Chapter XVII: Section XII

_Transactions in Hispaniola subsequent to the settlement of the disturbances, until the sending of Columbus in irons to Spain_.

Having adjusted matters with Roldan, the admiral appointed a captain with some men to march about the island to restore it to peace and order, and to reduce the Indians to pay the fixed tribute; and with orders to be always in readiness to suppress the first appearance of mutiny among the Christians, or any rebellion of the Indians. And having taken measures for this purpose, he intended to go over into Spain taking his brother along with him, considering that if he were left behind it would be difficult to forget old quarrels. As he was preparing for this voyage, Alonso de Ojeda who had been out upon discovery with four ships returned to the island.

Forasmuch as this sort of men sail about to make their fortunes, Ojeda on the fifth of September put into the port which the Christians call Brazil and the Indians Yaquimo, designing to take what he could from the Indians and to load with wood and slaves. While thus employed he did all the harm he could, and to shew that he was a limb of the bishop we have mentioned[1], he endeavoured to stir up another mutiny; giving out that Isabella was ready to die, and that as soon as she was dead there would be nobody to support the admiral, and that he as a faithful servant of the bishop might do what he pleased against the admiral, because of the enmity which was between them. Upon these grounds he began to write to some who were not very sound after the late troubles and to hold correspondence with them. But Roldan being informed of his designs and proceedings, went against him by the admirals orders with a party of twenty-one men to prevent him from doing the harm he intended. Roldan came within a league and a half of him on the twenty-ninth of September, and learnt that he was at the house of a cacique named Haniquaba with fifteen men, employed in making bread and biscuit for his crew. Roldan accordingly travelled the whole of that night that he might surprize him; but Ojeda getting intelligence of the intention of Roldan, and being too weak for resistance, resolved to put a bold face on a bad cause and went to meet him, saying that want of provisions had brought him hither to supply himself in the dominions of his sovereigns without meaning to do any harm.

Ojeda gave an account of his voyage to Roldan, saying that he had been discovering 600 leagues westwards along the coast of Paria, where he found people who fought the Christians hand to hand, and had wounded twenty of his men, for which reason he could make no advantage of the wealth of the country. That he had seen deer and rabbits, the skins and paws of tigers, and guaninis[2], all of which he shewed to Roldan in his caravels. He farther said that he should soon repair to St Domingo to give the admiral a full account of his voyage.

The admiral was much troubled at this time, as Peter de Arana had signified to him that Riquelme, judge of Bonao for Roldan, the substitute being no honester than his master, under pretence of building a house for his herds, had made choice of a strong rock to build a kind of castle or strength, that from thence with a few men he might do all the harm he thought fit. Arana had forbidden this and put a stop to his proceedings; whereupon Riquelme had instituted a legal process attested by witnesses, which he sent to the admiral, complaining that Arana had used violence against him and praying relief. Although the admiral well knew that Riquelme was of an unquiet and mutinous disposition, bethought fit to conceal his jealousy on the present occasion, and rather to connive at this matter which might be guarded against, thinking it quite enough to provide against the open intrusion of Ojeda.

Having parted from Roldan, Ojeda went with his ships from the port of Yaquimo or Brazil, in February 1500, to Xaragua, where a great many of those who had been in rebellion with Roldan still lived. He there gave out that their Catholic majesties had appointed him and Caravajal as councillors to the admiral, that he might not do any thing they thought prejudicial to the service; and that he had it in command to pay every one in ready money for their services in the island, and as the admiral was not just enough to do that, he was ready to go along with them to St Domingo to compel him to pay them immediately, and to turn him out of the island dead or alive. He farther urged, that they ought not to rely on the agreement which had been entered into, or the promises which the admiral had made, who would keep these no longer than necessity obliged him. Upon these promises and suggestions, many resolved to join with him in a new rebellion, and with their assistance, he made an attack one night upon others who opposed him, and there were some killed and wounded on both sides. Being satisfied that Roldan, who had returned to his duty and the admirals service, would not join them, they resolved to surprize and make him prisoner; but having notice of their designs, he went well attended to Xaragua to put a stop to the designs of Ojeda, or to punish him if he found it expedient or practicable. For fear of him Ojeda retired to his ships, and Roldan and he treated about a conference, each being afraid to put himself into the power of the other. Perceiving that Ojeda was unwilling to trust himself on shore, Roldan offered to treat with him on board, and desired that the boat might be sent for that purpose, which came accordingly well manned, and Roldan went into it with six or seven of his followers on whom he could depend. Seizing their opportunity, Roldan and his people fell unexpectedly on the boats crew with their swords, and having killed some and wounded others, they made themselves masters of the boat, and returned with it to the land. Ojeda had now only a small skiff left, in which he ventured on shore to treat peaceably with Roldan. After apologizing for his offences, he offered to restore some men whom he had made prisoners, providing his boat and people were restored; and represented that the detention of the boat would be the ruin of his ships, as they had now no other fit for service. Roldan readily granted this request, that there might be no reason to complain or to allege that the expedition of Ojeda had suffered prejudice or danger through his means; but he made him engage and give security for the performance of his promise, that he should depart from the island by an appointed time; which Roldan took care to ensure by keeping a strong guard on shore.

