Chapter XVIII: Introduction (1)

This and the next following section may be considered as supplementary to the one immediately preceding; as Captain Hawkins in the Dragon accompanied Captain Keeling, in the _third_ voyage fitted out by the English Company; and Finch was in the same vessel with Hawkins, and accompanied him into the country of the Mogul. The present narrative is said, in its title in the Pilgrims, to have been written to the company, and evidently appears to have been penned by Hawkins himself, without any semblance of having been subjected to the rude pruning knife of Purchas; except omitting so much of the journal as related to occurrences before landing at Surat. Purchas gives the following account of it in a side-note.--E.

[Footnote 185: Purch. Pilg. I. 206.]

"Captain Keeling and William Hawkins had kept company all the outward-bound voyage, as already related, and therefore not necessary to be here repeated, to the road of Delisa, in Socotora, whence, on the 24th June, 1603, Captain Keeling departed in the Dragon, as before related. Captain Hawkins sailed from Delisa in the Hector, for Surat, on the 4th August, having previously built a pinnace, and having received from the general, Captain Keeling, a duplicate of the commission under the great seal."--_Purch_.

§ 1. _Barbarous Usage at Surat by Mucrob Khan; and the treacherous Procedure of the Portuguese and Jesuits._

Arriving at the bar of Surat on the 24th August, 1608, I immediately sent Francis Bucke, merchant, and two others, on shore, to make known that I was sent by the King of England, as his ambassador to the king of the country, together with a letter and present. In answer, I received a message from the governor, by three of his servants accompanying those I sent, saying, he and all that country could afford were at my command, and that I should be made very welcome if I pleased to come on shore. I accordingly landed, accompanied by our merchants and others, equipped in the best manner I could, as befitting the honour of my king and country. On landing, I was well received after their barbarous manner, and vast multitudes of the natives followed after me, desirous of seeing a new-come people whom they had often heard of, but who had never before visited their country. When I drew near the governor's house, I was told he was not well, but I rather think he was drunk with _affion_ [or opium,] being an aged man. I went therefore to the chief customer, being the only officer to whom sea-faring causes belonged; as the government of Surat pertained to two great noblemen, one of whom, _Khan-Khana_, was viceroy of the Decan,[186] and the other, _Mucrob-Khan_, was viceroy of Cambaya or Guzerat, who had no command in Surat except what regarded the king's customs, and with him only I had to deal.

[Footnote 186: He was only viceroy of the projected conquest of the Decan.--E.]

I told him that the purpose of my coming to Surat was to establish a factory there, and that I had a letter from the king of England to his sovereign for that effect, my sovereign being desirous to form a treaty of peace and amity with his; so that the English might freely come and go, and make sales and purchases, according to the usage of all nations; and finally, that my ship was laden with commodities from our country, which, according to the intelligence of former travellers, were there in request. To this he answered, that he would immediately dispatch an express to his master at Cambaya, as he could do nothing of himself in the premises without his orders. So, taking my leave, I departed to the lodging appointed for me, which was at the custom-house. Next morning I went to visit the governor of the city, to whom I made a present, and who received me with much gravity and outward show of kindness, bidding me heartily welcome, and saying that the country was at my command. After compliments on both sides, I entered upon my main business, when he told me that my affairs were not in his department, as all sea-faring or commercial matters belonged to Mucrob-Khan, to whom at Cambaya he promised to dispatch a _footman_, and would write a letter in my behalf both for the unloading of my ship and the establishment of a factory. In the meantime he appointed me to lodge with a merchant who understood _Turkish_, who was my _trucheman_, or interpreter, being the captain of that ship which was taken by Sir Edward Michelburn.

In consequence of the great rains and heavy floods it was twenty days before the messenger returned from Cambaya; in which interval many of the merchants entertained me in a very friendly manner, when the weather was such that I could get out of doors; for, during almost the whole time of the messenger's absence, it rained almost continually. At the end of twenty days, the messenger came back from Cambaya with the answer of Mucrob Khan, giving licence to land my goods, and to buy and sell for the present voyage; but that he could not grant leave to establish a factory, or for the settlement of future trade, without the commands of his king, which he thought might be procured, if I would take a two months journey to deliver my king's letter to his sovereign. He likewise sent orders to the customer, that all the goods I might land were to be kept in the custom-house till the arrival of his brother _Sheck Abder Rachim_, who was to make all convenient dispatch, on purpose to chuse such goods as were fit for the king's use. It may be noticed, however, that this pretence of taking some part of the goods of all men for the king, is merely for their own private gain. Upon this answer I made all dispatch to ease my ship of her heavy burden of lead and iron, which must of necessity be landed, and were placed under the care of the customer till the arrival of the great man. The time being precious, and my ship not able to stay long, I sent on board for three chests of money, with which to purchase such commodities as are vendible at Priaman and Bantam, being those which the Guzerates carry there yearly, and sell to great profit. I then began to make purchases, to the great dissatisfaction of the native merchants, who made loud complaints to the governor and customer of the leave granted me to buy these commodities, which would greatly injure their trade at Priaman and Bantam, supposing I meant only to have bought such goods as were fit for England. At the end of this business the great man arrived from Cambaya, who allowed me to ship my purchases.

