Chapter LVIII: Section III

_Commencement of the Expedition of Hernando Cortes for the Conquest of Mexico, in 1518_.

Anxious to prosecute the advantages derivable from the discoveries made by Grijalva, Velasquez used the utmost efforts in providing a new and more powerful armament. For this purpose, he collected ten ships at the port of St Jago, four of which had been on the former expedition, and supplied them with such provisions as could be procured in that place, intending to complete their equipment at the Havanna. Velasquez was greatly at a loss in his choice of a commander for the new expedition, and several were recommended to him for this purpose. Among these was Vasco Procalla, a gentleman of high rank, and related to the Conde de Feria; but the governor was afraid to trust a person of his bold character, lest he might revolt, as had been already done by several dependent leaders of expeditions. In this state of uncertainty, several relations of the governor were talked of as candidates for the office, such as Augustin Vermudez, Antonio Velasquez Borrego, and Bernardino Velasquez, but of their chances, or the reasons of their rejection, we were not informed. All the soldiers, however, were disposed to have Grijalva for their chief. While matters were in this state of uncertainty, Andres de Duero, who was secretary to the governor, and Amador de Lares, the royal _contador_ in Cuba, entered into a private agreement with Hernando Cortes to recommend him to Velasquez for the command of the intended expedition. Cortes was a respectable gentleman of good birth, a native of Medelin in Estremadura, the son of Martin Cortes de Monroy, by Catalina Pizarro de Altamirano, who were both _hidalgos_ of the best families in the province, though poor, and had acquired a considerable property in the island of Cuba, where he had been twice raised to the office of alcalde. He had lately married Donna Catalina Suarez de Pacheco, the daughter of Diego Suares de Pacheco of Merida, by Maria de Mercaida of Biscay; through which marriage he had experienced much trouble, having been frequently confined by order of Velasquez. The two officers before mentioned, who enjoyed the intimate confidence of the governor, made an agreement with Cortes to procure the appointment for him, for which they were to receive an equal division of the treasure procured from the expedition out of his share, as the commission was intended to extend no farther than the procurement of gold by barter, without any power of settlement or colonization. For this purpose they took every opportunity of praising Cortes to Velasquez, and vouching for his fidelity, so that they at length succeeded in procuring the appointment for him; and as it belonged to the secretary to draw it out in due form, we may be sure that its conditions were sufficiently favourable.

On this appointment being communicated to the public, it gave satisfaction to some, but greatly displeased others, who used every endeavour to communicate their dissatisfaction to the governor, particularly by the following device: When the governor was going on a Sunday to mass, accompanied by the most respectable people of the town and neighbourhood, he placed Cortes on his right hand, on purpose to shew respect to the person he had chosen for an expedition of such high importance. There was at this time one Cervantes at St Jago, a kind of buffoon, generally called mad Cervantes, who used to assume great liberty of speech under pretence of idiocy. This man ran before the governor all the road to church, shouting out many absurdities, saying among others, "Huzza for my master Don Diego, who will soon lose his fleet, and huzza for his new captain;" besides many similar expressions, all having a tendency to awaken suspicion in Velasquez. Andrew de Duero, who was present, beat him and ordered him to be silent, but he persisted so much the more, saying, "I will dismiss my old master, and follow the fortune of Cortes." This man was certainly hired by the relations of Velasquez, who wished the appointment for some of themselves, that they might instil jealousy into the mind of the governor, but all to no purpose; yet all that was now uttered under the semblance of folly, turned out true in the end.

Immediately on receiving his commission, Cortes used the utmost activity in preparing for the expedition; and though already much embarrassed with debts, through his own extravagance and the expensive dress and establishment of his wife, he procured the advance of 4000 crowns in money and as much in goods, on the security of his estate, from Jeronymo Tria and Pedro de Xeres, two merchants, who considered him as rising in the world, and a favourite of fortune. He now dressed and appeared in greater state than formerly, wearing a plume of feathers and a gold medal in his cap, and erected a standard of velvet embroidered with gold before his house, embellished with the royal arms and a cross, and with a Latin motto to this effect: "_Brothers, follow the cross in faith; for under its guidance we shall conquer_."

Though Benito Martinez had not yet returned from Castile with the royal commission, it was proclaimed by sound of trumpet and beat of drum, that all who entered for the present expedition should have their share in what gold might be procured, and should have ample grants of land as soon as the intended conquest was effected. In consequence of these promises, and by the influence of Cortes, volunteers quickly offered themselves from every quarter. So great was the enthusiasm to engage in the expedition, that people were everywhere eager to sell their lands to enable them to purchase horses and arms. In every quarter people were seen busy in preparing quilted-cotton armour, making bread, and salting pork for sea stores. Above 300 volunteers assembled at St Jago, among whom I was, and several of the principal persons belonging to the family of the governor entered into our fraternity; among these were Diego de Ordas, his first major domo, who was employed as a spy on the actions of Cortes, of whom Velasquez already entertained jealousy. The other companions of our expedition from the household of the governor were F. de Morla, Escobar, Heredia, Ruano, Escudero, and Ramos de Lares, besides many other adherents of the governor.