As it is a hard matter to root out cockle so that it may not sprout again, so it is no less difficult for people who have once been habituated to evil to forbear relapsing into their crimes. Only a few days after the departure of Ojeda, one D. Ferdinand de Guevara, who was in disgrace with the admiral as a seditious person, and who had taken part with Ojeda from hatred to Roldan, because he would not permit him to take to wife the daughter of Canua the principal queen of Xaragua, began to gather many conspirators to secure Roldan, that he might succeed him as leader of the mutineers. In particular, he drew over to his party one Adrian de Moxica, a chief man in the late rebellion; and about the middle of May 1499, a plot was laid for securing or murdering Roldan. But having intelligence of their design, Roldan stood upon his guard, and managed matters so dexterously, that he seized D. Ferdinand and Adrian and the other ringleaders of the party. Roldan immediately sent notice of what he had done to the admiral, and desired to have his instructions in what manner he should proceed with the prisoners. The admiral made answer: That since they had endeavoured without any cause or provocation to excite insurrection and rebellion, and that if their crimes were overlooked every thing would go to ruin, he should punish them according to their demerits and as the law directed. The judge accordingly proceeded legally against them, hanged Adrian as the chief author of the conspiracy, and banished others. He kept D. Ferdinand in prison till the 13th of June, when he delivered him with other prisoners to the charge of Gonsalo Blanco, to carry them to La Vega or the Plain, where the admiral then was. This example restored the country to quiet, and the Indians again submitted themselves to the authority of the Christians.

Such rich gold mines were now discovered, that every man in the island left the royal pay and went away to the mines on their own account, applying themselves to dig for gold at their own expence, paying a third part of all they found to the royal coffers. This prospered so well, that a man often gathered five marks, eight ounces each, in one day, and a single lump of gold has been taken up worth above 196 ducats[3]. The Indians were perfectly submissive, being afraid to offend the admiral, and many of them became Christians, merely to oblige him and conciliate his favour. When any of their chiefs had to appear in his presence, they used their utmost endeavours to be decently clothed. In consequence of all these favourable circumstances, the admiral resolved to make a progress over the island, and set out for that purpose, accompanied by his brother the lieutenant, on the 20th of February 1499[4], and came to Isabella on the 19th of March. From thence they set out for the Conception on the 5th of April, and reached that place on the Tuesday following. The lieutenant went thence for Xaragua upon Friday the 7th of June; and on the Christmas day following, in that year 1499, he makes the following memorandum, which I found among his papers.

"Being forsaken by all the world, the Indians and rebel Christians fell upon me, and I was reduced to such distress, that, leaving all behind me to avoid death, I put to sea in a little caravel. But our Lord presently relieved me saying: "Thou man of little faith fear not I am with you." And so he dispersed my enemies, shewing how he could fulfil his promises. Unhappy sinner that I am, who placed all my hopes on this world[5]."