In a council of all our merchants, respecting the delivery of the king's letter and the establishment of a factory, it was concluded that these weighty matters could only be properly accomplished by me, from the experience of my former travels, and my knowledge of the language, and as it was known to all that I was the person appointed ambassador for this purpose. I therefore agreed to remain for these ends, and made all haste to ship the goods and dispatch the vessel. This done, I called Mr Marlow and all of the ship's company who were on shore, and acquainted them with my intentions, directing them all to receive Mr Marlow as their commander; and to give him all due reverence and obedience as they had done me. I then accompanied them to the water-side, and bade them farewell.

Next day, when going about my affairs to wait upon Abder Rachim, I met ten or twelve of the better sort of our men in a great fright, who told me that our two barks, with thirty men, and all our goods, had been taken by a Portuguese frigate or two,[187] they only having escaped. I asked in what manner they were taken, and if they did not fight in their own defence?[188] They answered me, that Mr Marlow would not allow them, as the Portuguese were our friends. They said also that Bucke had gone to the Portuguese without a pawn, and had betrayed them; but, in fact, Bucke went on the oath and faithful promise of the Portuguese captain, but was never allowed to return. I sent immediately a letter to the captain-major of the Portuguese, demanding the release of our men and goods, as we were English, and our sovereigns were in peace and amity; adding, that we were sent to the Mogul's country by our king, with letters for the Mogul to procure licence for us to trade; and that I held the king's commission for the government of the English in that country; that his restoring his majesty's subjects and their goods would be well taken at his own king's hands, but the contrary would produce a breach between the crowns of England and Spain. On the receipt of this letter, as the messenger told me, the proud rascal vapoured exceedingly, most vilely abusing our king, whom he called a king of fishermen, and of a contemptible island, whose commission he despised; and scornfully refused to send me any answer.

[Footnote 187: These frigates could only be small armed boats, otherwise the English in the barks could not have been found fault with for not fighting.--E.]

[Footnote 188: This not fighting was upbraided to our men by the Indians as much disgrace; but was since recovered with interest, by our sea-fights with the Portuguese.--Purch.]

I chanced, on the following day, to meet the captain of one of the Portuguese frigates, who came on business ashore from the captain-major; which business, as I understand, was to desire the governor to send me to him as a prisoner, because we were Hollanders. Knowing what he was, I took occasion to speak to him of the abuses offered to the King of England and his subjects. He pretended that these seas belonged to the King of Portugal, and no one ought to come there without his licence. I told him, that the seas of India were as free to subjects of England as to those of Spain, and that the licence of the King of England was as valid as that of the King of Spain, and whoever pretended otherwise was a liar and a villain; and desired him to tell his captain-major, that in abusing the King of England he was a base villain, and a traitor to his own king, which I was ready to maintain against him with my sword, if he dared to come on shore, whereto I challenged him. Seeing that I was much moved, the Moors caused the Portuguese to depart. This Portuguese came to my house some two hours after, and offered to procure the release of my men and goods, if I would be liberal to him. I entertained him kindly, and gave him great promises; but before he left the town, my men and goods were sent off for Goa.

I had my goods ready about five days before I could get a clearance to ship them, waiting for the arrival of Abder Rachim, which was the 3d October; and two days afterwards the ship set sail. I was now left in Surat with only one merchant, William Finch, who was mostly sick, and unable to go abroad to do any business; all the rest of my attendants being two servants, a cook, and a boy, which were all the company I had to defend us from so many enemies, who went about to destroy us, and endeavoured to prevent my going to the Great Mogul. But God preserved me, and in spite of them all, I took heart and resolution to proceed on my travels. After the departure of our ship, I learnt that my men and goods had been betrayed to the Portuguese by Mucrob Khan and his followers; for it was a laid plot by Mucrob Khan and the Jesuit Peneiro, to protract time till the Portuguese frigates might come to the bar of Surat, which was done so secretly that we never beard of them till they had taken our barks.