Knowing that Cortes was much dissatisfied with Velasquez on account of certain circumstances respecting his marriage, and greatly envying his good fortune in being chosen to command the expedition, the relations of Velasquez continued to exert their utmost efforts to get the commission revoked. But Cortes, who was well aware of all their practices, continued carefully to make his court to the governor, appearing entirely devoted to his service. He was likewise informed by Duero that the governor began to hesitate respecting his appointment, owing to the importunate representations of his relations, and was advised to exert every possible exertion in completing his preparations. He left in charge therefore, the care of providing many things that were necessary for the expedition, to his lady, with directions to have them forwarded; and having summoned all the captains, masters, pilots, and soldiers to embark, he went to take his leave of the governor, accompanied by his friends Duero and Lares. After a long confidential conference, the governor and general parted with much politeness, and the strongest assurances of mutual friendship. Next morning the governor accompanied him to his ship, and we set sail immediately for Trinidad, where we arrived in a few days. This place was at that time inhabited by several opulent and respectable gentlemen, who received us all with much hospitality, but were particularly attentive to our general. He planted the royal standard in front of his quarters at this town, and made a proclamation, inviting volunteers to join the expedition, in consequence of which, several wealthy persons of respectable families now joined, among whom were the Alvarados and Alonzo de Avila. We were here joined also by Alonzo Hernandez de Portocarrero, cousin to the Conde de Medelin, Juan Velasquez de Leon, a relation to the governor, Rodrigo Rangel, Gonzalo Lopez de Ximena, and his brother Juan Lopez. These gentlemen joined us in a body, and were received by a discharge of artillery, and every mark of joy and respect, as due to their rank and respectability. We procured a supply of provisions from the estates of these volunteers, and the number of our companions increased daily, but horses were scarce and dear. Cortes sold some of his golden ornaments to enable him to buy a horse for his friend Portocarrero, who had not the means of procuring one for himself. About this time likewise Juan Sedeno arrived from Santi Spiritus with a cargo of provisions, and Cortes bought both ship and cargo upon credit, the owner enrolling himself for the expedition.

The relations of Velasquez still continued to use their influence to make him jealous of Cortes, and to supersede him in the command, even employing one Juan Millan, an astrologer who was reputed mad, to represent that Cortes would assuredly endeavour to be revenged for having been imprisoned by the governor. They represented his sudden departure from St Jago, as an indication of evil designs, and even began to suspect the secret association with the secretary and contador. Velasquez was at last won over by these repeated importunities, and sent two confidential persons to his brother-in-law, Francisco Verdugo, who was alcalde major of Trinidad, directing him to deprive Cortes of the command of the fleet and army, as Vasco Porcallo was appointed in his place; and he sent orders to the same purpose to Diego de Ordas, Francisco de Morla, and his other relations and confidents. But Cortes, who was secretly informed of all these proceedings by his friends Duero and Lares, exerted himself so effectually by promises and otherwise, as to bring over all on whom Velasquez relied to his own interest, and Diego de Ordas especially, who used every argument with Verdugo to disobey the orders of the governor, representing the danger which would arise from using violence, as Cortes possessed the entire confidence of the troops. Cortes had such talents for gaining friends, that he even prevailed on Pedro Lasso to enrol himself under his command, though one of the messengers who carried the orders of Velasquez. Cortes wrote to the governor by the other messenger, giving the strongest assurances, of his fidelity and attachment, and earnestly entreating him not to listen to the calumnies of his enemies, or the ridiculous predictions of the old fool Millan the astrologer. During twelve days that we remained at Trinidad, every exertion was made in preparing for our departure; and among others, all the smiths in the place were employed in making arrow-heads for our cross-bows, and Cortes engaged them all to accompany the expedition. Leaving Trinidad, the fleet was ordered to sail for the Havanna by the south course, except one ship under Juan de Escalente, which was sent by the northern course. Such of the companions as chose, were allowed to march by land for the Havanna, under the command of Alvarado, of which permission I and fifty more availed ourselves, having to pick up several volunteers who were expected to join from different settlements that lay on our route. All the ships arrived safe at the Havanna, except that in which Cortes was embarked, and we who marched by land were there seven days before we could learn what had become of our commander. We were afraid his ship had been lost among the shoals of _Los Jardines_, and it was proposed to send three ships in search of him: But there was no one to command, and factious disputes arose about the choice of a lieutenant or substitute during his absence, in which intrigues Diego de Ordas was particularly busy. At length Cortes arrived, his ship having grounded on a shoal, but fortunately near the shore, so that they got her off by lightening her of part of her cargo.

Cortes took his quarters at the Havanna in the house of Pedro Barba, who commanded there for Velasquez, erecting his standard, and beating up for volunteers. He was here joined by Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Soto, Angula, Garci Caro, Sebastian Rodriquez, Gutierrez, Rojas, not he commonly called the wealthy, a lad named Santa Clara, two brothers named Los Martinez de Frexenal, and Juan, de Najara, not the deaf man of the tennis court in Mexico. These were all men of quality, besides whom there were many others whose names I do not now remember. Diego de Ordas was sent to the governors estate at Guaniguanico, to procure a farther supply of bread and bacon, and to wait there till he received farther orders, on purpose to keep him out of the way, as Cortes knew he had shewn himself adverse to his interest while he was absent. The artillery, consisting of ten brass field-pieces and four falconets, were brought on shore to inspect and complete its equipment, and placed under the charge of four gunners, named Meza, Arbenga, Catalan, and Usagre. The cross-bows were ordered to be inspected, all their cords, nuts, and arrows to be put in complete order, and the range of each to be ascertained by shooting at a match. As cotton was to be had in plenty at this place, the soldiers provided themselves with good quilted jackets. Cortes now assumed great state in his deportment and the establishment of his household, appointing a steward, chamberlain, and major-domo. He ordered stalls and mangers to be fitted up in the ships for the horses, and stores of maize and hay to be taken on board for their use. Horses were at that time scarce and dear in Cuba, and our whole stock amounted to fifteen, besides the horse belonging to the general, which died at St Juan de Ulua[1].

