Chapter VIII: Introduction

This very curious article consists chiefly of two letters from Japan, written by William Adams, an Englishman, who went there as pilot in a Dutch fleet, and was detained there. His _first_ letter, dated Japan, 22d October, 1611, is addressed,--"To my unknown Friends and Countrymen; desiring this letter, by your good means, or the news or copy thereof may come to the hands of one, or many of my acquaintance, at Limehouse, or elsewhere; or at Gillingham, in Kent, by Rochester." The _second_ letter has no date, the concluding part of it being suppressed or lost, by the malice of the bearers, as Purchas suspected; but is addressed to his wife, and was probably inclosed in the former, or perhaps sent home by Saris, whose voyage will be found in the sequel. Adams appears to have died about 1620, in Japan, as reported by the ship James, which arrived from that island, in England, in 1621. Purchas observes, that though this voyage was not by the Cape of Good Hope, he had yet inserted it among the early English voyages to India, because performed to Japan. The editor of Astley's Collection says that he once intended to have placed it in a different division of his work, as performed by a south-west course; but, because Adams is frequently mentioned in the journals of Saris and Cocks, to whom he was serviceable in Japan, he chose to follow the example of Purchas. One of the views of Adams, in the first of these letters, in the opinion of the editor of Astley's Collection, appears to have been to excite the English to repair to Japan; and they seem to have entertained that object at the same time, as Saris set out upon his voyage to that island six months before the date of the letter from Adams.

[Footnote 46: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 125. Astley, I. 525.]

In Astley's Collection, the editor has used the freedom, as he has done in a variety of other instances, to make great alterations in the arrangement of the original document, and even often makes important changes in the sense, which is by no means commendable. In this article, as in all others, we have chosen to have recourse to the original source, merely accommodating the language to that of the present day.

Before the letters of Adams, it seemed proper to give the following short notice of the earlier part of the voyage in which Adams went to Japan, as contained in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 78.--E.

* * * * *

§ 1. _Brief Relation of the Voyage of Sebalt de Wert to the Straits of Magellan_.

In the year 1598, the following ships were fitted out at Amsterdam for a voyage to India: The Hope, of 250 tons, admiral, with 136 persons; the Charity, of 160 tons, vice-admiral, with 110 men; the Faith, of 160 tons, and 109 men; the Fidelity, of 100 tons, and 86 men; and the Good News, of 75 tons, and 56 men; of which fleet Sir Jaques Mabu was general, and Simon de Cordes vice-admiral; the captains of the other three ships being Benninghen, Bockholt, and Sebalt de Wert. Being furnished with all necessary provisions, they set sail on the 27th June, 1598. After much difficulty, and little help at the Cape de Verd islands, where they lost their general, to whom Cordes succeeded, they were forced, by their pressing wants, and the wiles of the Portuguese, being severely infected with the scurvy in all their ships, to leave these islands, with the intention of going to the Isle of Anabon, in the gulf of Guinea, in lat. 1° 40' S. to make better provision of water, and other necessaries, and to refresh their men. Falling in unexpectedly with the land, in about the lat. of 3° S. 120 miles before their reckoning, they determined to go to Cape Lope Gonsalves, driving a peddling trade with the negroes as they went along the coast.

Arriving at the bay of Cape Lope, the sick men were sent a-shore on the 10th November. The 23d, a French sailor came aboard, who promised to procure them the favour of the negro king, to whom Captain Sebalt de Wert was sent. This king was found on a throne hardly a foot high, having a lamb's skin under his feet. He was dressed in a coat of violet cloth, with tinsel lace, without shirt, shoes, or stockings, having a party-coloured cloth on his head, with many glass beads hanging from his neck, attended by his courtiers adorned with cocks feathers. His palace was not comparable to a stable. His provisions were brought to him by women, being a few roasted plantains and some smoke-dried fish, served in wooden vessels, with palm-wine, in such sparing measure, that Massinissa, and other renowned examples of temperance, might have been disciples to this negro monarch. One time the Dutch captain regaled his majesty with some of the ship's provisions; but he forgot all his temperance on being treated with Spanish wine, and had to be carried off mortal drunk. Very little refreshment could be procured here. They killed a boar and two buffaloes in the woods, and snared a few birds, besides buying some provisions from the negroes. The worst of all was, as the scurvy subsided, they were afflicted with dangerous fevers.

Departing from this place on the 8th December, they came to the island of _Anobon_ on the 16th, where they procured some provisions by force. By the scurvy and fever they lost thirty men, among whom was Thomas Spring, a young Englishman of promising parts. In the beginning of the year 1599, they departed from Anabon, steering for the straits of Magellan, being too late for passing the Cape of Good Hope. The 10th March they observed the sea all red, as if mixed with blood, occasioned by being full of red worms, which when taken up leapt like fleas. They entered the straits on the 6th April, supplying themselves at Penguin islands with thirteen or fourteen hundred of these birds. On the 18th of that month they anchored in Green bay within the straits, where they got fresh water and large mussels. They remained at this place till the 23d of August, in a perpetually stormy winter, and lost a hundred of their men. The storm found them continual labour, without any furtherance of their intended voyage; suffering continual rain, wind, snow, hail, hunger, loss of anchors, and spoiling of their ships and tackling, sickness, death, and savages, want of stores and store of wants, so that they endured a fulness of misery. The extreme cold increased their appetites, which decreased their provisions, and made them anxious to look out for more.