So long as my ship remained at the bar I was much flattered, but after her departure I was most unsufferably misused; being in a heathen country, environed by so many enemies, who plotted daily to murder me and to cozen me of my goods. Mucrob Khan, to get possession of my goods, took what he chose, and left what he pleased, giving me such price as his own barbarous conscience dictated; where thirty-five was agreed, giving me only eighteen, not regarding his brother's bill, who had his full authority. Even on his own terms, it was hardly possible to get any money from his chief servant, as we only received a small part after the time appointed was expired, before Mucrob came to Surat; and after he came I was debarred of all, though he outwardly flattered and dissembled for almost three months, feeding me with continual promises. In the meantime he came three times to my house, sweeping me clean of all things that were good; and when he saw I had no more worth coveting, he gradually withdrew his attentions and pretended kindness. Most of this time William Finch was ill of the flux, but, thank God, he recovered past all hope. As for me I durst not venture out of doors, as the Portuguese were lurking about in crowds to assault or murder me, their armada being then at Surat.

Their first plot against me was thus. I was invited by _Hagio_ [Haji] _Nazam_ to the dispatching of his ship for Mecca, as it is the custom on such occasions to make great feasts for all the principal people of the town. It was my good fortune at this time, that a great captain belonging to the viceroy of Guzerat, residing in _Amadavar_, [Ahmedabad,] was then at Surat, and was likewise invited to this feast, which was held at the water-side, near which the Portuguese had two frigates of their armada, which came there to receive tribute for the ships about to depart, and likewise to procure refreshments. Out of these frigates there came three gallants to the tent where I was, and some forty Portuguese were scattered about the water-side, ready to join in the assault on the first signal. These three gallants that came to our tent, were armed in buff-coats down to their knees, with rapiers and pistols at their sides, and, immediately on entering, demanded who was the English captain? I presently rose, and told them I was the man; and seeing some intended mischief by their countenances, I immediately laid hand on my weapon. The Mogul captain, perceiving treason was meant against me, both he and his followers drew their swords; and if the Portuguese had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered crew had come ill off.

Another time some thirty or forty of them came to assault me in my house, having a friar along with them to animate their courage, and give them absolution. But I was always on my guard, and had a strong house with good doors. Many of the Portuguese at other times used to lurk for me and mine in the streets; so that I was forced to complain to the governor, that I could not go about my business on account of the Portuguese coming armed into the city to murder me; and represented that they were not in use at other times to come armed into the city. The governor then sent word to the Portuguese not to come armed into the city at their peril.

Mucrob Khan came to Surat accompanied by a Jesuit named _Padre Peneiro_, who had offered him 40,000 dollars to send me prisoner to Damaun, as I was afterwards certainly informed by Hassen Ally and Ally Pommory. On his arrival I went to visit him, giving him presents, besides those formerly given to his brother; and for a time, as already mentioned, I had many outward shows of kindness from him, till such time as I demanded my money, when he told me flatly he would not give me 20 _mahmudies_ the _vara_, as had been agreed, but would rather give me back my cloth. I dissembled my sense of this unjust procedure as well as I could, entreating leave to proceed to Agra to wait upon the king; telling him I meant to leave William Finch as chief in my place, who would either receive the money or the goods, as he might please to conclude. Upon this he gave me his licence and a letter to the king, promising me an escort of forty horsemen; which promise he did not perform. After I got this licence, Father Peneiro put into his head that he ought not to allow me to go, as I would complain against him to the king; thus plotting to overthrow my intended journey. Mucrob Khan could not prevent my going, because I was sent by a king; but endeavoured to prevail on my interpreter and coachman to poison or murder me by the way; which invention was devised by the Jesuit. But God, of his mercy, discovered these plots, and the contrivances of the Jesuit took no effect.

§ 2. _Journey of the Author to Agra, and his Entertainment at the Court of the Great Mogul._

William Finch being now in good health, I left all things belonging to our trade in his hands, giving him instructions how to conduct himself in my absence. So I began to take up soldiers to conduct me in safety; being denied by Muerob Khan. Besides some shot and bowmen whom I hired, I applied to a captain of the Khan-Khana, to let me have 40 or 50 horsemen to escort me to the Khan-Khana, who was then viceroy of Deccan, and resided in _Bramport_.[189] This captain did all in his power for me, giving me a party of _Patan_ horsemen, who are much feared in these parts for their valour. If I had not done this I had surely been overthrown, as the Portuguese of Damaun had induced an ancient friend of theirs, a Hajah, who was absolute lord of a province called _Cruly_, situated between Damaun, Guzerat, and the Deccan, to be ready with 200 horsemen to intercept me; but I went so well provided with a strong escort, that they durst not encounter me; and for that time also I escaped. Then at _Dayta_,[190] another province or principality, my coachman having got drunk with some of his kinsmen, discovered that he was hired to murder me. Being overheard by some of my soldiers, they came and told me that it was to have been done next morning at the commencement of our journey, as we usually set out two hours before day. Upon this notice, I examined the coachman and his friends, in presence of the captain of my escort. He could not deny the truth, but would not reveal who had hired him, though much beaten; and cursed his bad luck that he could not effect his purpose. So I sent him back prisoner to the governor of Surat. My broker or interpreter afterwards told me, that both he and the coachman were hired by Mucrob Khan, by the persuasion of the Jesuit, the one to poison and the other to murder me. The interpreter said he was to receive nothing till the deed was done, which he never meant to perform, being resolved to be faithful. Thus God again preserved me. This was five days after the commencement of my journey, having left Surat on the 1st February, 1609.

