the departed are compelled to cross an extremely
attenuated greasy pole, which bridges over the chasm of the
debatable land, and that they require the fire to light them on
their darksome journey. A righteous soul traverses the pole quicker
than a wicked one, hence they regulate the number of nights for
burning a light according to the character for goodness or the
opposite which the deceased possessed in this world.

Dr. Emil Bessels, of the Polaris expedition, informs the writer that a somewhat similar belief obtains among the Esquimaux.

Figure 47 is a fair illustration of a grave-fire; it also shows one of the grave-posts mentioned in a previous section.

_SUPERSTITIONS._

An entire volume might well be written which should embrace only an account of the superstitious regarding death and burial among the Indians, so thoroughly has the matter been examined and discussed by various authors, and yet so much still remains to be commented on, but in this work, which is mainly tentative, and is hoped will be provocative of future efforts, it is deemed sufficient to give only a few accounts. The first is by Dr. W. Mathews, United States Army,[104] and relates to the Hidatsa:

When a Hidatsa dies, his shade lingers four nights around the camp
or village in which he died, and then goes to the lodge of his
departed kindred in the “village of the dead.” When he has arrived
there he is rewarded for his valor, self-denial, and ambition on
earth by receiving the same regard in the one place as in the other,
for there as here the brave man is honored and the coward despised.
Some say that the ghosts of those that commit suicide occupy a
separate part of the village, but that their condition differs in no
wise from that of the others. In the next world human shades hunt
and live in the shades of buffalo and other animals that have here
died. There, too there are four seasons, but they come in an inverse
order to the terrestrial seasons. During the four nights that the
ghost is supposed to linger near his former dwelling, those who
disliked or feared the deceased, and do not wish a visit from the
shade, scorch with red coals a pair of moccasins which they leave at
the door of the lodge. The smell of the burning leather they claim
keeps the ghost out; but the true friends of the dead man take no
such precautions.

From this account it will be seen that the Hidatsa as well as the Algonkins and Mexicans believed that four days were required before the spirit could finally leave the earth. Why the smell of burning leather should be offensive to spirits it would perhaps be fruitless to speculate on.

The next account, by Keating,[105] relating to the Chippewas, shows a slight analogy regarding the slippery-pole tradition already alluded to:

The Chippewas believe that there is in man an essence entirely
distinct from the body; they call it _Ochechag_, and appear to
supply to it the qualities which we refer to the soul. They believe
that it quits the body it the time of death, and repairs to what
they term _Chekechekchekawe_; this region is supposed to be situated
to the south, and on the shores of the great ocean. Previous to
arriving there they meet with a stream which they are obliged to
cross upon a large snake that answers the purpose of a bridge; those
who die from drowning never succeed in crossing the stream; they are
thrown into it and remain there forever. Some souls come to the edge
of the stream, but are prevented from passing by the snake, which
threatens to devour them; these are the souls of the persons in a
lethargy or trance. Being refused a passage these souls return to
their bodies and reanimate them. They believe that animals have
souls, and even that inorganic substances, such as kettles, &c.,
have in them a similar essence.

In this land of souls all are treated according to their merits.
Those who have been good men are free from pain; they have no duties
to perform, their time is spent in dancing and singing, and they
feed upon mushrooms, which are very abundant. The souls of bad men
are haunted by the phantom of the persons or things that they have
injured; thus, if a man has destroyed much property the phantoms of
the wrecks of this property obstruct his passage wherever he goes;
if he has been cruel to his dogs or horses they also torment him
after death. The ghosts of those whom during his lifetime he wronged
are there permitted to avenge their injuries. They think that when a
soul has crossed the stream it cannot return to its body, yet they
believe in apparitions, and entertain the opinion that the spirits
of the departed will frequently revisit the abodes of their friends
in order to invite them to the other world, and to forewarn them of
their approaching dissolution.

Stephen Powers, in his valuable work so often quoted, gives a number of examples of superstitions regarding the dead, of which the following relates to the Karok of California:

How well and truly the Karok reverence the memory of the dead is
shown by the fact that the highest crime one can commit is the
_pet-chi-é-ri_ the mere mention of the dead relative’s name. It is a
deadly insult to the survivors, and can be atoned for only by the
same amount of blood-money paid for willful murder. In default of
that they will have the villain’s blood. * * * At the mention of his
name the mouldering skeleton turns in his grave and groans. They do
not like stragglers even to inspect the burial place. * * * They
believe that the soul of a good Karok goes to the “happy western
land” beyond the great ocean. That they have a well-grounded
assurance of an immortality beyond the grave is proven, if not
otherwise, by their beautiful and poetical custom of whispering a
message in the ear of the dead. * * * Believe that dancing will
liberate some relative’s soul from bonds of death, and restore him
to earth.