From the Conception, the admiral meant to set out on the third of February 1500 for St Domingo, to prepare for returning into Spain to give their Catholic majesties an account of the affairs of the colony. While these disorders were going forwards of which mention has been made, many of the rebels, by letters which they sent from Hispaniola, and by some of their adherents who returned into Spain, continually conveyed false information to their majesties and the council against the admiral and his brothers; alleging that they were cruel and tyrannical and unfit for the government of the colony, both because they were strangers and aliens, and because they had not formerly been in a condition to learn by experience how to govern and command over gentlemen. They affirmed, if their highnesses did not apply some remedy, those countries would be utterly ruined and destroyed; or that the admiral would revolt and join in league with some prince who would support him, for he pretended that the whole belonged to himself, as having been discovered by his industry and labour: That the better to compass his designs, the admiral concealed the wealth of the country, and would not permit that the Indians should serve the Christians, or that they should be converted to the holy faith; because by conciliating them he hoped to draw them to his side, that he might fortify himself against the authority of their highnesses. They proceeded in these and such like slanders, continually importuning their majesties and perpetually speaking ill of the admiral, and complaining that there were several years pay due to the men, which gave occasion to all that were about the court to rail against the admiral. At one time about fifty of those shameless wretches brought a load of grapes and sat down in the court of the castle and palace of the Alhambra at Granada, crying out that their majesties and the admiral caused them to live in misery by withholding their pay, and using many other scandalous expressions; and if the king went out they all flocked round him, calling _pay! pay!_

My brother and I were then at Granada as pages to the queen; and when we chanced to pass by these people they would cry out in a hideous manner, making the sign of the cross, "There go the sons of the admiral of the Morescoes; he that has found out false and deceitful countries to be the ruin and burial place of the Spanish gentry." Adding many more such insolencies, which made us very cautious of appearing before them. By continual complaints and constantly importuning the favourites at court, it was at length determined to send a judge to Hispaniola to inquire into all these affairs; who was authorized, if he found the admiral guilty of what had been laid to his charge, to send him home to Spain and to remain himself as governor of the colony. The person chosen for this purpose was Francis de Bovadilla, a poor knight of the order of Calatrava, who besides his full and ample commission was supplied with blank directed letters subscribed by their majesties, which he was empowered to direct to such persons as he might think fit in Hispaniola, commanding them to be aiding and assisting to him in the discharge of his commission.

Thus furnished with ample powers, Bovadilla arrived at St Domingo in the latter end of August 1500, at which time the admiral happened to be at the Conception settling the affairs of that province, in which his brother had been assaulted by the rebels, and where the Indians were more numerous and of quicker capacity and more enlarged understandings than in any other part of the island.

Finding no person at his arrival who could in any way keep him in awe, Bovadilla immediately took possession of the admirals palace, and appropriated every thing he found there to his own use as if it had fallen to him by inheritance. He gathered together all whom he could find who had been in rebellion, and many others who hated the admiral and his brothers, and immediately declared himself governor of the colony; and to secure the affections of the people, he proclaimed a general freedom for twenty years. He then summoned the admiral to appear before him without delay, as necessary for their majesties service; and to justify this measure he sent on the seventh of September the royal letter, of which the following is the substance, by F. John de la Sera, to the admiral.

"_To D. Christopher Columbus, our Admiral of the Ocean_."

"We have ordered the commander Francis de Bovadilla, the bearer, to aquaint you with certain things from us; wherefore we command you to give him entire credit, and to obey him."

"Given at Madrid, the twenty-first of May 1500.

"_I the King. I the Queen_."

"By command of their majesties. _Mich. Perez de Almazan_."

On seeing the letter of their Catholic majesties, the admiral came immediately to St Domingo to Bovadilla, at the beginning of October 1500. And Bovadilla being eager to assume the government, without any delay or legal information, immediately sent the admiral and his brother James as prisoners in irons on board ship under a strong guard, forbidding all persons under severe penalties to hold any intercourse with them by word or letter. After this, _by Abington law_[6], he drew up examinations against them, admitting their enemies the rebels as witnesses in the process, and publickly favouring all who came forwards to speak evil of them. These gave in such villanous and incoherent depositions, that he must have been blind indeed who did not plainly perceive their falsehood and malice. For this reason, their Catholic majesties would not admit of the truth of the charges, and afterwards cleared the admiral, sore repenting that they had sent such a man as Bovadilla in that employment.

He ruined the island and squandered the royal revenues, that all men might be his friends; saying that their majesties required no more than the honour of the dominion, and that all the profits should belong to their subjects. Yet he neglected not his own share, but combining with all the richest and most powerful men of the colony, he gave them Indians to serve them on condition of having a share in all the acquisitions which were made by their means. He sold by auction all the possessions and rights which the admiral had acquired for the crown; saying that their majesties were not farmers or labourers, and only kept these for the benefit of their subjects; and while selling all things under these pretences, he took care on the other hand that every thing should be purchased by his own confederates at a third of the value. Besides all this, he made no other use of his judicial power than to enrich himself and to gain over the affections of the people; being still afraid that the lieutenant, who had not yet come from Xaragua, might put a stop to his proceedings, and might endeavour to set the admiral at liberty by force of arms. But in this the brothers conducted themselves with the utmost prudence and propriety; for the admiral sent to the lieutenant, desiring him to come peaceably to Bovadilla, that the island might not be thrown into confusion and civil war; as, when they arrived in Spain, they should the more easily obtain satisfaction for the wrongs that had been done them, and secure the punishment of Bovadilla for his senseless and injurious conduct.