Velasquez was exceedingly angry with Verdugo for neglecting to obey the orders he had sent him, and reproached the secretary and contador with having imposed upon him in regard to the character of the general. He now renewed his endeavours to deprive Cortes of the command, sending orders by one Garnica to Pedro Barba, to prevent the fleet from sailing, and to arrest Cortes. Garnica likewise brought letters from the governor for Ordas and Velasquez de Leon, ordering and entreating them to concur with Barba in these measures; but Ordas had been judiciously sent out of the way, and de Leon was now gained over by Cortes. All the rest of us, even Barba the lieutenant-governor of the Havanna, were entirely devoted to the interest of our general, who was fully aware of all that was intended against him, as Garnica brought letters from a friar who resided with the governor, to our chaplain de Olmedo, by which Duero and Lares sent intelligence of all the schemes of Velasquez. Barba wrote back to the governor, that Cortes was so beloved by the troops, that he durst not execute the orders he had received; being assured that any such attempt would occasion the destruction of the town, and that all the inhabitants would go along with Cortes. The general wrote likewise to Velasquez, repeating his assurance of perfect devotion to his service, and intimated that he meant to sail the next day.

The fleet sailed from the Havanna on the 10th February 1519, for the island of Cozumel[2]. The ship in which I was, commanded by Alvarado, was directed to proceed by the north, with orders to wait for the fleet at Cape St Antonio, and Diego de Ordas had similar directions; but our pilot neglected these instructions, and proceeded directly for Cozumel, where we accordingly arrived two days before the rest. As soon as we came to anchor, our whole party landed and went to the town of Cozumel, which was deserted by all its inhabitants. We then went to another place, whence likewise the inhabitants fled on our approach, but we found a quantity of fowls, and some idols, with toys and ornaments of much alloyed gold in a temple near the town, with which booty we returned to the town of Cozumel. By this time Cortes and his whole fleet were arrived, and he immediately put our pilot, Comacho, in irons for disobeying his orders. He likewise reprimanded Alvarado for taking the property of the natives, which he said was a bad way of proceeding, as the people ought on no account to be ill used, and immediately ordered two men and a woman whom we had made prisoners to be brought before him. By means of our interpreter Melchorejo, he desired these people to recal the natives to their habitations, with assurance of perfect safety, ordering all the articles taken away to be returned, and paid them in beads and trinkets for the fowls which we had eaten. Giving each of the people a shirt, he dismissed them; and so well satisfied were the inhabitants with this conciliatory behaviour, that the chief and all the inhabitants of the place returned next day, and mixed among us with perfect familiarity. During the three days which we remained at this place, Cortes made a review of his troops, which amounted to 508, besides the seamen. We had sixteen horsemen, eleven ships large and small, including a brigantine belonging to one Nortes, thirteen musketeers, thirty-two cross-bows, ten brass field-pieces, four falconets, and plenty of ammunition. On this occasion, he appointed Francisco de Orocza, an experienced soldier who had served in Italy, captain of the artillery, and strictly enjoined him and the gunners to keep their guns always in excellent order. From this time our general took the command in good earnest, and always used the utmost vigilance in every thing relative to the service on which we were engaged; and the grace of God enabled him to succeed in all his undertakings.

Cortes sent at this time for me and one Martin Ramos, who had been on the former voyages, inquiring our opinion respecting the word _Castillano_, which was so often repeated by the Indians of Cotoche when we accompanied Cordova, saying he was convinced it had allusion to some Spaniards who were in that country. The native chiefs, and some Indian merchants who were then in Cozumel, confirmed this opinion, assuring us that they had seen and spoken to them only a few days before. Being anxious to relieve these men, and being informed what ransom was expected, he amply provided these native merchants for the purpose, and sent them with letters for these Spanish captives. He likewise sent two of our smallest vessels, under the command of Diego de Ordas, with twenty musketeers and cross-bows; directing one of these ships to remain eight days at Cape Cotoche, waiting the return of the messengers, while the other was to return with a report of the proceedings. The place where the Spaniards were said to live at was only about four leagues from Cape Cotoche, and Cortes sent a letter by the Indian messengers, requesting these captive Christians to join him. The ships with the Indian merchants crossed the gulf to Cotoche, and the letters were delivered two days afterwards to one of these Spaniards, Jeronimo de Aguilar, together with beads for his ransom. Jeronimo immediately procured his liberty, and then went to his companion in captivity, Alonso Guerrero, whom he solicited to go along with him; but he, having a wife and children, could not be prevailed upon to desert them; and so much time had been lost in this fruitless attempt, that when Jeronimo came with the Indian messengers to the coast, the ships had already sailed, having waited one day beyond the eight, so that Aguilar was forced to return to his master.