According to the same author, when a Kelta dies a little bird flies away with his soul to the spirit land. If he was a bad Indian a hawk will catch the little bird and eat him up, soul and feathers, but if he was good he will reach the spirit land. Mr. Powers also states that--

The Tolowa share in the superstitious observance for the memory of
the dead which is common to the Northern Californian tribes. When I
asked the chief Tahhokolli to tell me the Indian words for “father”
and “mother” and certain others similar, he shook his head
mournfully and said, “All dead,” “All dead,” “No good.” They are
forbidden to mention the name of the dead, as it is a deadly insult
to the relatives, * * * and that the Mat-tóal hold that the good
depart to a happy region somewhere southward in the great ocean, but
the soul of a bad Indian transmigrates into a grizzly bear, which
they consider, of all animals, the cousin-german of sin.

The same author who has been so freely quoted states as follows regarding some of the superstitions and beliefs of the Modocs:

* * * It has always been one of the most passionate desires among
the Modok, as well as their neighbors, the Shastika, to live, die,
and be buried where they were born. Some of their usages in regard
to the dead and their burial may be gathered from an incident that
occurred while the captives of 1873 were on their way from the Lava
Beds to Fort Klamath, as it was described by an eye-witness.
Curly-headed Jack, a prominent warrior, committed suicide with a
pistol. His mother and female friends gathered about him and set up
a dismal wailing; they besmeared themselves with his blood and
endeavored by other Indian customs to restore his life. The mother
took his head in her lap and scooped the blood from his ear, another
old woman placed her hand upon his heart, and a third blew in his
face. The sight of the group--these poor old women, whose grief was
unfeigned, and the dying man--was terrible in its sadness. Outside
the tent stood Bogus-Charley, Huka Jim, Shucknasty Jim, Steamboat
Frank, Curly-headed Doctor, and others who had been the dying man’s
companions from childhood, all affected to tears. When he was
lowered into the grave, before the soldiers began to cover the body,
Huka Jim was seen running eagerly about the camp trying to exchange
a two-dollar bill of currency for silver. He owed the dead warrior
that amount of money, and he had grave doubts whether the currency
would be of any use to him in the other world--sad commentary on our
national currency!--and desired to have the coin instead. Procuring
it from one of the soldiers he cast it in and seemed greatly
relieved. All the dead man’s other effects, consisting of clothing,
trinkets, and a half dollar, were interred with him, together with
some root-flour as victual for the journey to the spirit land.

The superstitious fear Indians have of the dead or spirit of the dead may be observed from the following narrative by Swan.[106] It regards the natives of Washington Territory:

My opinion about the cause of these deserted villages is this: It is
the universal custom with these Indians never to live in a lodge
where a person has died. If a person of importance dies, the lodge
is usually burned down, or taken down and removed to some other part
of the bay; and it can be readily seen that in the case of the Palux
Indians, who had been attacked by the Chehalis people, as before
stated, their relatives chose at once to leave for some other place.
This objection to living in a lodge where a person has died is the
reason why their sick slaves are invariably carried out into the
woods, where they remain either to recover or die. There is,
however, no disputing the fact that an immense mortality has
occurred among these people, and they are now reduced to a mere
handful.

The great superstitious dread these Indians have for a dead person,
and their horror of touching a corpse, oftentimes give rise to a
difficulty as to who shall perform the funeral ceremonies; for any
person who handles a dead body must not eat of salmon or sturgeon
for thirty days. Sometimes, in cases of small-pox, I have known them
leave the corpse in the lodge, and all remove elsewhere; and in two
instances that came to my knowledge, the whites had to burn the
lodges, with the bodies in them, to prevent infection.

So, in the instances I have before mentioned, where we had buried
Indians, not one of their friends or relatives could be seen. All
kept in their lodges, singing and drumming to keep away the spirits
of the dead.

According to Bancroft[107]--

The Tlascaltecs supposed that the common people were after death
transformed into beetles and disgusting objects, while the nobler
became stars and beautiful birds.

The Mosquito Indians of Central America studiously and superstitiously avoid mentioning the name of the dead, in this regard resembling those of our own country.

Enough of illustrative examples have now been given, it is thought, to enable observers to thoroughly comprehend the scope of the proposed final volume on the mortuary customs of North American Indians, and while much more might have been added from the stored-up material on hand, it has not been deemed advisable at this time to yield to a desire for amplification. The reader will notice, as in the previous paper, that discussion has been avoided as foreign to the present purpose of the volume, which is intended, as has been already stated, simply to induce further investigation and contribution from careful and conscientious observers. From a perusal of the excerpts from books and correspondence given will be seen what facts are useful and needed; in short, most of them may serve as copies for preparation of similar material.