[Footnote 189: The names of places in Hindustan are often very much corrupted in the early voyages and travels, so as sometimes to be unintelligible. Burhampoor, or Boorhanpoor, in Candeish, is certainly the place indicated in the text, about 260 English miles almost due east from Surat.--E.]

[Footnote 190: Neither Cruly nor Dayta are to be found in our best modern map of Hindostan by Arrowsmith. It may be noticed on this subject, that most places in Hindostan have more than one name; being often known to the natives by one name in their vernacular language, while another name is affixed in Persian, by the Mogul conquerors. The names of places likewise are often changed, at the pleasure of successive possessors; and the continual wars and revolutions have made wonderful changes in the distribution of dominion, since this journey of Hawkins.--E.]

Continuing my journey for _Burhanpoor_, some two days after leaving _Dayta_, the Patans who had hitherto escorted me went back, leaving me to be forwarded by another Patan captain, who was governor of that lordship, by whom I was kindly entertained. His name was _Sher-Khan_, and having been some time a prisoner among the Portuguese, and speaking that language fluently, he was glad to do me service, being of a nation that is in great enmity to the Portuguese. He escorted me in person with forty horsemen for two days, till we were past the dangerous places; during which time he encountered a troop of outlaws, of whom he took four alive and slew eight, all the rest escaping. Before leaving me, he gave me letters, authorising me to use his house at Burhanpoor, which was a very great courtesy, as otherwise I should hardly have known where to get lodgings, the city being so full of soldiers, which were preparing for war with the people of the Deccan. I arrived in safety at Burhanpoor, thanks be to God, on the eighteenth of February. Next day I went to court to visit the Khan-Khana, who was lord-general and viceroy of the Deccan, and made him a present, as the custom is, which he received very graciously. After three hours conference, he made me a feast; and being, risen from table, he invested me with two robes, one of fine woollen, and the other of cloth of gold; giving me a letter of recommendation to the king, which availed me much. Then embracing me, I departed. The language we spoke was Turkish, which he spoke very well.

I remained in Burhanpoor till the 2d of March, not being sooner able to effect the exchange of the money I had with me, and waiting likewise to join a caravan. Having then got a new escort of soldiers, I resumed my journey to Agra, where, after much fatigue and many dangers, I arrived in safety on the 16th April. Being in the city, and seeking out for a house in a secret manner, notice was carried to the king of my arrival, but that I was not to be found. He presently charged many troops both of horse and foot to seek for me, and commanded his knight-marshal to bring me in great state to court, as an ambassador ought to be; which he did with a great train, making such extraordinary haste, that he hardly allowed me time to put on my best apparel. In fine, I was brought before the king, bringing only a slight present of cloth, and that not esteemed, as what I had designed for the king was taken from me by Mucrob Khan, of which I complained to his majesty. After making my salutation, he bid me heartily welcome with a smiling countenance; on which I repeated my obeisance and duty. Having his majesty's letter in my hand, he called me to come near him, reaching down his hand from his royal seat, where he sat in great majesty on high to be seen of the people. He received the letter very graciously, viewing it for some time, both looking at the seal and at the way in which it was made up; and then called an old Jesuit who was present, to read and explain the letter. While the Jesuit was reading the letter, he spoke to me in the kindest manner, asking me the contents of the letter, which I told him: Upon which he immediately promised, and swore by God, that he would grant and allow with all his heart every thing the king had asked, and more if his majesty required. The Jesuit told him the substance of the letter, but discommended the style, saying that it was basely penned, writing _vestia_ without _majestad_. On which I said to the king, "May it please your majesty, these people are our enemies: How can it be that this letter should be irreverently expressed, seeing that my sovereign demands favour from your majesty?" He acknowledged the truth of this observation.

Perceiving that I understood Turkish, which he spoke with great readiness, he commanded me to follow him into his presence-chamber, having then risen from the place of open audience, as he wished to have farther conference with me. I went in accordingly, and waited there two hours, till the King returned from his women. Their calling me to him, he said he understood that Mucrob Khan had not dealt well by me, but desired me to be of good cheer, for he would remedy all. It would seem that the enemies of Mucrob Khan had acquainted the king with all his proceedings; for indeed the king has spies upon the conduct of all his nobles. I made answer, that I was quite certain all matters would go well with me so long as his majesty was pleased to grant me his protection. After this, he presently dispatched a post to Surat with his commands to Mucrob Khan, earnestly enjoining him in our behalf, as he valued his friendship, which he would lose if he did not deal justly by the English, according to their desire. By the same messenger I sent a letter to William Finch, desiring him to go with this command to Mucrob Khan, at the receipt of which he wondered that I had got safe to Agra, and had not been murdered or poisoned by the way; of which speech Finch informed me afterwards.