On the 7th May, going in their boats to take gudgeons on the south side of the straits, opposite Green bay, they descried seven canoes with savages, who _seemed_ ten or eleven feet high, with red bodies and long hair.[47] The Dutch were much amazed at these men, who likewise terrified them with stones and loud cries. The Dutch got immediately into their boats, and stood on their defence; but when the savages saw four or five of their companions fall down dead, slain by Dutch thunder, they fled to the land; and plucking up large trees, barricaded themselves against the Hollanders, who left them. After this, three of the Dutchmen, in seeking food to preserve their life, found death at the hands of naked savages, who were armed with barbed darts, which, if they entered the flesh, had to be cut out.

[Footnote 47: This is the first notice we have yet met with of the long-famed Patagonians; but their enormous stature in the text is very diffidently asserted. We shall have future opportunities of becoming better acquainted with these South American giants. Perhaps the original may only have said they seemed ten or eleven _spans_ high, and some careless editor chose to substitute _feet_.--E.]

This Green bay, in which they staid so long, was named Cordes bay after the commander. In another, called Horse bay, they erected a new guild or fraternity, binding themselves with much solemnity and many oaths to certain articles, and calling it the _Fraternity of the Freed Lion_. The general added six chosen men to himself in this society, and caused their names to be engraven on a board, which was hung up on high pillars, to be seen by all passing that way; but it was defaced by the savages, who likewise disinterred the dead bodies from their graves and dismembered them, carrying one away.

The 3d September, they left the straits, and continued till the 7th, when De Wert was forced to stay by a storm, and the Faith and Fidelity were left behind in much misery, hunger, tempests, leaks, and other distress. The death of their master, and the loss of their consorts, added much to their misery, and in the end of the month they were forced again into the straits; after which, in two months, they had not one fair day to dry their sails. The 14th October, the Faith lost two anchors. To one place they gave the name of Perilous bay, and called another Unfortunate bay, in remembrance of their distresses, to all of which the devil added mutiny among their people and thieving. They took a savage woman who had two children, one of whom they thought to be only six months old, yet it could walk readily, and had all its teeth. I loath to relate their loathsome feeding, with the blood running from their mouths. They here met General Oliver Noort, whose men were all lusty, and was yet unable to spare them any relief. After a world of straits in these straits, too long to rehearse, they departed thence on the 22d January, 1600, and arrived in the Maese on the 14th July. Without the straits, in lat. 50° 40' S. they saw three islands, sixty miles from land, stored with penguins, which they called the Sebaldines of the Indies, but which are not inserted in maps.[48]

[Footnote 48: The only islands which agree in any respect with the position assigned in the text, are the north-westermost of the Malouines or Falkland islands, which are nearly in that latitude, but much farther from the land.--E.]

§ 2. _First Letter of William Adams_.

Hearing that some English merchants are residing in the island of Java, although by name unknown, and having an opportunity, I presume to write these lines, desiring your worshipful company, being unknown to me, to pardon my boldness. The reason of my writing is chiefly that my conscience binds me to love my country and country men. Your worships will therefore please to understand that I am a Kentish man, born in the town of Gillingham, two miles from Rochester and one mile from Chatham, where the king's ships lie; and that from the age of twelve years I was brought up at Limehouse near London, being apprentice twelve years to one Mr Nicholas Diggines. I have served both as master and pilot in her majesty's ships; and served eleven or twelve years with the worshipful company of Barbary merchants. When the Indian trade of Holland began, I was desirous of making some trial of the small knowledge which God hath given me in that navigation. So, in the year 1598, I was hired as chief pilot of a fleet of five sail, which was fitted out by Peter Vanderhag and Hans Vanderuke, the chiefs of the Dutch India company. A merchant named Jaques Mayhay,[49] was general of this fleet, in whose ship I was pilot.

[Footnote 49: Called Mahu in the preceding narrative.--E.]

It being the 23d or 24th of June before we set sail, we were too late in coming to the line to pass it without contrary winds, for it was then the middle of September, at which time we found much southerly winds, and many of our men fell sick, so that we were obliged to go upon the coast of Guinea to Cape Lopo Gonsalves, where we landed our sick men, many of whom died. Few recovered here, as the climate was very unhealthy, and we could procure little or no refreshment. We determined therefore, for the fulfilment of our voyage, to sail for the coast of Brazil, and to pass through the straits of Magellan. By the way we came to an island called _Ilha da Anobon_, where we landed and took the town, consisting of about eighty houses. We refreshed in this island, where we had plenty of lemons, oranges, and various other fruits; but such was the unhealthiness of the air, that as one grew better another fell sick. We spent upon the coast of Cape Gonsalves and at Anobon about two months, till the 12th or 13th of November, when we sailed from Anobon, having the wind still at S. by E. and S.S.E. till we got four degrees south of the line; at which time the winds became more favourable, coming to S.E. E.S.E. and E. so that we ran from Anobon to the straits in about five months. During this passage, one of our ships carried away her mainmast, by which we were much hindered, having to set up a new mast at sea.