To assist observers, the queries published in the former volume are also given.

_1st._ NAME OF THE TRIBE; present appellation; former, if differing any; and that used by the Indians themselves.

_2d._ LOCALITY, PRESENT AND FORMER.--The response should give the range of the tribe and be full and geographically accurate.

_3d._ DEATHS AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES; what are the important and characteristic facts connected with these subjects? How is the corpse prepared after death and disposed of? How long is it retained? Is it spoken to after death as if alive? when and where? What is the character of the addresses? What articles are deposited with it; and why? Is food put in the grave, or in or near it afterwards? Is this said to be an ancient custom? Are persons of the same gens buried together; and is the clan distinction obsolete, or did it ever prevail?

_4th._ MANNER OF BURIAL, ANCIENT AND MODERN; STRUCTURE AND POSITION OF THE GRAVES; CREMATION.--Are burials usually made in high and dry grounds? Have mounds or tumuli been erected in modern times over the dead? How is the grave prepared and finished? What position are bodies placed in? Give reasons therefor if possible. If cremation is or was practiced, describe the process, disposal of the ashes, and origin of custom or traditions relating thereto. Are the dead ever eaten by the survivors? Are bodies deposited in springs or in any body of water? Are scaffolds or trees used as burial places; if so, describe construction of the former and how the corpse is prepared, and whether placed in skins or boxes. Are bodies placed in canoes? State whether they are suspended from trees, put on scaffolds or posts, allowed to float on the water or sunk beneath it, or buried in the ground. Can any reasons be given for the prevalence of any one or all of the methods? Are burial posts or slabs used, plain, or marked, with flags or other insignia of position of deceased. Describe embalmment, mummification, desiccation, or if antiseptic precautions are taken, and subsequent disposal of remains. Are bones collected and reinterred; describe ceremonies, if any, whether modern or ancient. If charnel houses exist or have been used, describe them.

_5th._ MOURNING OBSERVANCES.--Is scarification practiced, or personal mutilation? What is the garb or sign of mourning? How are the dead lamented? Are periodical visits made to the grave? Do widows carry symbols of their deceased children or husbands, and for how long? Are sacrifices, human or otherwise, voluntary or involuntary, offered? Are fires kindled on graves; why, and at what time, and for how long?

_6th._ BURIAL TRADITIONS AND SUPERSTITIONS.--Give in full all that can be learned on these subjects, as they are full of interest and very important.

In short, every fact bearing on the disposal of the dead; and correlative customs are needed, and details should be as succinct and full as possible.

One of the most important matters upon which information is needed is the “why” and “wherefore” for every rite and custom; for, as a rule, observers are content to simply state a certain occurrence as a fact, but take very little trouble to inquire the reason for it.

Any material the result of careful observation will be most gratefully received and acknowledged in the final volume; but the writer must here confess the lasting obligation he is under to those who have already contributed, a number so large that limited space precludes a mention of their individual names.

Criticism and comments are earnestly invited from all those interested in the special subject of this paper and anthropology in general. Contributions are also requested from persons acquainted with curious forms of burial prevailing among other tribes of savage men.

The lithographs which illustrate this paper have been made by Thos. Sinclair & Son, of Philadelphia, Pa., after original drawings made by Mr. W. H. Holmes, who has with great kindness superintended their preparation.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Hist. Ind. Tribes of U.S., 1853, pt. 3, p. 193.]

[Footnote 2: Antiq. of Southern Indians, 1873, pp. 108-110.]

[Footnote 3: Hist. of Carolina, 1714, p. 181.]

[Footnote 4: Hist. Ind. Tribes of U.S., 1855, pt. 5, p. 270.]

[Footnote 5: Rep. Smithsonian Institution, 1871, p. 407.]

[Footnote 6: Voy. dans l’Arizona, in Bull. Soc. de Géographie,
1877.]

[Footnote 7: Nat. Races Pacif. States 1874, vol. 1, p. 555.]

[Footnote 8: Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. iii, p. 133.]

[Footnote 9: L’incertitude des Signes de la Mort, 1749, t. 1,
p. 439.]

[Footnote 10: Rites of Funeral, Ancient and Modern, 1683, p. 45.]

[Footnote 11: Schoolcraft Hist. Ind. Tribes of the United States,
1853, Pt. 3, p. 140.]