Yet did not all this divert Bovadilla from putting the admiral and his brother in irons; and he allowed the baser people to rail against them in public, blowing horns in triumph about the harbour where they were shipped, besides placarding them in many scandalous libels pasted up at the corners of the streets. When informed that one James Ortir, who was governor of the hospital, had written a malicious libel against the admiral, which he read publickly in the market-place, so far from punishing his audacity, he seemed to be much gratified by it, which encouraged others to do the same thing. And perhaps from fear lest the admiral should swim on shore, he gave strict injunctions to Andrew Martin, the commander of the ship to guard the admiral with the utmost care, and to deliver him in irons to the bishop D. John de Fonseca, by whose advice and direction it was believed he had thus proceeded. Yet when at sea, the master being sensible of the unworthy proceedings of Bovadilla, would have taken off the irons from the admiral; but this he would not permit, saying, that since their majesties had commanded him to perform whatsoever Bovadilla might order in their names, and that he had been put in irons in virtue of their authority and commission, he would not be freed from them unless by the express command of their highnesses. He also declared his determination to keep these fetters as a memorial of the reward he had received for his many services. I afterwards saw these irons constantly in his chamber, and he gave orders that they should be buried along with his body.

Being arrived at Cadiz, the admiral wrote to their majesties on the 20th of November 1500, acquainting them of his arrival; and they, understanding the condition in which he was, gave immediate orders that he should be released, and sent him very gracious letters expressive of their sorrow for his sufferings and the unworthy behaviour of Bovadilla towards him. They likewise ordered him up to court, engaging that care should be taken about his affairs, and that he should be speedily dispatched with full restitution of his honour. Yet I cannot remove blame from their Catholic majesties for employing that base and ignorant person; for had he known the duty of his office, the admiral would have been glad of his coming, for he had desired in his letters to Spain that some impartial person might be sent out to take a true information of the perversity of the colonists, and to take cognizance of their crimes; he being unwilling to use that severity which another would have done, because the original of these tumults, and rebellions had been raised against the lieutenant his brother. But although it might be urged that their majesties ought not to have sent out Bovadilla with so much power and so many letters, without limiting his commission; yet it is not to be wondered at, as the complaints which had been sent against the admiral were numerous and heavy, though false and malicious.

As soon as their majesties learnt the arrival of the admiral at Cadiz and of his being in irons, they sent orders on the 12th of December to set him at liberty, and wrote for him to repair to Granada, where he was most favourably received with the most gracious discourse. They assured him that his imprisonment had not been by their desire or command; that they were much offended at it, and would take care that full satisfaction should be given to him, and those who were in fault severely punished. Having thus graciously received him, they gave orders that his business should be immediately gone into; and the result was, that a governor should be sent to Hispaniola, who was to restore all that had been taken from the admiral and his brother, and to reinstate them in their rights. And that the admiral should be allowed all the profits and emoluments belonging to him, according to the articles of agreement which had been originally granted; and that the rebels should be proceeded against and punished according to their offences. Nicholas de Obando, commandary of laws, was the person appointed to this high office. He was a wise and judicious man; but, as afterwards appeared, extremely partial, crafty in concealing his passions, giving credit to his own surmises and the false insinuations of malicious people. He therefore acted cruelly and revengefully in the conduct of his government, as particularly appears by the death of the 80 caciques of the island who have been before mentioned[7].