The 29th of March we espied the land in the latitude of 50° S. after having the wind for two or three days contrary; but the wind becoming again fair, we got into the straits of Magellan on the 6th April, 1599, by which time the winter was come on, so that there was much snow. Through cold and hunger combined, our men became very weak. We had the wind at east for five or six days, in which time we might have passed through the straits; but we waited refreshing our men, taking in wood and water, and setting up a pinnace of about fifteen or sixteen tons. At length, we would have passed the straits, but could not, on account of southerly winds, attended by much rain and great cold, with snow and ice; so that we had to winter in the straits, remaining there from the 6th April till the 24th September, by which time almost all our provisions were spent, so that many of our men died of hunger. Having passed through the straits into the South Sea, we found many violent currents, and were driven south into 54 degrees, where we found the weather excessively cold. Getting at last favourable winds, we prosecuted our intended voyage towards the coast of Peru; but in the end lost our whole fleet, being all separated from each other.

Before the fleet separated, we had appointed, in case of separation by foul weather, that we should wait on the coast of Chili, in the latitude of 46° S. for thirty days, in hopes of rejoining. Accordingly, I went to that latitude, where we remained twenty-eight days, and procured refreshments from the natives, who were very good-natured, though the Spaniards had nearly prevented them at first from dealing with us. They brought us sheep and potatoes, for which we gave them bells and knives; but at length they retired into the country, and came no more near us. Having set up a pinnace which we brought with us, and remained in waiting for our consorts during twenty-eight days, we proceeded to the port of _Baldivia_ in lat. 40° 20' S. but entered not by reason of contrary winds, on which we made for the island of _Mocha_, where we arrived next day. Finding none of our ships there, we sailed for the island of _Santa Maria_,[50] and came next day to the Cape, which is within a league and half of that island, where we saw many people; being much tempest-tost endeavouring to go round that cape, and finding good ground, we came to anchor in a fine sandy bay, in fifteen fathoms water.

[Footnote 50: The island of Santa Maria, or St Mary, is on the coast of Chili near Conception, in about the latitude 86° 50' N.]

We went in our boat, to endeavour to enter into a friendly conference with the natives, but they opposed our landing, and shot a great many arrows at our men. Yet, having no victuals in our ship, and hoping to procure refreshments here, we forcibly landed between twenty-seven and thirty men, driving the natives from the shore, but had most of our men wounded by their arrows. Being now on land, we made signs to them of friendship, and at length succeeded in bringing them to an amicable conference, by means of signs and tokens which the people understood. By our signs we communicated our desire to procure provisions, in exchange for iron, silver, and cloth. They gave us some wine, potatoes, and fruits; and desired us by signs to return to our ship, and come back the next day, when they would supply us with victuals. It being now late, our people came on board, most of them more or less hurt, yet glad of having brought the natives to a parley.

Next day, the 9th November, 1599, our captain and all our officers prepared to land, having come to the resolution of only going to the shore, and landing two or three men at the most, as the people were very numerous, and our people were not willing to put too much trust in them. Our captain went in one of our boats, with all the force we were able to muster; and when near the shore, the natives made signs for him to land, which our captain was not willing to do. But as the natives did not come near the boats, our captain and the rest determined to land, notwithstanding what had been agreed upon in the ship. At length twenty-three men landed, armed with muskets, and marched up towards four or five houses; but had hardly got a musketshot shot from the boats, when above a thousand Indians fell upon them from an ambush, with such weapons as they had, and slew them all within our sight. Our boats waited long, to see if any of our men would return; but seeing no hope to recover any of them, they returned to the ship with, the sorrowful news that all who had landed were slain. This was a most lamentable affair, as we had scarcely as many men remaining as could weigh our anchor.

We went next day over to the island of St Mary, where we found our admiral, who had arrived there four days before us, and had departed from the island of _Mocha_ the day after we came from thence, the general, master, and all the officers having been _wounded_ on shore.[51] We were much grieved for our reciprocal misfortunes, so that the one bemoaned the other, yet were glad that we had come together again. My good friend Timothy Shotten of London was pilot of this ship. At this island of St Mary, which is in lat. 37° S, [36° 50'] near the coast of Chili, it was concluded to take every thing into one of the ships, and burn the other; but the new captains could not agree which of the ships to burn, so that this agreement was not executed. Having much cloth in our ships, it was agreed to steer for Japan, which we understood was a good market for cloth; and we were the more inclined to this measure, because the King of Spain's ships upon the coast of Peru having now intelligence of us, would come in search of us, and knew that we were weak by the loss of our men, which was all too true, for one of our ships, as we learnt afterwards, was forced to surrender to the enemy at St Jago.

[Footnote 51: In the second letter, the general and twenty-seven men are said to have been _slain_ at Mocha.--E.]

Having procured refreshments at Santa Maria, more by policy than force, we departed from the road of that island on the 27th November with our two ships, having heard nothing of the rest of our fleet. We took our course direct for Japan, and passed the line together, keeping company till we came into the latitude of 28° N. in which latitude, on the 22d and 23d of February, we had as heavy a storm of wind as I ever saw, accompanied with much rain; during which storm we lost sight of our other and larger ship, being very sorry to be left alone, yet comforted ourselves with the hope of meeting again at Japan. Continuing our course as we best could for wind and weather, till we were in the lat. of 30° N. we sought for the _north_ cape of that island, but found it not; because it is falsely laid down in all charts, maps, and globes, for that cape is 35° 30' N. which is a great difference.[52] At length, in 32° 30' N. we saw land on the 19th April, having been four months and twenty-two days between Santa Maria and Japan, and at this time there were only six men, besides myself, who could stand on their feet.