There was a temple in the island of Cozumel containing some hideous idols, to which the Indians used often to repair in solemn procession. Observing the courts of this temple to be filled with Indians one morning, many of us were excited by curiosity to go among them to observe their ceremonies. We found them burning odoriferous resins, as we do incense; after which an old priest, clad in a large loose gown or mantle, went up to the highest part of the temple, whence he made a long discourse to the people. Cortes was present on this occasion, and questioned Melchorejo respecting the purport of the old mans harangue: After which he convened the native chiefs, and explained to them as well as he could, partly by signs and partly by means of his interpreter, that they worshipped devils which would draw their souls to hell; and that, if they wished to preserve our friendship, they must destroy their accursed idols, and plant the holy cross of the Lord, through which they would procure good harvests and the salvation of their souls. The priests and chiefs answered, that they worshipped the gods of their forefathers, and if we attempted to injure them, their gods would destroy us in the sea. But Cortes desired us to throw the idols down the steps of the temple, and sending for lime, of which there was plenty in the island, the Indian masons built by our direction a very handsome altar, on which an image of the Holy Virgin was placed, and a crucifix was erected in a small chapel or oratory close to the altar. After these preparations were completed, the mass was celebrated in great order by the reverend Father Juan Diaz[3], to which ceremony the chiefs, priests, and natives all listened with great attention.

Cortes now regulated the order of our fleet, appointing captains for all the ships, of which the following is a list. The admirals ship was commanded in person by Cortes, and the others as follow: Alvarado, Puertocarrero, Montejo, de Oli[4], Ordas, Velasquez de Leon, Escalente, de Morla, Escobar, and Nortes. Pilots were appointed for all the ships, night signals were agreed upon, and every captain received a copy of the sailing orders and instructions. All things being properly regulated, and having taken a friendly leave of the natives, who promised to take great care of the altar and crucifix, and presented Cortes with some fowls and honey, we set sail from the island of Cozumel, in the beginning of March 1519. When we had only proceeded a few hours on our voyage, we learned by a signal-gun that the ship of Juan de Escalente, in which the bread of the whole fleet was embarked, was in imminent danger, having sprung a leak. This forced us to return to Cozumel, where the Indians gave us every assistance, bringing their canoes to take out the lading of the vessel; and we had the satisfaction to find, that so far from injuring our altar and crucifix, they had placed incense before them.

On hearing of our return to Cozumel, the Indian messengers and Aguilar hired a canoe in which they crossed the gulf and joined us. Aguilar on his arrival was hardly to be distinguished from one of the natives, his colour was so dark, and he was even marked like them, being dressed in some old rags on his shoulders and round his waist, carrying an oar or paddle in his hand, and the remnant of an old prayer-book tied in a bundle on his back. He had almost forgot the use of his native tongue, and in coming into the presence of the general, he squatted down on his hams like his companions, so that no one knew which was the Spaniard. At length announcing himself, he was provided with proper clothes, and gave the following account of himself. He was a native of Ecija, and had been ordained for the church; but had been wrecked eight years before, while on a voyage from Darien to Hispaniola. He and his companions endeavoured to reach Cuba or Jamaica in their boat, but were drifted by the current on the coast, where the chiefs of the country had reduced them to slavery. Many had been sacrificed, others had died of disease, and two women who were with them had soon sunk under hard labour. Aguilar had at one time been doomed to be sacrificed, but had made his escape to a cacique with whom he had remained ever since, and of the whole who had escaped from the wreck, he and Guerrero were only now alive. He knew little of the country, having never been farther than four leagues from the coast, being employed in procuring wood and water, and digging in the maize fields. He said that Guerrero exactly resembled the Indians, by whom he was considered as a brave man; and that, about a year before[5], when three ships were on the coast, he had planned the attack on the Spaniards, and even led the Indian warriors in person; on which account Cortes regretted much that he had not been able to get hold of him. Aguilar was well used by the inhabitants of Cozumel, who gave him plenty of provisions; in return for which he exhorted them to continue in our holy faith, and advised them to get letters of protection from Cortes, in case of any Spanish ship arriving on their coast, which was granted, and became afterwards of great use.

The fleet, put to sea again on the 4th of March, and was separated by a storm that same night; but they all joined again next day, except that which was commanded by Velasquez de Leon, on which Cortes made for a certain bay, where as the pilot expected, that ship had taken shelter from the storm. At this place several of our company landed, and found four temples in a neighbouring town, containing many female idols, on which account the place was named _Punta de Las Mugeres_, or Cape Women. Aguilar informed the general that he had been once sent to this place with some goods, the place where he resided being only about four leagues distant, and that the residence of Guerrero was not far off. He added that this country produced a small quantity of gold, and that he was willing to serve as a guide if our general thought proper to send a party on shore. But Cortes said that his object was not in search of trifles, but to serve God and the king in an effectual manner. Our general here ordered Escobar to examine the _Boca de Terminos_, and, as the fleet was at this time separated, to leave beacons or directions on the coast for the direction of the other ships, or to cruize off that inlet till the missing ships should arrive; for he was led to believe this a favourable place for the settlement of a colony, from the description of the harbour, and the abundance of game which was reported to be in its neighbourhood. On Escobar landing at this place, he found the greyhound left by Grijalva on the shore, which was accordingly taken on board; but when the rest of the fleet arrived, as Escobars ship had been forced out to sea by a strong gale from the south, she was not to be found. We found, however, a letter on shore, in which Escobar gave a minute account of the state of this harbour, representing the country in a favourable point of view; and we had the good fortune to rejoin his ship next day. We were now off the point of _Pontonchan_, the natives of which place Cortes and many of us were much inclined to punish for their conduct in the two former expeditions. But this was strongly objected to by the pilots, because the coast was extremely shallow, insomuch that our vessels could not come nearer the land than two leagues, on which account we continued our voyage to the river of Grijalva, or Tabasco[6], where we arrived on the 13th of March 1519. Being aware that the mouth of this river was too shallow for ships of large burthen, those of light draught were selected, in which, and the boats, our troops proceeded towards the shore, and were landed at Point _Palmares_, about half a league from the Indian town of Tabasco.

