Chapter XXII: Introduction (4)

The day of the king's removal being at hand, I sent on the 28th to Asaph Khan, to have a warrant for carriages, as our merchants had sought all over the town for carriages to convey their goods to Agra, and could not procure any. As I was enrolled by the king, I received an order for twenty camels, four carts, and two coaches, to be paid for at the king's price; of which I appointed for the use of the factors as many as they needed.

At this time the following incident took place, being either a wonderful instance of baseness in this great monarch, or a trial of my disposition. The king had condemned several thieves to death, among whom were some boys, and there was no way to save their lives, except by selling them as slaves. On this occasion, the king commanded Asaph Khan to offer two of them to me for money, which he directed to be done by the _cutwall_, or marshal. He came accordingly and made the offer to my interpreter, who answered without my knowledge, that the Christians kept no slaves, and, as I had already set free those the king had given me, it was in vain to propose the matter to me. I afterwards suspected this were done to try me whether I would give a little money to save the lives of two children, or, if it even were in earnest, I thought there was no great loss in doing a good deed. So, to try the scope of this affair, I directed my interpreter to inform Asaph Khan, that being made acquainted with the offer, and the answer my interpreter had given, I had reprehended him for presuming in any case to answer for me; and that, if any money were to be given to save the lives of the children, either to those whom they had robbed, or to redeem them from the law, I was ready to give it, both out of respect for the king's command, and for charity; but I would not buy them as slaves, only meaning to pay their ransom, and set them free; and, if he would let me know the king's pleasure, that I might give them their lives and liberties without offence, I was very willing to do it.

Asaph Khan agreed to accept the money, making many commendations of my extraordinary goodness, and said I might dispose of the boys as I thought fit, desiring me to send the money to the _cutwall_, yet made no offer of informing the king, which was one chief purpose of my liberality. I had no inclination to be cheated, yet resolved to pay the money in such a way that the king should learn I had more mercy than he, and that a Christian valued the life of a Mahomedan beyond money. I sent therefore a factor and my interpreter to the _cutwall_, to acquaint him with my communication to Asaph Khan, and that, if he informed the king of my offer to redeem the prisoners for charity, and his majesty consented to give them their pardon and liberty, I was ready to send the money; but that I would not buy them as slaves, even for an hour. Thus I put them to the test as to their base offer. This sum did not exceed ten pounds, a poor affair for which to impose upon a stranger, or to be gained by so great a king. The _cutwall_ answered that he would enquire the king's pleasure, and let me know the result. Some would have me believe, that this was, a signal favour of the king, chusing out any great man to do this good and honourable work of redeeming prisoners, as the money is given in satisfaction to the person robbed, and that those who are thus appointed to ransom them, make _sizeda_ to the king, as for a mighty benefit. But I see no honour in a king thus to impose upon a stranger, to whom he gives neither maintenance nor liberality. I went to the durbar, to see if the king would himself speak to me, that I might declare my own offer. The _cutwall_ made many motions, and brought in his executioner, who received some commands, but I understood them not.

I this day sent my secretary with a message to the Persian ambassador, to say I would visit him, if he gave his word to return my visit. He sent me for answer, with much respect, that it was not the custom of the country for ambassadors to visit each, other without leave of the king, which he would ask; and which given, he would thankfully accept my visit, and repay it with all manner of pleasure.

On the 1st November, Sultan Churrum took his leave and went to his tents. On this occasion the king sat in his durbar at noon, when the prince passed his establishment in review before his father, consisting of about 600 elephants richly caparisoned, and about 10,000 horse, all splendidly arrayed, many of his followers being clad in cloth of gold, and their turbans adorned with herons plumes. The prince himself was in a dress of cloth of silver, all over embroidered, and splendidly decorated with pearls and diamonds, shining like the firmament in a clear night. The king embraced and kissed him with much affection, presenting him with a rich sword, the hilt and scabbard all of gold set with precious stones, valued at 100,000 rupees, a dagger valued at 40,000, together with an elephant, and a horse, the furniture of both magnificently adorned with gold and jewels. At his departure, he gave him a coach, made in imitation of that sent by the king my master to the emperor, and commanded the English coachman to drive the prince to the tents. Churrum went accordingly into the coach, sitting in the middle thereof, all the sides being open; and was attended by all his chief nobles a-foot, all the way to the camp, which was about four miles. Being followed by a vast concourse of people, he scattered all the way among them handfuls of quarter rupees. At one time he reached his hand to the coachman, and put about 100 rupees into his hat.