[Footnote 52: The geographical notices in the text are hardly intelligible. The northern cape of Japan is in 40° 30' N. _Sanddown_ point, towards the _south_ end of the eastern side of the great island of Niphon, is nearly in the latitude indicated in the text. The latitude of 32° 30', where, according to Adams, they had first sight of Japan, is on the eastern side of Kiusiu, the south-western island of Japan, in long. 131° 25' E. while Sanddown point is in long. 141° E. from Greenwich.--E.]

Being now in safety, we let go our anchor about a league from a place called _Bungo_.[53] Many boats came off to us, and we allowed the people to come on board, being quite unable to offer any resistance; yet, though we could only understand each other very imperfectly by signs, the people did us no harm. After two or three days, a jesuit came to us from a place called Nangasacke, to which place the Portuguese caraks from Macao are in use to come yearly. This man, with some Japanese chieftains, interpreted for us, which was bad for us, being our mortal enemies; yet the King of Bungo, where we had arrived, shewed us great friendship, giving us a house on shore for our sick, and every refreshment that was needful. When we came to anchor off Bungo, we had twenty-four men living, sick and well, of whom three died next day, and other three after continuing long sick, all the rest recovering.

[Footnote 53: In modern maps, Bungo is the name of the middle province on the eastern side of Japan, and includes the indicated latitude, the nearest sea-port town being named _Nocea_, thirty-five miles farther north. But as we have hardly any intercourse with Japan, our maps of that country are very imperfect.--E.]

The Emperor of Japan hearing of us, sent presently five gallies, or frigates, to us at Bungo, with orders to bring me to the court where he resided, which was almost eighty English leagues from Bungo.[54] When I came before him, he demanded to know from what country we were, and I answered him in all points. There was nothing almost that he did not enquire about, more especially concerning war and peace between different countries, to all of which I answered to the best of my knowledge, which were too long to write off at this time. After this conference, I was ordered to prison along with one of our mariners, who had accompanied me to serve me, but we were well used there. Some two days afterwards the emperor sent for me again, and demanded the reason of our having come so far. I made answer, that we were a people who sought peace and friendship with all nations, and to have trade with all countries, bringing such merchandise as our country had, and buying such others in foreign countries as were in request in ours, through which reciprocal traffic both countries were enriched. He enquired much respecting the wars between us and the Spaniards and Portuguese, and the causes of the same, all the particulars of which I explained to him, with which he seemed much pleased. After this I was again remanded to prison, but in another place, where my lodging was bettered.[55]

[Footnote 54: This was Osaca, which is eighty leagues from Bungo.--_Purchas_.

Osaka, in a straight line, is about ninety marine leagues, or 276 English miles, from the coast of Bungo.--E.]

[Footnote 55: The second letter, addressed to his wife, breaks off here.--E.]

I continued thirty-nine days in prison, hearing no news of our ship or captain, and knew not whether he were recovered or not, neither respecting the rest of our company. In all that time I expected continually to be crucified, as is the custom of Japan, as hanging is with us; for during my long imprisonment, the Portuguese and jesuits gave many false accounts against us to the emperor, alledging that we were thieves, who went about to rob and plunder all nations, and that if we were suffered to live it would be to the injury of the emperor and his nation; for then no nation would come there without robbing, but if justice were executed upon us, it would terrify the rest of our nation from coming there any more. They thus persuaded the emperor daily to cut us off, making all the friends at court they could to back them. But God was merciful to us, and would not permit them to have their will against us. At length the emperor gave them this answer: "That, as we had done no hurt to him or any of his subjects, it was contrary to reason and justice to put us to death; and if our country and theirs were at war, that was no reason why he should punish us." They were quite cast down by this answer, seeing their cruel intentions towards us disappointed, for which God be praised for ever and ever.

While I remained in prison, the emperor gave orders for our ship to be brought as near to the city where he resided as possible, which was done accordingly. Then, on the one and fortieth day of my imprisonment, I was again brought before the emperor, who asked me many more questions, which were too long to write. In conclusion, he asked me if I wished to go to the ship to see my countrymen, which I said would give me much satisfaction. So he bad me go, and I departed, being freed from imprisonment. I now first learnt that our ship and company were come to the city where the emperor resided; whereupon, with a joyous heart, I took a boat and went on board, where I found our captain and the rest recovered from their sickness. At our meeting they saluted me with tears, having heard that I was long since put to death. Thus, God be praised, all we that were left alive came again together.

All our things were taken out of our ship, all my instruments and other things being taken away, so that I had nothing left but the clothes on my back, and all the rest were in a similar predicament. This had been done unknown to the emperor, and, being informed of it, he gave orders to restore every thing to us; but they were all so dispersed among many hands that this could not be done. Wherefore 50,000 ryals were ordered to be given us, which the emperor himself saw delivered into the hands of one of his officers, who was appointed our governor, with orders to supply us from that fund as we had occasion, to enable us to purchase provisions, and all other necessary charges. At the end of thirty days, during which time our ship lay before a city called _Sakay_, three leagues, or two and a half, from _Osaka_, where the emperor then resided, an order was issued that our ship should be carried to the eastern part of the land of Japan called _Quanto_, whither, according to his commands, we went, the distance being about 120 leagues. Our passage there was long, owing to contrary winds.