As their majesties were pleased to appoint Obando to the government of Hispaniola, so they thought it proper to send the admiral upon some voyage of farther discovery which might redound to his and their advantage, and might keep him employed till Obando could pacify and reduce the island to order and subjection; as they did not _then_ incline to keep him long out of his rights without just cause, the informations transmitted by Bovadilla now plainly appearing to be full of malice and falsehood, and containing nothing which could justify the forfeiture of his rights. But the execution of this design being attended with delay, it being now the month of October 1500, and evil disposed men still endeavouring to insinuate that new informations might be expected on the subject, the admiral applied personally to their majesties, entreating them to defend him against his enemies, and afterwards repeated the same by letter. When the admiral was ready to proceed upon his voyage, they promised him their protection and favour, by letter to the following effect:

"Be assured that your imprisonment was very displeasing to us, of which you and all men must have been sensible, seeing that we applied the proper remedies as soon as we heard of the circumstance. You likewise know with how much honour and respect we have always commanded you to be treated, which we now direct shall be contined towards you, and that you receive all worthy and noble usage. We promise that the privileges and prerogatives by us granted you shall be preserved in the most ample manner, which you and your children shall enjoy without contradiction or disparagement, as is reasonably due. And, if requisite to ratify them of new, we will order it to be done, and will take care that your son be put into possession of the whole; for we desire to honour and favour you even in greater matters. And be assured that we shall take due care of your sons and brothers after your departure; for the employment shall be given to your son as has been said. We pray you therefore not to delay your departure."

"Given at Valentia de la Torre, 14th March 1502."

The occasion of this letter was, that the admiral had resolved to trouble himself no farther with the affairs of the Indies, but to transfer his employment upon my brother; for he said justly, that if the services he had already performed were not sufficient to have those villanous people punished who had rebelled against his lawful authority, all that he could do for the future would never obtain justice. He had already performed the grand object of his undertaking before he set out to discover the Indies; which was to shew that there were islands and a continent to the westwards, that the way was easy and navigable, the advantages great and manifest, and the people gentle and unwarlike. As he had verified all this personally, there only now remained for their highnesses to pursue what was begun, by sending people to discover the secrets of these countries; for now the way was opened up and made plain, and any one might follow out the course, as some had done already who improperly arrogated the title of discoverers; not considering that they had not discovered any new country, but that all which they had done or could do in future was merely to pursue and extend the first discovery, the admiral having already shewn them the route to the islands and to the province of Paria, which was the first discovered land of the new continent. Yet, having always a great desire to serve their majesties, more especially the queen, he consented to return to his ships and to undertake the proposed voyage to be now related, for he was convinced that great wealth would be discovered, as he formerly had written to their majesties in 1499. All of which has since been verified by the discovery of Mexico and Peru, though at that time, as generally happens to the conjectures of most men, nobody would give credit to his assertions.

Having been well dispatched by their majesties, the admiral set out from Granada for Seville in the year 1501; and so earnestly solicited the fitting out of his squadron, that in a short time he rigged and provisioned four vessels, the largest of 70 tons and the smallest 50, with a complement of 140 men and boys, of whom I was one.

[1] Certainly alluding to D. Juan de Fonseca, archdeacon of Castile, and
bishop of Burgos, formerly mentioned as obstructing the equipment of
the admirals ship, and afterwards as the principal mover of the
injurious treatment experienced by the admiral.--E.

[2] This article is nowhere explained, but was said on a former occasion
to be made of very low or impure gold.--E.

[3] This reported produce is prodigious, and must have only been temporary
or accidental. Forty ounces of gold a-day, allowing but L.4 the ounce,
as perhaps inferior to standard, amount to L.160. The piece of gold,
mentioned in the text was worth about L.88. These mines, once so rich,
have been long abandoned. The original natives of Hispaniola died out,
and negroes have been found unequal to the hardships of mining.
Hispaniola long remained a mere depot of adventurers, whence the great
conquests of Mexico and Peru were supplied with men and arms.--E.

[4] The original, or rather the old translation, is most miserably
defective and confused in its dates about this period, bandying 1499
and 1500 backwards and forwards most ridiculously. This error it has
been anxiously endeavoured to correct in the present version.--E.

[5] This is a most imperfect account of an insurrection which appears to
have broke out against the lieutenant, who seems to have been very
unfit for his situation.--E.

[6] This obviously means trial after condemnation, a procedure which has
been long proverbial in Scotland under the name of Jedwarth justice.
Some similar expression relative to Spain must have been used in the
original, which the translator chose to express by an English
proverbial saying of the same import.--E.

[7] Upon a former occasion, the author had stated that there were four
principal caciques in Hispaniola, each of whom commanded over seventy
or eighty inferior chiefs, so that there may have been 300 caciques
originally. The particulars of the death or massacre of the eighty
caciques here mentioned are nowhere mentioned by our author; who,
confining himself to the actions of his illustrious father, says very
little more about the affairs of Hispaniola.--E.