On the 2d, the king removed, with his women and all the court, to the tents, about three miles from town. I went that morning to attend upon him at the _Jarruco_ window of the palace, and went up to the scaffold under the window, being desirous to see this exhibition. Two eunuchs stood upon tressels, having long poles headed with feathers, with which they fanned him. On this occasion, he dispensed many favours, and received many presents. What he gave was let down by a silk cord, rolled on a turning instrument; and what he received was drawn up in the same manner, by a venerable, fat, and deformed old matron, all hung round with _gymbals_ like an image. Two of his principal wives were at a window on one side, whose curiosity led them to break holes in a lattice of roods that hung before the window, to gaze on me. At first I only saw their fingers; and afterwards, applying their faces to the holes, I could at times see an eye, and at length could discern their entire countenances. They were indifferently fair, having their black hair smoothed up from their foreheads; and they were so adorned with pearls and diamonds, that I might have seen them without the help of any other light. On my looking at them, they retired very merry, and, as I supposed, laughing at me.

After some time, the king departed from the window, and we all went to the durbar, to wait his coming out of the inner apartments. He came not long after, and remained in the durbar for about half an hour, till his ladies had mounted their elephants, which were in all about fifty, all richly caparisoned, especially three, which had turrets or _howders_ of gold, with grates of gold wire for the ladies to see through, and rich canopies over head of cloth of silver. The king then descended the stairs, amid such acclamations of _health to the king_, as would have drowned the noise of cannon. At the foot of the stairs, where I contrived to be near him, a person brought to him a large carp, and another presented a dish of some white stuff like starch, into which the king dipped his finger, with which he touched the fish, and then rubbed it on his forehead. This ceremony was said to presage good fortune. Then came another officer, who buckled on his sword and buckler, all set with large diamonds and rubies. Another hung on his quiver with thirty arrows, and his bow-case, being that which had been presented by the Persian ambassador. On his head, the king wore a rich turban, with a plume of heron's crests, not many but long: On one side hung a rich unset ruby as large as a walnut; on the other side a diamond of equal size; and in the middle an emerald much larger, shaped like a heart. His sash was wreathed about with a chain of great pearls, rubies, and diamonds, drilled. A triple chain of excellent pearls, the largest I had ever seen, hung round his neck. He had armlets above his elbows, richly set with diamonds; and three rows of diamonds round each wrist. His hands were bare, having a rich ring on almost every finger; and a pair of English gloves were stuck into his girdle. His coat, without sleeves, was of cloth of gold, over a fine robe as thin as lawn. On his feet he wore buskins embroidered with pearls, the toes being sharp and turned up.

Thus richly accoutred, he went into the coach, which waited for him under the care of his new English servant, who was dressed as gaudily as any player, and more so, and had trained four horses for the draught, which were trapped and harnessed all in velvet and gold. This was the first coach he had ever been in, made in imitation of that sent from England, and so like it that I only knew the difference by the cover, which was of gold velvet of Persia. Having seated himself at one end, two eunuchs attended at each side, carrying small golden maces set all over with rubies, to which horse-tails were fastened, for driving away flies. Before him went drums, bad trumpets, and loud music; with many canopies, parasols, and other strange ensigns of majesty, all of cloth of gold, and adorned with rubies. Nine spare horses were led before him, some having their furniture garnished with rubies, some with pearls, and others with diamonds, while some had only plain gold studs. Next behind the coach came three palanquins, the carriages and feet of one being plated with gold, set with pearls, and a fringe of great pearls in strings a foot long, the border being set all round with rubies and emeralds. Beside this, a man on foot carried a stool of gold, set with precious stones. The other two palanquins were covered and lined with cloth of gold.

Next followed the English coach, newly covered and richly trimmed, which he had given to his favourite queen, Nourmahal, who sat in the inside. After this came a coach, made after the fashion of the country, which I thought seemed out of countenance, in which were his younger sons. This was followed by about twenty spare royal elephants, all for the king's own use, all so splendidly adorned with precious stones and rich furniture, that they outshone the sun. Each elephant had several flags and streamers of cloth of silver, gilded sattin, or rich silk. His noblemen accompanied him on foot, which I did likewise to the gate, and then left him. His women, who accompanied him on elephants, as before mentioned, seemed like so many parroquitos in cages, and followed about half a mile in the rear of his coach. On coming to the door of the house in which his eldest son was kept prisoner, he caused the coach to stop, and sent for prince Cuserou; who immediately came and made reverence, having a sword and buckler in his hands, and his beard grown to his middle, in sign of disfavour. The king now commanded his son to mount one of the spare elephants in the royal train, so that he rode next his father, to the great joy and applause of the multitude, who were now filled with new hopes; and on this occasion, the king gave him 1000 rupees to throw among the people; his gaoler, Asaph Khan, and all the ministers, being still attendant on foot.