After some farther conference with the king, as it grew late, he commanded that I should be brought daily into his presence, and gave me in charge to one of his captains, named Houshaber Khan, ordering that I should lodge at his house till a convenient residence could be procured for my use; and that when I was in want of any thing from the king, he was to act as my solicitor. According to his command, I resorted daily to court, having frequent conference with the king, both by day and by night; as he delighted much to talk with me, both of the affairs of England and other countries; and also made many enquiries respecting the West Indies, of which he had heard long before, yet doubted there being any such place, till I assured him I had been in the country.

Many days and weeks passed thus, and I became in high favour with the king, to the great grief of all mine enemies; when, chusing a favourable time, I solicited his order or commission for the establishment of our factory. He asked me, if I meant to remain at his court? to which I answered, that I should do so till our ships came to Surat, when I proposed to go home with his majesty's answer to the letter from my king. He then said, that he expected I should stay much longer, as he intended by our next ships to send an ambassador to the King of England, and he wished me to remain with him till a successor was sent to me from my sovereign: That my remaining would be of material benefit to my nation, as I should be in the way to put all wrongs to right, if any were offered to the English, as whatever I might see beneficial for them would be granted to my petitions; swearing _by his father's soul_, that if I remained with him, he would grant me articles for our factory to my full contentment, and would never go back from his word; and that besides he would give me ample maintenance. I answered, that I would consider of his proposal: And, as he was daily inciting me to stay, I at last consented; considering that I should be able to do good service both to my own sovereign and him, especially as he offered me an allowance of £4200 sterling for the first year, promising yearly to augment my salary till I came to the rank of 1000 horse; my first year being the allowance of commander of 400. The nobility of India have their titles and emoluments designated by the number of horse they command, from 40 up to 12,000, which last pay belongs only to princes and their sons.

Trusting, therefore, to his promises, and believing that it might be beneficial both to my nation and myself, I did not think it amiss to yield to his request; considering that I was deprived of the advantages I might have reaped by going to Bantam; and that your worships would send another in my place after half a dozen years, while in the mean time I might do you service and feather my own nest. Then, because my name was somewhat harsh for his pronunciation, he gave me the name of _Ingles Khan_, which is to say _English lord_: though in Persia khan is equivalent to duke. Being now in the height of favour, the Jesuits and Portuguese did every thing they could for my overthrow; and indeed the principal Mahometans about the king envied much to see a Christian in such favour.

Father Peneiro, who was with Mucrob Khan, and the Jesuits here at Agra, in my opinion did little regard their masses and other church matters, in studying how to overthrow my affairs. Advice being sent to Goa and Padre Peneiro at Surat or Cambaya, by the Jesuits here at Agra, of my favour with the king, they did all in their power to gain Mucrob Khan to aid the Portuguese; for which purpose the viceroy at Goa wrote to him, sending rich presents, together with many toys for the king. These presents, and many fair promises, so wrought with Mucrob Khan, that he sent a memorial to the king, accompanied by the present from the viceroy, stating, that permitting the English to trade in the land would occasion the loss of the maritime country about Surat, Cambaya, and other places; and that his ancient friends the Portuguese were much offended by his entertaining me, as a rumour went among them that I was now general of 10,000 horse, and was ready to assault Diu on the arrival of the next English ships. The letter of the Portuguese viceroy was much to the same effect. To all which the king answered, that he had but one Englishman at his court, whom they had no reason to fear, as he pretended to none of those things they alleged, and had refused an establishment near the sea, preferring to live at court.

The Portuguese were quite enraged with this answer, and laboured incessantly to get me out of the world. I then represented to the king the dangerous predicament in which I was, and the uncomfortable situation I was reduced to: My boy Stephen Grosvenor just dead, and my man Nicholas Ufflet extremely sick, who was the only English person with me, while I was myself beginning to fall much off. The king immediately called for the Jesuits, and assured them, if I died by any extraordinary casualty, that they should all feel it to their cost. The king was then very earnest with me to take a white maiden from his palace to be my wife, offering to give her slaves and all other things necessary, and promising that she would turn Christian; by which means, he said, my meat and drink would be properly looked after by her and her women, and I might live without fear. In answer, I refused to accept of any Mahometan woman, but said if any Christian could be found I would gratefully accept his royal bounty.