[Footnote 12: U.S. Geol. Surv. of Terr. 1876, p. 473.]

[Footnote 13: Life and adventures of Moses Van Campen, 1841,
p. 252.]

[Footnote 14: Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1830, vol i, p. 302.]

[Footnote 15: Antiquities of Tennessee. Smith. Inst. Cont. to
Knowledge. No. 259, 1876. Pp. 1, 8, 37, 52, 55, 82.]

[Footnote 16: Pop. Sc. Month., Sept., 1877, p. 577.]

[Footnote 17: Nat. Races of the Pacific States, 1874, vol. i,
p. 780.]

[Footnote 18: A detailed account of this exploration, with many
illustrations, will be found in the Eleventh Annual Report of the
Peabody Museum, Cambridge, 1878.]

[Footnote 19: Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. i, p. 174 _et
seq._]

[Footnote 20: American Naturalist, 1877, xi, No. 11, p. 688.]

[Footnote 21: Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. of Science, 1875, p. 288.]

[Footnote 22: Bartram’s Travels, 1791, p. 513.]

[Footnote 23: Bartram’s Travels, 1791, p. 515.]

[Footnote 24: A Concise Nat. Hist. of East and West Florida,
1775.]

[Footnote 25: Mem. Hist. sur la Louisiane, 1753, vol. i, pp.
241-243.]

[Footnote 26: Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol i,
p. 464.]

[Footnote 27: Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1867, p. 406.]

[Footnote 28: Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. 1, p. 62.]

[Footnote 29: Hist. of Virginia, 1722, p. 185.]

[Footnote 30: Collection of Voyages, 1812, vol. xiii, p. 39.]

[Footnote 31: Hist. Ind. Tribes United States, 1854, Part IV, pp.
155 _et seq._]

[Footnote 32: Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. 1, p. 360.]

[Footnote 33: Letter to Samuel M. Burnside, in Trans. and Coll.
Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. 1, p. 318.]

[Footnote 34: A mummy of this kind, of a person of mature age,
discovered in Kentucky, is now in the cabinet of the American
Antiquarian Society. It is a female. Several human bodies were
found enwrapped carefully in skins and cloths. They were inhumed
below the floor of the cave; _inhumed_, and not lodged in
catacombs.]

[Footnote 35: Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. i, p. 89.]

[Footnote 36: Billings’ Exped., 1802, p. 161.]

[Footnote 37: Pre-historic Races, 1873, p. 199.]

[Footnote 38: Rawlinson’s Herodotus, Book i, chap. 198, _note_.]

[Footnote 39: Amer. Naturalist, 1876, vol. x, p. 455 et seq.]

[Footnote 40: Manners, Customs, &c., of North American Indians,
1844, vol. ii, p. 5.]

[Footnote 41: Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol. i,
p. 483.]

[Footnote 42: Hist. de l’Amérique Septentrionale, 1753, tome ii,
p. 43.]

[Footnote 43: Pioneer Life, 1872.]

[Footnote 44: I saw the body of this woman in the tree. It was
undoubtedly an exceptional case. When I came here (Rock Island)
the bluffs on the peninsula between Mississippi and Rock River
(three miles distant) were thickly studded with Indian grave
mounds, showing conclusively that subterranean was the usual mode
of burial. In making roads, streets, and digging foundations,
skulls, bones, trinkets, beads, etc., in great numbers, were
exhumed, proving that many things (according to the wealth or
station of survivors) were deposited in the graves. In 1836 I
witnessed the burial of two chiefs in the manner stated.
--P. GREGG.]

[Footnote 45: Tract No. 50, West. Reserve and North. Ohio Hist.
Soc. (1879?), p. 107.]

[Footnote 46: Hist. of Ft. Wayne, 1868, p. 284.]

[Footnote 47: The Last Act, 1876.]

[Footnote 48: Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. iii, p. 341.]

[Footnote 49: Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1854, part
IV, p. 224.]

[Footnote 50: Adventures on the Columbia River, 1831, vol. ii,
p. 387.]

[Footnote 51: Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. i, p. 377.]

[Footnote 52: Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1853, part
iii, p. 112.]

[Footnote 53: Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol iii, p. 169.]

[Footnote 54: Amer. Naturalist, November, 1878, p. 753.]

[Footnote 55: Proc. Dav. Acad. Nat. Sci., 1867-’76, p. 64.]

[Footnote 56: Pre-historic Races, 1873, p. 149.]

[Footnote 57: Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Nov. 1874, p. 168.]

[Footnote 58: Amer. Naturalist, Sept., 1878, p. 629.]

[Footnote 59: Explorations of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of
Utah, 1852, p. 43.]