To avoid the press and other inconveniences, I took horse and crossed out of the _leskar_, getting before the king, and then waited for him till he came near his tents, to which he passed all the way from the town between a guard of turreted elephants, having each on the four corners of their howdars a banner of yellow taffety, and a _sling_[208] mounted in front, carrying a bullet as big as a tennis-ball. There were about three hundred elephants armed in this manner, each having a gunner; besides about six hundred other elephants of honour, that preceded or followed the king, all covered with velvet or cloth of gold, and all carrying two or three gilded banners. Many men afoot ran before the king, carrying skins of water with which to sprinkle the road to prevent dust from annoying him; and no one was allowed to approach the coach on horseback by two furlongs.

[Footnote 208: The sling in the text appears to have been a _slung_ musquetoon, or small cannon, mounted in that manner to avoid recoil.--E.]

Having gone before a-horseback, as before mentioned, I hastened to the tents, to await the king's arrival. The royal encampment was walled round, half a mile in circuit, in form of a fortress, with high screens or curtains of coarse stuff; somewhat like Arras hangings, red on the outside, the inside being divided into panes or compartments, with a variety of figures. This inclosure had a handsome gateway, and the circuit was formed into various coins and bulwarks, as it were; the posts which supported the curtains being all surmounted with brass tops. The throng was very great, and I wished to have gone into the enclosure, but no one was allowed, even the greatest of the land having to sit down at the gate. At length I was admitted, but the Persian ambassador and all the nobles were refused. At this gate, and for the first time, I was saluted by the Persian ambassador as I passed, by a silent _salam_.

In the midst of this enclosure, there stood a throne of mother-of-pearl, borne aloft on two pillars, under cover of a high tent or pavilion, the pole of which was headed by a golden knob, the roof being of cloth of gold, and the ground covered by carpets. When the king came near, several noblemen were admitted, together with the Persian ambassador; all of us making a kind of lane, the ambassador being on one side, and I on the other. As the king came in, he cast his eye on me, whereupon I made him a reverence, to which he answered by bowing and laying his hand on his breast. Turning to the other side, he nodded to the Persian. I followed close at his heels till he ascended the throne, every one calling out, _joy, health, and good fortune_. The king then called for water, with which he washed his hands, and then retired into an interior tent, to join his women, who had entered by another gate to their own quarters; there being about thirty divisions with tents within the royal inclosure. His son I saw not. All the noblemen now retired to their quarters, which were all very handsome, some having their tents green, others white, and others again of mixed colours, all handsome in form and arrangement, and all as orderly inclosed as their houses in the city, so that the whole composed the most curious and magnificent sight I had ever beheld. The whole vale seemed like a magnificent city, no mean tents or baggage being allowed to mix among these splendid pavilions. I was utterly unprovided with carriages or tent, and ashamed of my situation, for indeed five years of my allowances would not have enabled me to take the field any thing like the others; every one having a double set of pavilions, one of which goes before to the next station, where it is set up a day before the king removes. On this account, I was obliged to return to my poor house in the town.

On the 5th November I rode about five miles, to the tents of the prince, Sultan Churrum. I made him my compliments of leave taking, wishing him all prosperity and success; but he ordered me to return and take my leave two days afterwards, as I had moved him on some business, respecting debts due to the English, which he promised to examine and dispatch. He sat in state, in the same greatness and magnificence I have mentioned of his father; his throne being plated all over with silver, inlaid with gold flowers, having a square canopy over head, borne up by four pillars covered with silver; his arms, such as his sword, buckler, bows, arrows, and lance, being on a table before his throne. I observed him curiously, now that he was in absolute authority, and took especial notice of his actions and behaviour. He had just received two letters, which he read standing, before he ascended his throne. I never saw any one having so settled a countenance, or maintain a so constant gravity of deportment, never once smiling, or shewing by his looks any respect or distinction of persons, but evincing an extreme pride and thorough contempt for all around him. Yet I could perceive that he was every now and then assailed by some inward trouble, and a kind of distraction and brokenness in his thoughts, as he often answered suitors in a disjointed manner, as if surprised, or not hearing what they had said. If I can judge, he has left his heart among his father's women, with whom he is allowed to converse. The day before, Noormahal went to visit him in the English coach; and, on taking leave of him, she presented him with a robe, all embroidered with diamonds, rubies, and pearls; and, if I do not mistake, she carried away with her all his attentions from other business.

The 6th I had a letter from Mr Brown at Ahmedabad, giving an account of a fray begun by the Portuguese. Five of them assailed an English boy at Cambay, whose arms they took from him. On notice of this, John Brown and James Bickeford went to rescue the boy, and were set upon by seven Portuguese, one of whom fired a pistol and wounded Brown in the hand. They defended themselves bravely and honourably like Englishmen, killed one, wounded some others, and chaced the rest up and down the town like cowards, to the great shame of such villains, and the reputation of our nation. To revenge this, the Portuguese came ashore in considerable numbers from their frigates, no more English being in the town except the three already mentioned. The governor, being informed of this affair, sent the cutwall with a guard to our house, and ordered the water port to be shut, expelling the Portuguese from the town, and commanding them, on pain of chastisement, not to meddle with the English, whom he dismissed in safety from Cambay, and they are now returned to Ahmedabad.