Coming to the land of _Quanto_, and near to the city of _Eddo, [Jedo,]_ [56] where the emperor then was, we used many supplications to get our ship set free, and to be allowed to seek our best profit at the place where the Hollanders have their trade,[57] in the prosecution of which suit we expended much of the money given us by the emperor. In this time three or four of our men mutinied against the captain and me, and drew in the rest of our men, by which we had much trouble with them, every one endeavouring to be commander, and all being desirous to share among them the money given us by the emperor. It would be too tedious to relate all the particulars of this disturbance. Suffice it to say, that we divided the money, giving to every one a share according to his place. This happened when we had been two years in Japan. After this, when we had received a positive denial to our petition for having our ship restored, and were told that we must abide in Japan, our people, who had now their shares of the money, dispersed themselves, every one to where he thought best. In the end, the emperor gave to every one to live upon two pounds of rice daily, and so much yearly as was worth eleven or twelve ducats, the captain, myself, and the mariners all equal.

[Footnote 56: Osaka, at the head of a bay of the same name on the south side of Niphon, is in lat. 34° 58' N. long. 135° 5' E. Sakay, or Sakai, on the eastside of the same bay, is about fifteen miles directly south from Osaka. Eddo, or Jedo, at the head of a bay of that name, likewise on the south side of Niphon, is in lat. 35° 38' long. 140° E. from Greenwich--E.]

[Footnote 57: This is probably an anachronism, meaning the place where the Hollanders had been allowed to trade by the time when Adams wrote in 1611.--E.]

In the course of three or four years the emperor called me before him, as he had done several times before, and on this occasion he would have me to build him a small ship. I answered that I was not a carpenter, and had no knowledge in ship-building. "Well then," said he, "do it as well as you can, and if it be not well done, there is no matter." Accordingly I built a ship for him of about eighty tons burthen, constructed in all proportions according to our manner. He came on board to see her, and was much pleased, so that I grew into favour with him, was often admitted to his presence, and received presents from him from time to time, and at length got an yearly revenue to live upon, equal to about seventy ducats, besides two pounds of rice daily, as before. Being in such grace and favour, owing to my having taught him some parts of geometry and mathematics, with other things, I so pleased him, that whatever I said was not to be contradicted. My former enemies, the jesuits and Portuguese, wondered much at this, and often solicited me to befriend them with the emperor, so that through my means both Spaniards and Portuguese have frequently received favours, and I thus recompensed their evil with good. In this manner, though at first it cost me much labour and pains to pass my time and procure a living, God hath at length blessed my endeavours.

At the end of five years I made supplication to the emperor for leave to quit Japan, desiring to see my poor wife and children, according to nature and conscience; but he was displeased with my request, and would not permit me to go away, saying that I must continue in the country. Yet in process of time, being greatly in his favour, I made supplication again, hearing that the Hollanders were in Acheen and Patane, which rejoiced us much, in the hopes that God would enable us to return again to our country by some means or other. I told him, if he would permit me to depart, I would be the means of bringing both the English and Hollanders to trade in his country. He said that he was desirous of both these nations visiting his country in the way of trade, and desired me to write to them for that purpose, but would by no means consent to my going away. Seeing, therefore, that I could not prevail for myself; I petitioned him for leave to our captain to depart, which he readily granted. Having thus procured his liberty, the captain embarked in a Japanese junk, in which he went to Patane, where he waited a year for Dutch ships; but none arriving in that time, he went from Patane to Johor, where he found a fleet of nine sail, of which _Matleet_ was general, and in which fleet he was again made a master.

This fleet sailed for Malacca, where it fought with a Portuguese squadron, in which battle he was slain; so that I think as yet there can be no certain news respecting me, whether I be alive or dead. Wherefore I am very desirous that my wife and two children may learn that I am alive in Japan; my wife being in a manner a widow, and my children fatherless; which alone is my greatest grief of heart, and sorely afflicts me. I am a man not unknown in Ratcliff and Limehouse; particularly to my good master Mr Nicholas Diggines, Mr Thomas Best, Mr Nicholas Isaac and Mr William Isaac, brothers, with many others, as also to Mr William Jones and Mr Becket. Therefore, if this letter, or a copy of it, may come into any of their hands, I am sure that such is their goodness, that they will communicate the news to my family and friends, that I do as yet live in this vale of sinful pilgrimage: Which, thing I do again and again earnestly desire may be done, for the sake of Jesus.