The sides of this river were covered with mangrove trees, among which were many canoes filled with armed Indians, above 12,000 warriors being assembled in the town of Tabasco, which at that time enjoyed an extensive dominion over the neighbouring country. We who had been formerly received at this place in a friendly manner, were astonished at the present appearance of hostilities; but we learned afterwards, that the neighbouring nations of Pontonchan and Lazarus, as we called it, had reproached the timidity of the Tabascans for receiving us amicably, instead of falling upon us as they had done, and they had resolved, therefore, to take the present opportunity of regaining their character. On perceiving these demonstrations of hostility, Cortes desired Aguilar to inquire the reason from some native chiefs who were passing near us in a canoe, and to inform them that they would have sore cause to repent any hostilities they might attempt against us. In reply, they threatened to put us all to death if we dared to come near their town, which was fortified with parapets and palisades. Aguilar then desired an interview between their chiefs and our general, saying that he had matters of high importance, and of a holy nature to inform them of, and requested permission to supply our fleet with wood and water: But they only repeated their former threats. Seeing no other alternative but retreat or war, Cortes ordered three guns to be placed in each vessel, and divided the musketeers and cross-bows among them. We who had been here before recollected a narrow path which led from the point of Palmares, through some marshes and across several brooks to the town of Tabasco, of which we informed Cortes; who accordingly detached early next morning 100 soldiers under Alonzo de Avila, with orders to march into the rear of the town by that path; and, as soon as he heard the discharge of artillery, he was to attack the town on that side, while the main body did the same on the other side. Cortes then proceeded up the river with the vessels, intending to disembark as near as possible to the town; and as soon as the enemy saw us approaching, they sallied out in their canoes from among the mangroves, and a vast multitude collected against us at the place where we meant to land, making a prodigious noise of trumpets, horns, and drums. Before commencing the attack, Cortes ordered Diego de Godoy, a royal notary, to make a formal demand of liberty to supply ourselves with wood and water, and to listen to what we had to communicate in the service of GOD and our king, protesting that in case of violence, they should be held responsible for all the mischief that might follow. But, after all this was explained to them, they remained inflexibly determined to oppose us. They made the signal with their drums to commence a general attack, and immediately assailed us with a flight of arrows. They then closed round us in their canoes, fighting with lances and bows and arrows, and we had great difficulty to force our way to the shore, fighting up to our middles in the water, and struggling to extricate ourselves from deep mud, in which Cortes lost one of his buskins, and had to land barefooted. As soon as we got on dry ground, Cortes placed himself at our head, calling out _St Jago_, and we fell upon the enemy with great violence, whom we forced to retreat within some circular entrenchments which they had constructed of large timber. We soon drove them from these works, and made our way into the town by certain small gateways, forcing them before us up the main street to a second barricade, where they withstood us manfully, calling out _al calachioni_, or _kill the captain_. While engaged at this barricade, de Avila and the party which had marched from Point Palmares, came up very opportunely to our assistance. He had been much retarded in his march, as he had to break down several barricades in the path through the marsh, so that he now arrived at the critical moment, for we too had been detained a considerable time in making the formal summons by the notary. We now drove the enemy before us, fighting manfully and never turning their backs, to a large enclosed court, in which were three idol-houses and several large halls. They had here collected all their most valuable effects, and made a brave resistance at this last post, but were at last obliged to evacuate it also.

Cortes now ordered the troops to halt, not thinking it prudent to pursue the natives. Having called us together in the area of this enclosure, he took formal possession of the country for his majesty, and giving three cuts with his sword into a great _ceiba_ tree which grew beside him, he declared himself ready to defend and maintain his majesty's right of sovereignty against all gainsayers. This step was generally approved of among us, yet it gave cause of secret murmurs among those who were attached to Velasquez, as his name was not mentioned in the act of possession, which was formally recorded and witnessed by a royal notary. In the course of this action, fourteen of our soldiers were wounded, among whom I had a slight wound. Of the enemy eighteen were found dead. Having posted strong guards, we took up our quarters here for the night. Next day, Alvarado was detached with 100 men to reconnoitre the country for two leagues round our post; and on seeking Melchorejo to attend as interpreter, he was discovered to have deserted during the night, leaving his clothes behind. A second detachment of equal strength was sent in a different direction under Francisco de Lugo, who had not gone far when he was attacked by several large bodies of the enemy so furiously that he was obliged to fall back, which he did in perfect order, sending a swift-running Indian of Cuba to quarters to procure succour. Alvarado, who had advanced about a league from the town, was obliged to change the direction of his march by a river or creek, by which means he came within hearing of the musketry, and of the instruments and shouts of the Indians who were engaged with Lugo, and immediately hastened to his relief. These two united were able to repulse the enemy, and made good their retreat to the town; where we too were attacked by large bodies of the Indians, whom we soon obliged to retreat by means of our muskets and cross-bows, and the superiority of our good swords. Receiving intelligence that his detachments were hard pressed by the enemy, Cortes now sallied out with all of us who could carry arms, and met our companions on their retreat about half a league from the town. Two soldiers of the detachment belonging to Lugo were slain in this battle, and eleven were wounded. We brought in three prisoners, one of whom appeared to be a chief, by whom we were informed that Melchorejo had advised them to harrass us by continual attacks, day and night, as our numbers were few, and they would be sure to destroy us in the end. The native who gave us this information was sent off with an amicable message to his countrymen, but he never returned; and Aguilar was informed by the other natives, that the whole warriors of the country were collecting to attack us.