The 9th, the prince being to remove, sent one of his guards for me in haste. I was not prepared for going, but the messenger pressed me, urging that his master waited for me, and he had orders not to return without me. He added, that the whole court talked of the prince's favour for me, and it was reported he had asked leave from the king for me to accompany him to the war, and had promised to use me so well that I should be forced to acknowledge his favour to our nation. I accordingly took horse after dinner; but on my arrival, I found the prince already under march. I met a Dutchman, the prince's jeweller, who confirmed every thing the soldier had said, and added so much more in the same strain, that I disbelieved the whole. I sent word to the prince of my arrival, when he returned for answer, That I should go on before to the tents, and wait his arrival, when he would speak with me. It was night when he came. He sat a short while, only giving me a look, and arose to retire among his women. As he passed, he sent a servant to desire me to wait a little, till he came out to hold his guzalcan, when he should take leave of me.

He came out in half an hour, but I could not get any one to remind him of me, and he was fallen to play, and either forgot me, or proposed to play me a state trick. I then told the waiters, that I had been sent for by the prince, and only waited his orders, for which I had too long waited, as it was late, and I must return to my house; and therefore, if the prince had any business for me, I desired it might be sent after me, as I scorned to be so used. Before I could mount, messengers came running after me, and called me back to wait upon the prince. Going in, I found him earnestly engaged at cards, but he excused himself of forgetfulness, blaming the officers formally for not reminding him, and shewed more than ordinary attention, calling me to see his cards, and asking me many questions. I expected he would have spoken of my going along with him; but, finding no such discourse, I told him I had come only in obedience to his commands, and to take my leave, and craved his pardon for being in haste, as I had to return to Agimere, having no convenience for staying all night in camp. He answered, that he had sent to speak with me before his departure, and that I should be presently dispatched. He then sent in an eunuch into the interior apartments, and several of his officers came to me smiling, who said that the prince meant to give me a magnificent present, and if I feared to ride late, I should have a guard of ten horsemen to see me safe home, making as much of the matter as if I had been to get his best chain of pearls. By and by came a cloak of cloth of gold, which the prince had once or twice worn, which he caused to be put on me, and for which I made my reverence very unwillingly; yet I urged some business, and having an answer, took my leave. It is here reputed the highest favour, to give one a garment that has been worn by a prince, or that has merely been laid on their shoulders. The cloak now given me might have answered well for an actor who had to represent the character of his ancestor, Tamerlane, on the stage, but was to me of no importance. On my way out, I was followed by his porters and waiters, begging in a most shameless manner, so that I half paid the value of the cloak before I could get out from among them.

On the 10th November, almost every body had removed from the town of Agimere, so that I was left nearly alone, and could neither get carts nor camels for my removal, notwithstanding my warrant. The Persian ambassador was in a similar predicament, but complained, and was soon redressed. I therefore sent to court, and on the 11th I received two warrants, for being supplied with carts and camels at the king's price: but it was not easy to procure either, as the great men had soldiers in every direction, to take up all for their use; and indeed it was wonderful, how two leskars or camps, belonging to the king and prince, could both remove at once.

The 16th, an order was given by the king to set fire to the whole leskar at Agimere, that the people might be compelled to follow, which was duly executed. I was left almost destitute; and the Persian ambassador, who had fought, chid, brawled, and complained, without any remedy, was in the same state with me. We sent messages of condolence to each other; and, by his example, I resolved to buy, as many were disposed to sell, who would not hire at the king's price, and I calculated that by purchasing I should almost save hire, though carts were dear, as the hire of three months would have exhausted the price of purchase. Necessity enforced me to remove, as the town was burnt and utterly desolate, and I was in great danger from thieves, as the soldiers came from camp and robbed during the night. So desolate was the town, that I could not even procure bread. Yet I sent again to court, to make one trial more, before I purchased.

The 17th I received accounts from Goa, which were said to be true, that Don Emanuel de Meneses, with about 300 of those who were saved ashore out of the Admiral, had arrived at Goa in a very poor condition, having been robbed and plundered by the inhabitants of Angazesia, who had also slain many. On the 24th October, not one of the Lisbon fleet had reached Goa, to their great wonder and disappointment. The Mosambique galleon was fought with by the Hollanders that lately went from Surat, and had cruised off Goa to meet the expected ships. This galleon was very rich in gold and other commodities, but she escaped.