You are to understand, that the first ship I built for the emperor made a voyage or two, whereupon he commanded me to build another, which I did of the size of 120 tons. In this ship I made a voyage from Meaco[58][in lat. 35° 12' N. long. 135° 37' E.] to Jeddo, being about as far as London is from the Lizard or Land's-end of England. In the year 1609, the emperor lent this ship to the governor of Manilla, to go with 86 of his men to Accapulco. In the same year 1609, a great ship of about 1000 tons, called the San Francisco, was cast away on the east coast of Japan, in the latitude of 30° 50' N. Being in great distress in a storm, she cut her mainmast by the board, and bore away for Japan; and in the night time, before they were aware, the ship ran on shore, and was utterly wrecked, 136 men being drowned, and 340 or 350 saved, in which ship the governor of Manilla was going as a passenger for New Spain. This governor was sent off to Accapulco, as before said, in the larger ship of my building, and 1611 he sent back another ship in her stead, with a great present, and an ambassador to the emperor, giving him great thanks for his kindness, and sending the value of the emperor's ship in goods and money: which ship of my building, the Spaniards now have at the Philippine islands.

[Footnote 58: Meaco is entirely an inland city, thirty-five miles from Osaka, and on the same river, which runs into the bay of Osaka two or three miles below the latter city. It is probable, therefore, that this ship may have been built at Meaco, and floated down the river to the bay of Osaka.--E.]

At this time, for the services which I have performed to the emperor, and am daily performing, he hath given me a living, like unto a lordship in England, in which there are eighty or ninety husbandmen, who are as my servants and slaves, the like having never been done to any stranger before in this country. Thus God hath amply provided for me after my great misery To his name be the praise for ever and ever. _Amen_. But whether I shall ever get out of this land or not I know not. Until this present year, 1611, there has been no way or manner of accomplishing this my earnest desire, which there now is through the trade of the Hollanders. In 1609, two ships belonging to Holland came to Japan, in the intention of taking the carak which comes yearly from Macao. Being five or six days too late for that purpose, they came notwithstanding to Firando.[59] From thence they waited on the emperor, and were received in a friendly manner, receiving permission to come yearly to Japan with one or two ships, and so departed with the emperor's pass or licence. In consequence of this permission, a small ship is arrived this year, 1611, with cloth, lead, elephants' teeth, damask, black taffeties, raw silk, pepper, and other commodities; and have given a sufficient excuse why they missed the former year, as had been promised. This ship was well received, and entertained in a friendly manner.

[Footnote 59: Firando is an island about twenty miles in diameter, in the west of Japan, the centre of which is in lat. 33° 10' N. and long. 128° 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

You must understand that the Hollanders have here _an Indies_ of money and profit; as by this trade they do not need to bring silver from Holland to the East Indies; for in Japan there is much silver and gold, to serve their turn in other places of the East Indies where it is needed. The merchandise that is most vendible here for ready money, is raw silk, damask, black taffety, black and red cloth of the best kind, lead, and such like goods. Learning, by this lately-arrived Hollander, that a settled trade is now carried on by my countrymen in the East Indies, I presume that some among them, merchants, masters, or mariners, must needs know me. Therefore am I emboldened to write these few lines, which I have made as short as I could, not to be too tedious to the readers.

This country of Japan is a great island, reaching in its northern part to the latitude of forty-eight degrees,[60] and its most southerly part is in thirty-five degrees, both north. Its length from east by north to west by south, for such is its direction, is 220 English leagues. The breadth from south to north is thirteen degrees, twenty leagues to the degree, or 260 leagues, so that it is almost square. The inhabitants of Japan are good-natured, courteous above measure, and valiant in war. Justice is executed with much severity, and is distributed impartially, without respect of persons, upon all transgressors of the law. They are governed in great civility, and I think that no part of the world has better civil policy. The people are very superstitious in their religion, and entertain various opinions or beliefs. There are many jesuits and franciscan friars in the country, and who have many churches in the land.

[Footnote 60: The island of Japan Proper reaches only to lat. 40° 37' N. and the southern coast of Tacuxima, its most southerly detached isle, is in lat. 32° 28'. The most southerly point of the largest island of Niphon being in 33° 3' N. The extreme length of Niphon, in a slight curve from N.E. to S.W. is about 815 English miles; or, continuing the measure to the S.W. extremity of Kiusiu at Cape Nomo, about 1020 miles. The breadth is very irregular, but cannot exceed 100 miles on the average.--E.]

Thus shortly am I constrained to write, hoping that by one means or other I may hear of my wife and children in process of time, and so with patience I wait the good will and pleasure of Almighty God; earnestly desiring all those to whom this letter may come, to use means to acquaint my good friends before named of its contents; that so my wife and children may hear of me, and I may have hope to hear of them before I die. Which God grant, to his glory and my comfort. _Amen_.

Dated in Japan, the 22d of October, 1611, by your unworthy friend and servant, to command in what I can,

WILLIAM ADAMS.

§3. _Letter of William Adams to his Wife_.[61]

Loving wife, you shall hereby understand how all things have passed with me since I left you. We sailed from the Texel with five ships, on the 24th June, 1598, and took our departure from the coast of England the 5th July. The 21st August we came to St Jago, one of the Cape Verd Islands, where we remained twenty-four days. In this time many of our men fell sick, through the unwholesomeness of the air, and our general among the rest. We abode so long among these islands, because one of the captains of our fleet made our general believe that we should find plenty of refreshments there, as goats and other things, which was not the case. I and all the pilots in the fleet were here called to council; but as we all declared ourselves much averse to the place, our opinions were so much disliked by the captains, that they agreed among themselves to call us no more to council.

[Footnote 61: Although this fragment relates to the same circumstances that are detailed in the former letter, these are frequently given more at large, and it has therefore been retained.--E.]