Understanding the formidable preparations which were making to attack us, Cortes ordered all the wounded men who were able to march to stand to their arms, and brought the horses on shore, which were very dull and spiritless at first, but recovered themselves in the course of the day. Several of our ablest young men were at this time taken ill with a weakness in their loins, by which they were unable to stand, owing, it was supposed to the sudden change in their way of living, and to the weight of their arms in very hot weather. These were sent on board ship. The horses were distributed among the best riders, and each horse was provided with a breast-plate hung with bells. He likewise directed his small body of cavalry, while engaged with the enemy, to point their lances at the faces of the natives, and on no account to stop for the purpose of making thrusts, but always to ride straight onwards, bearing down all before them. Of this body he took the command in person for the approaching battle, being twelve in all besides himself. The infantry were placed under the chief command of Diego de Ordas, the artillery under the charge of Mesa, and the colours were carried by Antonio de Villareal. The army thus arranged, marched out early in the morning of Lady-day, 25th March, after hearing mass, and proceeded to the plain of _Cintia_[7], where the enemy awaited us, our cavalry making a detour to avoid some marshy ground, and on purpose to gain the rear of the enemy. After marching about a league, we saw the enemy advancing towards us in the plain, making a vast noise of trumpets, horns, and drums. They wore plumes of feathers on their heads, having their faces painted black, red, and white, all wearing defensive armour of quilted cotton with large shields, and bearing lances, two-handed swords or maces, darts, large bows and arrows, and slings. Their numbers covered the whole plain, and they immediately rushed forwards to the attack, wounding above seventy of our soldiers at the first discharge of their arrows, and one man named Saldana, was slain outright by an arrow which pierced him under the ear. They closed upon us with great bravery, fighting us hand to hand, while we maintained our ground with firmness, using our cannon, muskets, cross-bows, and swords as well as we could. After some time, they drew off a little, but in this they had rather the advantage by means of their bows and arrows, though our cannon made vast havock among their crowded bodies, which were at such a distance as enabled our gunners to fire among them to the greatest possible advantage. At every discharge of the cannon, they shouted, whistled, and sounded all their warlike instruments, calling out _lala! lala_! and throwing straw and dust in the air, as if to prevent our seeing the destruction produced among them by our artillery. I advised de Ordas to close with the enemy, which he objected to, saying that they outnumbered us thirty for one; yet we did advance, and as they wished to avoid encountering our sharp swords, they inclined towards a marsh. We were all this time exceedingly anxious for the arrival of Cortes and the cavalry, being afraid that he had met with some disaster; and were at length rejoiced when we saw him approaching to our relief on the rear of the Indians, who were so entirely occupied in their attack on us that they did not perceive him till he came dashing among them. The ground was quite level and open, most of the horses strong and active, and the riders brave and expert; so that they charged through among the crowded Indians in every direction, and we renewed our efforts to make them give way, encouraged by this seasonable assistance. The Indians were astonished beyond measure at this novel and unexpected attack, believing the horse and rider to be one strange ferocious animal, and instantly fled into the adjacent woods and marshes, leaving the field of battle to us.

Cortes informed us after the battle, that his march had been much retarded by bad ground, and by the attacks of some detached bodies of the enemy, who had wounded five of his men and eight horses. Being thus victorious, the cavalry dismounted, and we assembled under a grove of trees, where we gave thanks to GOD and his blessed mother for our victory. A town was afterwards founded on the field of battle, named _Santa Maria della Vittoria_[8], in memory of this victory. After binding up our wounds and those of the horses, which we dressed with _the fat of dead Indians_, we examined the field of battle, where we found upwards of 800 of the enemy dead or dying of their wounds, the slain being particularly numerous where the cavalry had charged. After burying two of our soldiers, one of whom was killed by a wound in the ear, and the other by one in the throat, we retired to our quarters at Tabasco towards evening, where we eat our suppers, and having placed sufficient guards, we went to sleep.

Gomara relates that in this battle, previous to the arrival of Cortes with the cavalry, one of the holy apostles, either St Jago or Peter, appeared on a dapple-grey horse under the semblance of Francisco de Morla. All our victories were assuredly guided by the hand of the Lord Jesus Christ; but if this were the case, I, a poor sinner, was not worthy to be permitted to see it, neither was it seen by any of our army, above 400 in number. I certainly saw Francisco de Morla along with Cortes, but he rode a chesnut horse that day. We certainly were bad Christians indeed, if, according to the account of Gomara, GOD sent one of his holy apostles to fight at our head, and we ungratefully neglected to give thanks for so great a mercy: But, till I read the chronicle of Gomara, I never heard of this miracle, neither was it ever mentioned by any of the conquerors who were present in the battle.