Then the king called to remembrance the daughter of one Mubarick Shah, who was an Armenian Christian, of the most ancient Christian race; Mubarick having been a captain, and in great favour with Acbar Padisha, this king's father. This captain had died suddenly, and without a will, leaving a vast deal of money, all of which was robbed by his brothers and kinsmen, or absorbed in debts due to him which could not be recovered, leaving only a few jewels to this his only child. Considering that she was a Christian of honest descent, and that I had passed my word to the king, I could no longer resist my fortune: Wherefore I took her, and, for want of a minister, I married her before Christian witnesses, my man Nicholas Ufflet acting as priest; which I thought had been lawful, till I met with the chaplain who came with Sir Henry Middleton, who shewed me the error; on which I was again married. Henceforwards I lived contented and without fear, my wife being willing to go where I went, and to live as I lived.[191]

[Footnote 191: She went away along with him for England; but as he died by the way, she afterwards married Mr Towerson.--_Purch._]

After the settlement of this affair, news were sent me that the Ascension was coming to Surat, which was learnt from the men belonging to her pinnaces, which were cast away near that place. I then went to the king, and told him of this circumstance, craving his leave to repair to Surat, with his commission for settling trade at that port, which he was very willing to allow, limiting me to a certain time of absence, when I was to return again to Agra. When the king's chief vizir, Abdal Hassan, heard this, who was an enemy of all Christians, he told the king that my going would be the occasion of war, and might occasion the ruin of one of his great men, who had been sent to Goa to purchase toys for the king. Upon this, the king signified his pleasure that I was to remain; but gave immediate orders to have the commission effectually written and sent off to the chief factor at Surat. In fine, the commission was written out in golden letters under his great seal, as fully, freely, and firmly, for our benefit as we could possibly desire. This I presently obtained, and sent it off to William Finch at Surat.

Before its arrival, news came that the Ascension was cast away, and her men saved, but were not allowed to come to Surat. I immediately communicated this intelligence to the king, who was much dissatisfied with the conduct of Mucrob Khan, my great enemy, and gave me another order for their good usage, and that every means should be used to save the goods if possible. These two royal orders came almost at the same time to Surat, to the great joy of William Finch and the rest, who much admired how I had been able to procure them. Thus continuing in great favour with the king, being almost continually in his sight, and serving him for half the twenty-four hours, I failed not to have most of his nobles for my enemies, who were chiefly Mahometans; for it went against their hearts to see a Christian in so great favour and familiarity with the king, and more especially because he had promised to make his brother's children Christians, which he actually caused to be done about two years after my coming to Agra.

Some time after, some of the people belonging to the Ascension came to me, whom I could have wished to have behaved themselves better, as their conduct was much pried into by the king.[192] In all this time I had been unable to recover the debt due me by Mucrob Khan. At length he was sent for by the king, to answer for many faults laid to his charge, and much injustice and tyranny he had been guilty of to the people under his authority, having ruined many, who petitioned the king for justice. This dog now sent many bribes to the king's sons and the nobles about his person, to endeavour to make his peace, and they laboured, in his behalf. When news came that Mucrob Khan was near, the king sent orders to attach his goods, which were so abundant that the king was two months in viewing them, every day allotting a certain quantity to be brought before him. What the king thought fit for his own use he kept, and returned the rest to Mucrob Khan. In viewing these goods, there appeared certain muskets, with a rich corselet and head-piece, with other things, forming the present I intended for the king; which Mucrob had taken from me under pretence that they were for the king, and would not allow me to deliver myself. At the sight of these, I was so bold as to tell the king they were mine.

[Footnote 192: In a side-note at this place, Purchas says that Mr Alexander Sharpey, their general, came to Agra along with them; which is not mentioned in the text, but will be found in the narrative of Sharpens voyage in the sequel.--E.]

After the king had viewed these goods, a Banyan made a most grievous complaint to the king against Mucrob Khan, who had taken away his daughter, pretending she was for the king; but had deflowered her himself, and gave her afterwards to a Bramin who was in his service. The man who made this charge protested, that his daughter surpassed all women he had ever seen for beauty. This matter being examined into, and the offence clearly proved against Mucrob, he was committed as a prisoner into the custody of a noble of high rank; and the Bramin was condemned to be made a complete eunuch. Before this happened I went several times to visit Mucrob, who made many fair promises that he would deal honestly by me and be my friend, and that I should have my right. After his disgrace his friends daily solicited for him, and at length got him clear; but with commandment to pay every man his right, and that no more complaints should be heard against him, if he loved his life. So he paid every one his due except me, whom he would not pay. I then entreated him to deliver me back my cloth, that I might if possible end with him by fair means; but he put me off from day to day with fresh delays till his departure shortly after; for the king restored him his place again, and he was to go to Goa about a fair ballas ruby and other rarities which were promised to the king.

§ 3. _The Inconstancy of the King, and the Departure of Captain Hawkins with Sir Henry Middleton to the Red Sea, and thence to Bantam, and afterwards for England_.