The 15th September we departed from St Jago, and passed the equator; and in the lat. of 3° S. our general died. The season being much too late, we were forced upon the coast of Guinea, falling in with a headland called _Cabo de Spiritu Santo_. The new general commanded us to bear up for Cape Lopo Gonsalves, to seek refreshments for our men, which was done accordingly. We landed all our sick at that place, where they did not find much benefit, as we could get no store of provisions. The 29th December we resumed our voyage, and on our way fell in with an island called Anobon, where we landed our sick men, taking possession of the island by force, the town containing about eighty houses. Having here refreshed our men, we again set sail, our general giving out in orders, that each man was only to have the allowance of one pound of bread in four days, being a quarter of a pound daily, with a like reduced allowance of wine and water. This scarcity of victuals made our men so feeble, that they fell into great weakness and sickness for very hunger, insomuch that they eat the calf-skins with which our ropes were covered.

The 3d April, 1599, we fell in with port St Julian,; and on the 6th we entered the Straits of Magellan, which are at first narrow. The 8th day we passed the second narrows with a fair wind, and came to anchor at Penguin Island, where we landed, and loaded our boat with penguins. These are fowls larger than ducks, and proved a great refreshment to us. The 10th we weighed anchor, having much wind, yet fair for our passage; but our general insisted upon taking in wood and water for all our ships, of which there is great abundance in all parts of the straits, and good anchoring grounds every three or four leagues. In the mean time the wind changed, and became southerly; so we sought for a good harbour on the north side of the straits, four leagues from Elizabeth Bay. April being out, we had a wonderful quantity of snow and ice, with great winds; for the winter there is in April, May, June, July, and August, being in 52° 30' S. Many times during the winter we had the wind fair for passing through the straits, but our general would not; so that we remained in the straits till the 24th August,[62] 1599, on which day we came into the South Sea. Six or seven days after the whole fleet was separated, and the storm-continuing long, we were driven south, into 1st 54° 30' S. The weather clearing up, with a fair wind, we saw the admiral again, to our great joy. Eight or ten days afterwards, having very heavy wind in the night, our foresail was blown away, and we again lost sight of the admiral.

[Footnote 62: In the former letter this is called the 24th September, which seems to be the true date from what follows--E.]

Having a fair wind for that purpose, we directed our course for the coast of Chili, where we arrived on the 29th October, at a place appointed by the general for a rendezvous, in lat. 46° S. where we waited twenty-eight days, and set up a pinnace. In this place we found people, with whom we had friendly intercourse for five or six days, during which they brought us sheep, for which we gave them bells and knives, with which they seemed contented. But shortly afterwards they all went away from the place where our ship lay, and we saw no more of them. The twenty-eight days being expired, we set sail in the intention to go to Baldivia, and came to the mouth of the port; but as the wind was high, our captain changed his mind, and we directed our course for the island of Mocha, in thirty-eight degrees, where we arrived the 1st November. The wind being still high, we durst not come to anchor, and directed our course for Cape St Mary, two leagues south of the island of that name. Having no knowledge of the people, our men landed on the 2d of November, and the natives fought with them, wounding eight or, nine of our people; but in the end the natives made a false composition of friendship with them, which our men believed sincere.

Next day our captain went on shore, with twenty-three of our best men, meaning to get victuals in exchange for goods, as we were reduced to great straits. Two or three of the natives came immediately to the boat, bringing a kind of wine and some roots, and making signs for our people to land, where they would get sheep and oxen. The captain and men went accordingly on shore, being very anxious to get provisions; but above a thousand of the natives broke out upon them from an ambush, and slew them all, among whom was my brother, Thomas Adams. After this severe loss we had hardly as many men remaining as could hoist our anchor; so on the 3d November, in great distress and heaviness of mind, we went to the island of Santa Maria, where we found our admiral ship, by which our hearts were somewhat comforted: but when we went on board, we found them in as great distress as ourselves, the general and twenty-seven of their men having been slain at the island of Mocha, from whence they had departed the day before we passed that island. We here consulted what we should do to procure victuals, not being in condition to go to land and take them by force, as most of our remaining men were sick.

While in this sad dilemma, there came a Spaniard on board by composition to see our ship. He came on board again the next day, and we allowed him quietly to depart. The following day two Spaniards came, on board, without pawn or surety, to see if they could betray us. When they had seen our ship, they were for going again on land; but we would not let them, saying, as they had come on board without leave, we should not permit them to go away till we thought fit, at which they were very much offended. We then told them how much we were in want of victuals, and said if they would let us have such a number of sheep and ewes, that we would set them at liberty. Thus, against their wills, they entered into a composition with us, which, within the time appointed, they accomplished. Having procured so much refreshment, most of our men recovered.