[Footnote 60: Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, 1831, vol. i,
p. 332.]

[Footnote 61: Nat. Races of Pac. States, 1871, vol. i, p. 780.]

[Footnote 62: Am. Antiq. and Discov., 1838, p. 286.]

[Footnote 63: Nat. Races of Pac. States, 1874 vol. i, p. 69.]

[Footnote 64: Travels in Alaska, 1869, p. 100.]

[Footnote 65: Alaska and its Resources, 1870, pp. 19, 132, 145.]

[Footnote 66: Life on the Plains, 1854, p. 68.]

[Footnote 67: Tour to the Lakes, 1827, p. 305.]

[Footnote 68: Long’s Exped. to the St. Peter’s River, 1824,
p. 332.]

[Footnote 69: L’incertitude des signes de la Mort, 1742, tome i,
p. 475, _et seq._]

[Footnote 70: The writer is informed by Mr. John Henry Boner that
the custom still prevails not only in Pennsylvania, but at the
Moravian settlement of Salem, N.C.]

[Footnote 71: Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1866, p. 319.]

[Footnote 72: Uncivilized Races of the World, 1874, v. ii, p. 774,
_et seq._]

[Footnote 73: Hist. of Florida, 1775, p. 88.]

[Footnote 74: Antiquities of the Southern Indians, 1873, p. 105.]

[Footnote 75: Bartram’s Travels, 1791, p. 516.]

[Footnote 76: “Some ingenious men whom I have conversed with have
given it as their opinion that all those pyramidal artificial
hills, usually called Indian mounds, were raised on this occasion,
and are generally sepulchers. However, I am of different
opinion.”]

[Footnote 77: League of the Iroquois, 1851, p. 173.]

[Footnote 78: Myths of the New World, 1868, p. 255.]

[Footnote 79: Hist. N. A. Indians, 1844, i, p. 90.]

[Footnote 80: Northwest Coast, 1857, p. 185.]

[Footnote 81: Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1877, i., p. 200.]

[Footnote 82: Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol. i,
p. 483.]

[Footnote 83: Exploration Great Salt Lake Valley, Utah, 1859,
p. 48.]

[Footnote 84: Hist. North American Indians, 1844, vol. ii,
p. 141.]

[Footnote 85: Mœurs des Sauvages, 1724, tome ii, p. 406.]

[Footnote 86: Autobiography of James Beckwourth, 1856, p. 269.]

[Footnote 87: Tour to the Lakes, 1827, p. 292.]

[Footnote 88: Nat. Races of Pacific States, 1874, vol. i, pp. 731,
744.]

[Footnote 89: Life Among the Choctaws, 1860, p. 294.]

[Footnote 90: Bossu’s Travels (Forster’s translation), 1771,
p. 38.]

[Footnote 91: At the hour intended for the ceremony, they made the
victims swallow little balls or pills of tobacco, in order to make
them giddy, and as it were to take the sensation of pain from
them; after that they were all strangled and put upon mats, the
favorite on the right, the other wife on the left, and the others
according to their rank.]

[Footnote 92: The established distinctions among these Indians
were as follows: The Suns, relatives of the Great Sun, held the
highest rank; next come the Nobles; after them the Honorables; and
last of all the common people, who were very much despised. As the
nobility was propagated by the women, this contributed much to
multiply it.]

[Footnote 93: The Great Sun had given orders to put out all the
fires, which is only done at the death of the sovereign.]

[Footnote 94: Ten Years in Oregon, 1850, p. 261.]

[Footnote 95: Nat. Races of Pacif. States, 1875, vol iii, p. 513.]

[Footnote 96: Pilgrimage, 1828, vol. ii, p. 443.]

[Footnote 97: Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition, 1860, ii,
p. 164.]

[Footnote 98: League of the Iroquois, 1851, p. 287.]

[Footnote 99: Cont. to North American Ethnol., 1878, iii, p. 164.]

[Footnote 100: Am. Antiq., April, May, June, 1879, p. 251.]

[Footnote 101: Pilgrimage, 1828, ii, p. 308.]

[Footnote 102: Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1851,
part i, p. 356.]

[Footnote 103: Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. ii., p. 58.]

[Footnote 104: Ethnol. and Philol. of the Hidatsa Indians. U.S.
Geol. Surv. of Terr., 1877, p. 409.]

[Footnote 105: Long’s Exped., 1824, vol. ii, p. 158.]

[Footnote 106: Northwest Coast, 1857, p. 212.]

[Footnote 107: Nat. Races Pacif. States, 1875, vol. iii, p. 512.]

INDEX.