I received an order for camels and carriages, but was continually delayed and disappointed; and being afraid to remain, I bought two carts, and was continually promised camels, yet none appeared. Mr Bidulph remained in the prince's leskar to receive money. The leskar of the king was still only twelve cosses from Agimere. The 18th, the Portuguese Jesuit took leave of me, being under the necessity of purchasing a carriage, although he had an order for one out of the king's store; but every one was distressed, owing to the scarcity. Having nothing material to say, respecting my own affairs, during my solitude at Agimere, I shall here digress, to mention the state of Sultan Cuserou, of whose new delivery into the hands of his enemies, the hearts and mouths of all men were now full.

Though the king had so far condescended to satisfy his proud son Churrum at his departure, as again to place Cuserou in confinement, yet it seems that he did not mean to wink at any injurious behaviour to his eldest son: And, partly to render his situation the more secure, in the custody of Asaph Khan, and partly to satisfy the murmurs of the people, who feared some treachery against him, he took occasion to declare his mind respecting him in the public durbar. Asaph Khan had been to visit his new prisoner, and in his behaviour towards him, did not treat him with the respect due to a prince, but rudely pressed into his presence against his will, and in a disrespectful manner. Some are of opinion he did this purposely to pick a quarrel, knowing the bravery of the prince, who would not suffer an indignity, meaning to tempt him to draw his sword, or to use some violence, which the guard might suddenly revenge; or that he might have opportunity to represent to the king, that the prince had attempted to kill his keeper, on purpose to escape. But the prince acted with patient prudence, and only procured a friend to acquaint the king with the rude behaviour of Asaph Khan. Accordingly, one day at the durbar, the king called Asaph Khan before him, and asked when he had seen his charge? To which he answered, he had seen him two days before. The king then asked, What he had then done to him? He said he had only visited him. But the king pressed to know what reverence and fashion he had carried towards the prince. Asaph Khan then saw that the king knew what had passed. He therefore said, That he had gone to wait upon the prince, in all reverence and affection, to offer his service, but that the prince refused him admittance into the apartment; wherefore, as he was entrusted with his safety, he thought it both necessary for him to see the prince, and discourteous in him to deny, and had therefore pressed in. On this, the king quickly asked, "And when you were in, what did you say and do?" Asaph Khan stood confounded, and confessed that he did not make any reverence. Whereupon, the king told him roundly, "That he would make his proud heart know the prince as his eldest and beloved heir, and his prince and lord; and, if he ever heard again of the smallest disrespect or want of duty in his behaviour towards the prince, he would command his son to trample him under his feet." He added, that he loved his son Prince Churrum, yet did not entrust his eldest son Cuserou among them for his ruin and destruction.

The 20th I received a new warrant for carriages, which procured me eight camels, but such poor ones as were quite unable to suffice for our baggage, and I was therefore under the necessity of purchasing the rest. The 22d I removed to my tents. The 23d and 24th I waited for the merchants; and on the latter of these days I had a letter from Ispahan, saying that my letters had been dispatched for Aleppo, and that we were expected in Persia, but on condition that we seconded the wishes of Shah Abbas, by diverting the sale of his silks from Turkey. My letters added, that the general of the Turks lay with a mighty army at _Argerone_, [Arzerom,] six days march short of Tauris, as if uncertain whether to attack that city, or to enter Gurgestan and Gilan, the provinces in which silk is produced, so as to win that by conquest which was refused in the way of trade. To guard against both attempts, Shah Abbas was encamped at _Salmas_, whence he could march either way as might be required. But, it was farther said, if the armies did not come to battle in two months, the approach of winter, and the wants attendant on such numerous bodies of men, would constrain both to quit the field. It is thought the Persians will not adventure a battle, though 180,000 strong, as, being light, and unencumbered with cannon or baggage, they are fitted for rapid marches, and can harass the Turkish army with perpetual skirmishes and assaults on all sides, hovering round about, and wasting them, without hazard to themselves.

§6. _Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the King's Leskar, and some Places through which he passed; with instances of the King's Superstition and Drunkenness, and some curious Incidents respecting a Present_.