In the battle we took only five prisoners, two of whom appeared to be chiefs. These were kindly treated by Cortes, who exhorted them by means of Aguilar to induce their countrymen to enter into terms of peace and friendship with us; and having given them a number of beads and artificial diamonds, he set them at liberty. These Indians faithfully executed the commission with which they were entrusted; insomuch that the chiefs immediately sent fifteen Indians, in wretched habits, and with their faces blackened in token of contrition, and bearing a present of fowls, roasted fish, and maize, Cortes received them with kindness; but Aguilar spoke to them sharply, saying that we were disposed to treat with the chiefs, and not with slaves. Next day thirty natives of rank came in good dresses with another present, and begged permission to bury their dead, that they might not be eaten by lions and tigers[9]. This was immediately granted, and they proceeded to bury and inter the slain. On the following day, ten chiefs arrived in great ceremony in rich dresses, who respectfully saluted Cortes and the rest of us, fumigating us with fragrant gums; after which they asked pardon for their hostilities, and promised to behave well for the future. Cortes told them with a severe countenance, that they deserved death for having rejected our former offers of peace; but that Don Carlos, our great sovereign, had ordered us to favour them in all things if they would now deserve it by peace and submission, and they might be sure to feel the effects of our vengeance if they again revolted. He then ordered a cannon to be fired off, the noise of which, and the effects of its ball among the adjoining woods, filled them with terror, as they believed it to be some terrible living creature. The most spirited of our horses was then brought before them, so managed as to display his fierceness and action to the best advantage, which impressed the natives with astonishment and awe. Shortly after twenty Indians arrived, who were loaded with provisions for our use; and after a long conference, the chiefs took leave of Cortes and withdrew, much satisfied with their visit. We were visited on the following day by many chiefs of the neighbouring districts, who brought with them presents of golden toys in various shapes; some like human faces, and others in the shape of various animals, as lizards, dogs, and ducks. They presented at the same time three diadems or coronets, and two pieces of gold resembling the sole of a shoe or sandal, with some other articles of small value, as also some very large mantles. But the present which we considered as most valuable, was twenty women; among whom was the excellent _Donna Marina_, so called after her baptism. Cortes thanked the chiefs for the presents, but told them that the most certain sign of peace would be the return of the inhabitants to the town, which he desired might be in two days; and this was done accordingly. He likewise exhorted them to renounce their idolatry, explaining the mysteries of our holy faith, especially those parts of it which are represented by the cross, and the image of the holy virgin. They gave a ready assent to this, the caciques declaring their admiration of the _Tecleciquata_, which signifies _the great princess_ in their language.

The chiefs excused their late hostilities, alleging that they had been instigated to attack us by the cacique of Champoton, and by our interpreter Melchoreja who had deserted. Cortes was anxious to have this man delivered up to him, but was told that he had fled; we learned afterwards that he had been sacrificed. On being questioned whence they procured their gold, they answered that it came from the west, frequently repeating _Culchua_ and _Mexico_, words we did not then understand; but an interpreter, named Franciso, who had been along with Grijalva, though he did not understand the language of Tabasco, said that he knew Culchua, which he alleged lay far inland. On the day following, having erected a crucifix and built an altar, the name of Tabasco was changed to that of _Santa Maria de la Vittoria_; and on this occasion, the twenty Indian women who had been presented to Cortes by the chiefs were baptized by our chaplain, Olmedo, who preached to them many good things of our holy faith, Aguilar serving as interpreter. Cortes gave one of these women to each of his captains. These were the first Christian women in New Spain.

The young native who was baptised by the name of Donna Marina was a woman of high rank, which she shewed in her and appearance, of a beautiful person and countenance, a quick genius and high spirit, and rendered very essential services in the sequel of our expedition. She was a native of the village of _Painalla_, in the province of _Guacacualca_, or _Coatzacualco_[10]. Her father was prince or cacique of Painalla and several other districts, under subjection to the empire of Mexico; but dying while she was an infant, her mother married another cacique, by whom she had a son, to whom they wished to give the succession which ought to have belonged to Marina. For this purpose they gave her away privately to some merchants of _Xicallanco_, a place on the borders of Tabasco in Yucutan, giving out that she was dead, and going into mourning for the daughter of one of their slaves who died at this time, and was much of the same age. These merchants sold her to some chief in Tabasco, by whom she was afterwards presented to Cortes, who presented her to Puertocarrero; and when that cavalier returned to Spain, Cortes took her to himself, and had a son by her, named Don Martin Cortes, who became a knight of St Jago. She afterwards married, during our expedition to Higueras, a cavalier named Juan Xaramillo. During the expedition to Higueras in Honduras, in the year 1524, in which she accompanied Cortes, she had occasion to see her mother and brother; as Cortes summoned all the neighbouring caciques to meet him at Coatzacualco, among whom they came, as they now governed their territory conjunctly, the second husband being dead. On seeing Donna Marina, the old lady and her son cried bitterly, being afraid of being put to death; but Marina assured them of her forgiveness, saying that she thanked GOD their intended injury had been the means of drawing her from the worship of idols to the true faith, and was happier in having a son by her lord and master Cortes, and in the husband she then possessed, than if she had been sovereign of all New Spain, and gave them at parting a handsome present of gold. I was personally acquainted with her mother and half brother, who were both afterwards baptized, the mother by the name of Martha, and the brother by that of Lazarus. Donna Marina perfectly understood her native language of Coatzacualco, which is the same with that of Mexico; and as she could likewise converse with Aguilar in the _Maja_ language, which is spoken in Yucutan and Tabasco, we thus acquired a medium of intercourse with the Mexicans, Tlascalans, and other nations of Anahuac or New Spain, which was of infinite importance to us in the sequel. In a little time she learnt the Spanish, by which the circuitous means of double interpretation was avoided. She was always faithful to the Spaniards, to whom her services were of the very highest importance; as she not only was the instrument of their negotiations with the various nations of Anahuac, but often saved their lives by giving them notice of dangers, and suggesting the means of avoiding them. Don Martin Cortes, her son, was afterwards most unjustly put to the torture at Mexico in 1568, on some unfounded suspicion of intended rebellion, his iniquitous and barbarous judges, paying no regard to the memory of the unequalled services rendered by his parents to the Catholic king and the Spanish nation.