In consequence of the death of the general, one Hudcopee, a young man, who knew nothing, and had served the former, was made general in his stead; and the master of our ship, Jacob Quaternack, of Rotterdam, was made captain of our ship, in the place of him who had been slain. So the new general and vice-admiral called me and the other pilot, an Englishman, named Timothy Shorten, who had been with Mr Thomas Candish in his voyage round the world, and desired our advice how to prosecute the voyage for the best profits of our merchants. It was at last resolved to go for Japan, as, by the report of one Dirrick Gerritson, who had been there with the Portuguese, woollen cloth was in great estimation in that island; and we concluded that the Moluccas, and most other parts of the East Indies, being hot countries, our woollen cloth would not be there in much request: wherefore we all agreed to go for Japan. Leaving, therefore, the coast of Chili, in lat. 36° S. on the 27th November, 1599, we shaped our course direct for Japan, and passed the equinoctial line with a fair wind, which lasted several months. In our way we fell in with certain islands in lat. 16° N. of which the inhabitants are canibals.[63] Coming near these islands, our pinnace, with eight men, ran from us, and were eaten, as we supposed, by the savages, of whom we took one man.

[Footnote 63: These islands seem to be the Ladrones.--_Purchas_.]

In the latitude of 27 or 28 degrees north, we had variable winds and stormy weather; and on the 24th February, 1600, we lost sight of our admiral, and never saw his ship more; yet we still continued our course for Japan. The 24th March we saw an island called _Una Colona_, at which time many of our men were again sick, and several dead. We were in the utmost misery, not above nine or ten of our men being able to creep about on their hands and knees; while our captain and all the rest were expecting every hour to die. The 11th April, 1600, we had sight of Japan, near to _Bungo_, at which time there were not more than five of us able to stand. The 12th we came close to Bungo, and let go our anchor, many barks coming aboard of us, the people whereof we willingly allowed to come into our ship, having indeed no power to resist them. These people did us no personal injury; but they stole every thing they could lay their hands upon, for which some paid very dear afterwards. Next day the king of that land sent a party of soldiers on board, to prevent the merchant goods from being stolen. Two or three days after, our ship was brought into a good harbour, there to remain till the emperor of the whole island was informed of our arrival, and should give his orders as to what was to be done with us. In the meantime we petitioned the King of Bungo for leave to land our captain and the other sick men, which was granted, having a house appointed for them, in which they were all laid, and had all manner of refreshments given them.

After we had been five or six days here, there came a Portuguese jesuit, with other Portuguese, who falsely reported of us that we were pirates, and not at all in the way of trade; which scandalous reports caused the governors and people to think very ill of us, so that we even looked for being set upon crosses, which is the punishment in this land for thievery and some other crimes. Thus daily did the Portuguese incense the rulers and the people against us. At this time two of our men became traitors, giving themselves up to the service of the emperor, and becoming all in all with the Portuguese, who warranted them their lives. One was named Gilbert de Conning, whose mother dwelt in Middleburg, who gave himself out as the merchant over all the goods in the ship; the name of the other was John Abelson van Oudwater. These traitors tried every means to get the goods into their hands; and made known to the Portuguese every thing that had happened during our voyage.

Nine days after our arrival, the emperor, or great king of the land, sent for me to come to him. So, taking one man with me, I went to him, taking leave of our captain and the sick men, and commending myself into HIS hands who had hitherto preserved me from the perils of the sea. I was carried in one of the emperor's gallies to the court of Osaka, where the emperor then resided, being about eighty leagues from where our ship lay. On the 12th May, 1600, I came to the city of Osaka, and was brought immediately into the presence of the emperor, his palace being a wonderfully costly house, gilded with gold in great profusion. On coming before him, he viewed me well, and seemed favourably disposed towards me, making many signs to me, some of which I comprehended, and others not. After some time there came one who could speak Portuguese, who acted as interpreter. Through this person the king demanded to know from what country I was, and what had induced us to come to his land, at so great a distance from our own country. I then told him whence we were, that our country had long sought out the East Indies, desiring to live in peace and friendship with all kings and potentates in the way of trade; having in our country various commodities which these lands had not, and wishing to purchase such commodities in this land as our country did not possess. He then asked me if our country had any wars; to which I answered, that we were at war with the Spaniards and Portuguese, but at peace with all other nations. He farther asked me, what was my religious belief; to which I made answer, that I believed in God, who created the heavens and the earth. After many questions about religion and many other things, he asked me by what way we came to his country. Having with me a chart of the world, I showed him the way in which we had come, through the straits of Magellan; at which he wondered, and seemed as if he did not believe I spoke truth. Asking me what merchandise we had in our ship, I gave him an account of the whole. Thus, from one thing to another, I remained with him till midnight. In the end, when he was ready to depart, I desired that we might be allowed the same freedom of trade which the Spaniards and Portuguese enjoyed. He made me some answer, but what it was I did not understand, and then commanded me to be carried to prison.

Two days afterwards he sent for me again, and made many inquiries about the qualities and conditions of our countries; about wars and peace, of beasts and cattle of all sorts, of the heavens, and many other things; and he seemed well pleased with my answers. Yet was I again remanded to prison; but my lodging was bettered in another place.

* * * * *

"The rest of this letter, by the malice of the bearers, was suppressed, but was probably the same in substance with the former; yet I have added this also, because it contains several things not mentioned in the other. This William Adams _lately_[64] died at Firando, in Japan, as by the last ship, the James, returning home in the year 1621, we have received intelligence."--_Purchas_.

[Footnote 64: This is in reference to the year 1625, when the Pilgrims of Purchas was published.--E.]

SECTION XI.

_Voyage of Sir Edward Michelburne to India, in_ 1604.[65]