The 25th of November I removed four cosses from Agimere, but waited during the remainder of that month, for the arrival of a caravan, going from Agra to Surat, by which I might transmit my papers in safety. The caravan departed from Agimere at midnight of the 30th November: and on the 1st December I went six cosses to Ramsor, where the king had left the naked bodies of an hundred men, put to death for robbery. The 2d I travelled seven c. I rested the 3d, because of rain. The 4th I went five c. and this day I overtook a camel, laden with 300 heads, sent from Candahar to the king, the people to whom these heads had belonged having been in rebellion. Travelling five c. on the 5th, and four c. on the 6th, I that day overtook the king at a walled town called _Todah_, in the best and most populous country I had seen in India since I landed. The district was quite level, having a fertile soil, abounding in corn, cotton, and cattle, and the villages were so numerous and near together, as hardly to exceed a coss from each other in any direction. This town was the best built of any I had seen in India, many of the houses being two stories high, and most of them good enough for decent shop-keepers, all covered with tiles. It had been the residence of a Rajput rajah, before the conquests of Akbar Shah, and stood at the foot of a great and strong rock, about which were many excellent works of hewn stone, well cut, with many tanks, arched over with well-turned vaults, and large and deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful grove, two miles long and a quarter of a mile broad, all planted with mangoes, tamarinds, and other fruit-trees, divided by shady walks, and interspersed with little temples, and idol altars, with many fountains, wells, and summer-houses of carved stone curiously arched, so that I must confess a poor banished Englishman might have been content to dwell here. But this observation may serve universally for the whole of this country, that ruin and devastation operates every where; for, since the property of all has become vested in the king, no person takes care of any thing, so that in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear, and no where is any thing repaired.

On the 7th the king only removed from one side of Todah to the other. The 8th I was at the guzalcan, but found the king so nearly drunk, that he became entirely so in half an hour, so that I could not have any business with him. The 9th I took a view of the royal _leskar_, or camp, which is one of the greatest wonders I had ever seen, and chiefly as I saw it finished and set up in less than four hours, all except the tents of some of the great men, who have double suits. It could not well be less in circuit than twenty English miles, the extent in some directions being three cosses, including the out-skirts. In the middle, where the streets are orderly and the tents joined, there are all sorts of shops, so regularly disposed, that all persons know where to go for any thing they want. Every man of quality, and every trade, is regularly appointed how far they are to be from the king's tents, in what direction, and what ground they shall occupy, which continues ever the same without alteration. All this may equal almost any town in Europe for size. But no person must approach on any side within a musket shot of the _atoskanha_, or royal quarter, which is so strictly observed that no one is ever admitted but by name. The evening durbar is omitted, the time being spent by the king in hunting or hawking rather, on tanks, by means of boats, in which he takes great delight, his barges being moved along with the leskar on carts. On these occasions he sits by the sides of the tanks, to view the sport, these tanks being often a mile or two over. The king is seen every morning at the _Jaruco_, formerly mentioned; but business or speaking to him at this time is prohibited; all business being conducted at night in the _guzalcan_, and there the opportunity is often missed, his majesty being so frequently overcome by drowsiness, proceeding from drunkenness.

There was now a whisper about the court of a new affinity between Sultan Cuserou and Asaph Khan, and great hope was entertained of the prince recovering his liberty. I will find an opportunity to discourse of this hereafter, because the particulars are worthy of being preserved, as the wisdom and goodness of the king were manifest above the malice of others: And, in this affair, Noormahal made good the observation, that women have always great influence in court factions, and she shewed that they are not incapable of managing business. This history will discover a noble prince, an excellent wife, a faithful counsellor, a crafty step-mother, an ambitious son, a cunning favourite; all reconciled by a patient king, whose heart was not understood by any of them all. But this will require a separate place,[209] as not fit to be mingled with matters of ordinary business. At this time the English complained of being ill used at Surat; but their drunkenness, and riotous behaviour proceeding from that cause, were so notorious, that it was rather wonderful they were not all put to death.

[Footnote 209: This story does not however appear, the journal of Sir Thomas Roe being left imperfect, both in the Pilgrims and in the Collection of Churchill.--E.]

The 16th of December I visited the king, who was just returned from his sports, having all his game laid out before him, both fish and fowl. He desired me to take my choice, and then distributed all the rest among his nobles. I found him sitting on his throne, having a beggar at his feet, a poor silly old man, all in rags and ashes, attended on by a young one. The country abounds in these professed poor and holy men, who are held in great reverence, and who, in voluntary sufferings and mortified chastisements of their bodies, exceed all the boasted performances of heretics and idolaters in all ages and countries. With this miserable wretch, who was cloathed in rags, crowned with feathers, and covered, with filth, his majesty conversed for about an hour, with such kindness, as shewed a humility not common among kings. All this time the beggar sat before the king, which is not even permitted to his son. The beggar gave the king as a present, a cake made by himself of coarse grain, burnt on the coals, and all foul with ashes; which yet the king accepted, broke off a piece and eat it, which a dainty person would hardly have done. He then wrapt up the rest in a clout, and put it into the poor man's bosom, and sending for 100 rupees, he poured them into the beggar's lap, gathering up with his own hands any that fell past, and giving them to him. When his collation or banquet was brought in, whatsoever he took to eat, he gave half of to the beggar. Rising, after many humiliations and charities, and the old wretch not being nimble, he took him up in his arms, though a dainty person would have scrupled to touch him, and embraced him three times, laying his hand on his heart and calling him father, and so left him, all of us greatly admiring such virtue in a heathen prince. This I mention with emulation and sorrow; wishing, as we have the true vine, that we should not produce bastard grapes, or that this zeal in an unbeliever were guided by the true light of the gospel.