We remained five days longer in Tabasco, taking care of our sick and wounded, during, which time Cortes used his endeavours to conciliate the natives, whom he enjoined to preserve their allegiance to his Catholic majesty, by which they would secure his protection. They promised faithfully to perform all that he had enjoined, and thus became the first native vassals of the Spanish monarchy in New Spain. On Palm Sunday, with the assistance of the natives, we erected a cross made of a large _cieba_ tree, on the field where the late battle was fought, as a lasting memorial of our victory, as this tree has the power of reproducing its bark. The natives attended us in our procession to adore the holy image of the cross, and they likewise assisted us in our preparations to reimbark, our pilots wishing to get away from this part of the coast, the anchorage being unsafe for the ships, as the wind blew strongly on the shore. Every thing being in readiness, and Cortes having taken leave of the natives, we all embarked on the evening of Palm Sunday, and set sail next morning for St Juan de Ulua. While we proceeded along the coast, such of us as had been there before along with Grijalva, pointed out to Cortes the different places which we recollected; saying here is _la Rambla_, there _Tonala_, or St Antonio, there the river of _Coatzacualco_, the _Sierra Nevada_, or Snowy Mountains, and those of St Martin, the _Roca Partida_, or Pierced Rock, the rivers of Alvarado, and the Vanderas, _Isla Blanca_, _Isla Verda_, _Isla de los Sacrificios_, and early in the evening of Holy Thursday, 21st April, we arrived at the harbour of St Juan de Ulua. While we were pointing out these places to the general, Puertocarrero came up to him, saying: "These gentlemen seem to make an exhibition, as who should say, here you have the Montesinos of France, here you see the great and flourishing city of Paris, and so forth: But I say, here you have the land of riches, and look well to your measures." Cortes perfectly understood the meaning of his words, to which he answered: "GOD grant us good fortune in arms like the paladin Orlando; for having such gentlemen as you under my command, I shall know well how to bring our enterprize to a happy conclusion."

[1] Diaz minutely enumerates and describes all the horses, mentioning who
they all belonged to.--E.

[2] According to Clavigero, II. 7. this armament, by which a great and
populous empire was subverted, consisted of eleven vessels, carrying
1O9 mariners, 508 soldiers, divided into eleven companies, ten
field-pieces, four falconets, and sixteen horses. Alaminos, who had
been pilot to Cordavo and Grijalva, was chief pilot of this
expedition.--E.

[3] On a former occasion, the chaplain of the expedition was named
Bartholome de Olmedo, but this other clergyman appears likewise to
have attended the expedition.--E.

[4] In Clavigero and other Spanish authors, this person is named de Olid,
but Diaz uniformly gives him the name in the text.--E.

[5] Diaz says that this was the expedition of Cordova; but that was in
1517, two years before. According to Clavigero, Aguilar had learnt the
Maja language, which was spoken by the inhabitants of Yucutan and
Cozumel, and became very useful to Cortes as his interpreter.--E.

[6] This river is called Chiapa by Clavigero.--E.

[7] Clavigero calls the field of battle the plain of _Ceutla_, where he
says there was another Indian town not far distant from Tabasco.--E.

[8] According to Clavigero, this place was named _Madona della Vittoria_,
which was destroyed by the English about the middle of the seventeenth
century, the inhabitants removing to _Villahermosa_, at a greater
distance from the coast.--E.

[9] There are no lions or tigers in America, but Europeans have loosely
given these names to other species of the same genus, such as the
felis onca, or jaguar; F. discolor or jaguarate; and F. concolor, or
puma; which last is often called the American lion, and the jaguar is
the Mexican tiger.--E.

[10] In this account of Donna Marina, the information given by Clavigero,
II. 9. is here combined with that of Bernal Diaz, and the orthography
of the Mexican names of places has been corrected throughout from the
former writer, a native of New Spain, and intimately acquainted with
its language. As the Mexicans do not pronounce the letter _r_, they
used to call her _Malintzin_, tzin being an affix of dignity; from
which she is still remembered in Mexico by the name of _Malinchi_.--E.