All my going and sending to Mucrob Khan for my money and cloth were in vain, and seeing myself so grossly abused by him, I was forced to demand justice of the king, who commanded that the money should be brought before him; yet for all the king's commands, Mucrob did as he liked, and in spite of every thing I could do or say, he finally cheated me of 12,500 mahmudies which he owed me, besides interest.[193] The greatest man in the whole country was his friend, who with many others took his part, and were continually murmuring to the king about suffering the English to come into the country, saying, that _if our nation once got footing in the country we would dispossess him of it_.[194] The king, upon this, called me before him to make answer to these charges. I said, if any such matters were done or attempted, I was ready to answer with my life, for the English were in no respect that base nation that our enemies represented; and that all these things were laid to our charge merely because I demanded my due and could not get it. At this time I used to visit daily the king's chief favourites and nearest relatives, who spoke to him in my favour, so that he commanded no more such injuries to be offered me. So, thinking to use my best endeavour to recover my loss, I spoke to the chief vizier, that he might aid me; but he answered me in a threatening manner, that if I opened my mouth again on this subject, he would oblige me to pay 100,000 _mahmudies_, which the king had lost in his customs at Surat, to which no persons durst now trade for fear of the Portuguese, who were displeased because the king entertained me, and granted licence for the English to trade. Owing to this I was constrained to be silent, for I knew that my money had been swallowed up by these dogs.

[Footnote 193: On some other occasions in these voyages, the mahmudy is said to be worth about a shilling.--E.]

[Footnote 194: This may appear somewhat in the spirit of prophecy, as the English are now masters of a very large portion of the Mogul empire in Hindostan. This unwieldy empire broke in pieces by its own weight, and the original vices of its constitution; after which its fragments have gradually been conquered by the India Company, whose dominions now include Delhi and Agra, two of its great capitals, and many of its finest provinces--E.]

Mucrob Khan was now ordered in public to make ready to depart upon an appointed day for Guzerat, whence he was to proceed to Goa, and was on that day to come to court to take leave, as is the custom. At this time three principal merchants of Surat came to court about affairs in which they had been employed by the king or the chief vizier. Likewise, some six days before this, a letter came to the king from the Portuguese viceroy, accompanied by a present of many rarities; in which letter the viceroy represented how highly the King of Portugal was dissatisfied at the English being admitted into the king's dominions, considering the ancient amity between him and his majesty. After many compliments, the viceroy stated, that a merchant had arrived at Goa with a very fine ballas ruby, weighing 350 _rotties_, of which the pattern was sent. On coming to take his leave, accompanied by Padre Peneiro, who was to go along with him, the three Surat merchants being in the presence, Mucrob Khan made his speech to the king, saying that he hoped to obtain the great ruby, and many other valuable things, for his majesty from the Portuguese, if the privileges granted to the English were disannulled; and besides, that it would occasion great loss to his majesty and his subjects, if the English were suffered any more to frequent his ports. In confirmation of this, he called upon the Surat merchants to declare to his majesty what loss was occasioned by the English, as they best knew. They affirmed that they were all likely to be undone because of the English trading at Surat, and that no toys or curiosities would hereafter come into his majesty's dominions, because the Portuguese, being masters of the sea, would not suffer them to go in or out of the ports, because of the licence granted to the English. All this was a plot concerted by the Portuguese with Mucrob Khan and the vizier, with the assistance of the jesuits; and by means of these speeches, and the king's anxiety to procure the great ruby, together with the promises of the _padres_ to procure many rarities for his majesty, my affairs were utterly overthrown; and the king commanded Mucrob Khan to inform the Portuguese viceroy, that the English should not be suffered any more to come into his ports.

I now saw plainly that it would be quite bootless for me to make any attempt to counteract these plots, by petitioning the king, till a good while after the departure of Mucrob Khan, as my enemies were very numerous, though they had received many presents from me. When I saw a convenient time, I resolved to petition the king again, having in the mean time found a fit toy to present, as the custom is, for no man who makes a petition must come empty handed. On presenting this petition, the king immediately granted my request, commanding the vizier to make me out another commission or licence in as ample form as before, and expressly commanded that no person should presume to speak to him to the contrary, it being his fixed resolution that the English should have freedom to trade in his dominions. Of this alteration the Jesuits at Agra had immediate notice; for no matter passes in the court of the Mogul, however secret, but it may be known in half an hour, by giving a small matter to the secretary of the day; for every thing is written down, and the writers or secretaries have their appointed days in turn. The Jesuits instantly sent off a speedy messenger with letters to Peneiro and Mucrob Khan, giving them notice of this new turn in my affairs; on receipt of which they immediately resolved not to proceed to Goa till I were again overthrown. Thereupon Mucrob Khan transmitted a petition to the king, and letters to his friend the vizier, stating that it was not for his majesty's honour to send him to Goa, if the promises made to the Portuguese were not performed; and that the purpose of his journey would be entirely frustrated, if the new licence given to the English were not recalled. On reading this, the king went again from his word and recalled my licence, esteeming a few toys promised him by the Jesuits beyond his honour.