The 23d, being about three cosses short of a city called _Rantepoor_, [Rantampoor,] where it was supposed the king would rest, and consult what way to take in his farther progress, he suddenly turned off towards _Mundu_, but without declaring his purpose. I am of opinion, he took this way for fear of the plague at Agra, rather than from any purpose of being near the army; for we only marched every other day no more than four cosses, and with such a train of baggage as was almost impossible to be kept in any degree of order.

The 26th we passed through woods and over mountains, torn with bushes and tired by the incommodiousness of an almost impassable way, in which many camels perished, and many persons, wearied of these difficulties, went away to Agra, and all complained. In this laborious day's march, I lost my tents and carts, but by midnight I again fell in with them. The king now rested two days, as the leskar could not again recover its order in less time; many of the king's women, and thousands of camels, carts, and coaches, being left in the woody mountains, where they could neither procure food nor water. The king himself got through upon a small elephant, which beast can climb up rocks, and get through such difficult passes, that no horse or other animal I have seen can follow. The 29th we encamped beside the river _Chambet_, [Chumbull.]

The first of January, 1617, I complained to Asaph Khan of the injuries offered to the English at Surat, though I was at the same time much perplexed by various relations, giving me a bad account of the disorderly and outrageous behaviour of my countrymen. Asaph Khan advised me not to carry my complaint to the king, which would incense the prince; but desired me to ask leave of his majesty to go to visit Sultan Churrum, with a letter from him recommending the dispatch of my business, and good usage to our nation; so that, carrying a present to the prince, I should please both, and succeed in my business. This was the same plan I had already formed, and therefore pleased me the better; more especially as the king now certainly designed to go forwards to Mundu, which is only eight days journey from Burhanpoor, where the prince was; and I thought I might as well ride over to him, as remain idle in the fields. At noon this day I visited the Persian ambassador, being the first time we had leisure for this ceremony, and was received by him with much respectful civility. After compliments on both sides were over, I proposed to him the settlement of trade in his master's dominions, which he engaged to promote as much as lay in his power. He gave me a banquet of bad fruit, but being a good fellow, it went off well, and he outdid in courtesy every thing I had met with in India. He railed loudly against the court, and the king's officers and council, using most unusual liberty. He offered to be my interpreter, desiring that I might pitch my tents beside his, and he would impart whatever I thought proper to the king. When about to part, after long discourse, he pressed me to accept a horse with handsome furniture, which was brought to the door, but I refused. He then sent for nine pieces of Persian silks, and nine bottles of wine, that I might not depart without some testimony of his love, but these also I refused to accept, with many protestations of affectionate regard. I observed him looking earnestly at my sword, which I offered to give him; but, following my example, he refused.

At night I visited the king, who spent his time sadly with an old man, after reading long letters, and few spoke with him. At his rising, he presented to this person, who was a cripple from age, 5000 rupees, and took his leave of him with many embraces. I here again met the Persian ambassador, who, after some compliments, repenting that he had refused my sword, and having a liking to it, now asked it from me, saying, that such liberty among friends was reckoned good manners in his country. We continued to remove four or five c. every other day, and came on the 7th to the goodly river _Shind_. The 18th, the king passed through between two mountains, the road having been cut through the woods, but with so much trouble and difficulty, and so much encumbrance to the baggage, that it was left behind, without provisions for man and beast. This day likewise I lost my tents and baggage, but found them again at midnight, having been obliged till then to take up my lodging under a tree. This part of the country is much infested by thieves, and is hardly under obedience to government, except so far as it is kept under by force. It belongs to a rajah, who has no desire to see the king. The exactor complained, and some few of the people that fled being taken, were chained by the neck and brought before the king, all the rest having fled into the mountains. At night the king caused the town near which he was encamped to be set on fire, appointing a new governor, with orders to re-build and new-people the town, and to reduce the district under more regular government and better civilization. He left a party of horse with the new governor, to enable him to perform this service.

On the 20th, the people who had fled to the mountains, being enraged at the burning of their town, set upon a number of stragglers who had been left behind, killing many of them, and plundering the rest. The 22d, having no accounts of the presents I expected from Surat, I went at night to visit the king, to observe how he might receive me. I found him seated in an unusual manner, so that I knew not what place to occupy, and not willing to mix among the great men, as was offered me, and doubting whether I might go into the apartment where the king was, which was cut down in the bank of a river, I went to the brink and stood alone. There were none near the king, except _Etiman Dowlet_ his father-in-law, Asaph Khan, and three or four others. The king observed me, and having allowed me to stay a while, he called me in with a gracious smile, and pointed with his hand for me to stand beside him, a favour so unusual, that it pleased and honoured me, and of which I soon experienced the good effects, in the behaviour of the great men of the court. He led me to talk with him, and when I called for an interpreter, he refused it, pressing me to use such Persian words as I had learnt. Our discourse, in consequence, had not much sense or coherence, yet he was pleased with it, and shewed his approbation in a very courteous manner.

On the 24th of January, news came to court, that the Deccaners were not to be frightened out of their dominions, as had been pretended by Asaph Khan and Noormahal, on purpose to persuade the king into this expedition. For they had sent off all their baggage and other impediments into the interior of their country, and lay upon the frontiers with 50,000 horse, resolved to fight in defence of their dominions; while Sultan Churrum had hitherto advanced no farther than Mundu, afraid both of the enemy and Khan Khana. The king's councellors now changed their advice, declaring that they expected the Deccaners would have been so alarmed by his majesty's passage over the last hills, as to have submitted at the terror of his approach; and as they now found the contrary, they advised the king to convert his journey into a hunting excursion, and to turn his course towards Agra, as the Deccaners were not worthy of exposing his sacred person. He answered, that this consideration came now too late, as his honour was engaged by having advanced so far, and he was resolved to prosecute their former advice and his own purpose, whatever might be the hazard. He now daily dispatched fresh troops to reinforce the army of his son Churrum, partly from his own followers, and the rest commanded from different governments. These reinforcements were said to be 30,000 horse, but the actual musters were not so numerous. Water was sometimes very scarce in camp, and provisions grew daily scarcer and dearer, the part of the country in which we now were not being well reduced to good government. Not feeling these distresses, the king took no care to have them alleviated; and as his khans, or great men, had their provisions brought after them, they neglected to inform the king. The whole burden fell upon strangers, the soldiers, and the poor followers of the camp, who were worst able to endure the hardships. Every alternate day, as formerly, the king removed his camp, three, four, or five cosses; yet on the 29th of January, we were still sixty cosses short of Mundu.

On the 3d of February, having left the road of the leskar for my own ease, and for the benefit of the shade, and while resting me under a tree, Sultan Cuserou came upon me suddenly, seeking the same conveniences. This is the king's eldest son, formerly mentioned as in confinement by the practices of his brother Churrum and his faction, and taken out of their hands by the king at his leaving Agimere. He was now riding on an elephant, with no great guard or attendance. His people called out to me to give place to the prince, which I did, yet I staid to look at him, and he called on me to approach; and, after asking some familiar and civil questions, I departed. His person is comely, his countenance chearful, and his beard hung down as low as his middle. This I noticed, by his questions, that he seemed quite ignorant of all that passed at court, insomuch that he had never heard of any English, or of me their ambassador. The 4th and 5th we continued our march without halting, and on the 6th at night, we came to a little tower, newly repaired, where the king pitched his tent in a pleasant place, on the banks of the river _Sepra_, one coss short of the city of _Ugen_, [Oojain,] the chief city of Malwa. This place, called _Callenda_, was anciently a seat of the Gentoo kings of Mundu, one of whom was there drowned while drunk. He had once before fallen into the river, and was taken out by the hair of his head, by a person who dived for him. When he came to himself, it was told him how he had been saved from drowning, in hopes of having the slave rewarded. He called his deliverer before him, and asking how he dared to be so bold as to touch his sovereign's head, caused his hands to be cut off. Not long afterwards, while sitting drunk beside his wife, and no other person near, he had the same misfortune to tumble into the water, at which time she might easily have saved him, but did not. Being afterwards asked why she had not, she said she knew not but she likewise might have had her hands cut off for her reward.

The 10th we removed one coss beyond Oojain; and on the 11th, the king rode to that city, to speak with a dervise, or holy man, who dwelt upon a hill, and was reported to be 300 years old, but I did not think this miracle worth my examination. At noon this day, I received news by a foot-post, that the prince, notwithstanding all the firmauns and commands of his father, had intercepted the presents and goods on their way up, to satisfy his own base and greedy inclinations; and no entreaty, gifts, or persuasions, that Mr Terry could offer, who had the charge of them, could prevail on him to part with them, and he compelled them by force to follow him towards Burhanpoor. Yet he forbore to break open the packages, but pressed the English to consent, which they refused by my orders, and he thought to win them to his purpose by vexatious usage. For it is the custom in this country, for the great men to see all merchant goods before even the king, that they may chuse first; but I resolved, if possible, to break that bad custom, in our behalf.