Being desirous to see the final issue of these things, I went to _Hogio Jahan_, [Haji Jehan], who was lord-general of the king's palace, and second officer of the kingdom, entreating him to stand my friend. He went immediately to the king, telling him that I was sore cast down, because Abdul Hassan, the chief vizier, would not deliver me the commission which his majesty had accorded to me. Being in the presence, and very near the king, I heard him give the following answer: "It is very true that the commission is sealed and ready for delivery; but owing to letters received front Mucrob Khan, and better consideration respecting the affairs of my ports in Guzerat, I do not now think fit that it should be granted." Thus was I tossed and tumbled, like a merchant adventuring his all in one bottom, and losing all at once by storms or pirates. In regard likewise to my pension, I was mightily crossed; as many times when I applied to Abdul Hassan, he would make answer, "I know well that you are in no such need, as your own master bears your charges, and the king knew not what he did in giving to you, from whom he ought on the contrary to receive." I represented to him that it was his majesty's pleasure, and none of my request, and being his majesty's gift, I saw no reason for being deprived of my right. Then he would bid me have patience, and he would find me out a good living. Thus was I put off from time to time by this mine enemy; insomuch that all the time I served at court I could not get a living that would yield me any thing, the vizier giving me always my living on assignments on places that were in the hands of outlaws or insurgents, except once that I had an assignment on Lahor by special command of the king, but of which I was soon deprived; and all I received from the beginning was not quite £300, and even of this a considerable portion was spent upon the charges of men sent to the lordships on which my pension was assigned.

Seeing now that the living which the king had bestowed upon me was taken away, I was past all hope; for before this, on hearing that our ships were arrived, I expected the king would perform his former promises, in hopes of receiving rare things from England. When I now presented a petition to the king concerning my pension, he turned me over to Abdul Hassan, who not only refused to let me have my pension, but gave orders that I should be no more permitted to come within the red rails, being the place of honour in the presence; where all the time of my residence hitherto I was placed very near the king's person, only five men of the whole court being before me.

My affairs being thus utterly overthrown, I determined, with the advice of my friends, to know exactly what I had to rest upon, and either to be well in or well out. I therefore made ready and presented a petition to the king, representing how I had been dealt with by Abdul Hassan who had himself appropriated what his majesty had been pleased to order for my living: That the expences of my residence at court for so long a time, at his majesty's command, and under promises to provide for me, would be my utter ruin; wherefore, I humbly entreated his majesty to take my case into his gracious consideration, either to establish me as formerly, or to grant me leave to depart. In answer to this, he gave me permission to go away, and commanded a safe conduct to be given me, to pass freely and without molestation throughout his dominions. On receiving this passport, I came to make my obeisance, and to take my leave, when I entreated to have an answer to the letters of my sovereign. On this Abdul Hassan came to me from the king, and utterly refused in a disdainful manner; saying, that it was not meet for so great a monarch to write a letter to any petty prince or governor. To this I answered, that the king knew more of the mightiness of the King of England than to suppose him a petty governor.

I went home to my house, using all my endeavours to get my goods and debts gathered together, meaning to purchase commodities with the money remaining, and exerted every diligence to get out of the country, waiting only for the return of Nicholas Ufflet from Lahor with some indigo then in charge of William Finch, who was determined to go home over land, as he had no hope of our ever being able to embark at Surat. I would willingly have gone home by the same route, but it was well known that I could not travel through Turkey, especially in company with a female. I was forced therefore to curry favour with the Jesuits, to procure me a pass or _seguro_ from the Portuguese viceroy, to go by way of Goa to Portugal, and thence to England. But when the mother and kindred of my wife saw that I was about to take her away, and supposing they should never see her more, they were so importunate with me, that I was forced to engage that she should go no farther with me than Goa, which was in India, and where they could go to visit her; and that, if at any time I were to go to Portugal or elsewhere, I should then leave her with such a dower as is usual with the Portuguese when they die. But knowing that if my wife should chuse to go with me, all these might have no effect, I concerted with the Jesuits to procure me two _seguros_ or passports; one giving me free permission and liberty of conscience to reside and trade at Goa, which only I meant to show to my wife's relations; while the other was to contain an absolute grant for a free passage to Portugal, and so for England, with my wife and goods, so as not to be hindered by any interference of my wife's relations; any thing that I might be under the necessity of conceding to them to be void and of no effect, but that I should have liberty to stay or go when I pleased, with liberty of conscience for myself. This last _seguro_ was desired to be transmitted to me at Cambaya by the fleet of Portuguese frigates, as at my departure our ships were not yet come.