Chapter XLIV: Section II (1)

_Proceedings of the Expedition on the Western Coast of America_.

In the evening of the 13th March[220] we saw a sail, and the Duchess being nearest soon took her. She was a small bark of sixteen tons from Payta, bound to Cheripe for flour, having a small sum of money on board to make the purchase, being commanded by a _Mestizo_, or one begotten between a Spaniard and an Indian, having a crew of eight men, one a Spaniard, another a negro, and all the rest Indians. On asking for news, we were told, that all the French ships, being seven in number, had left the South Sea six months before, and no more were to come there; adding, that the Spaniards had such an aversion to them, that they had killed many Frenchmen at Callao, the port of Lima, and quarrelled with them so frequently that none of them were suffered to come ashore there for some time before they sailed.

[Footnote 220: It is quite obvious that they had now left Juan Fernandez, but this circumstance and its date are omitted by Harris.--E.]

After putting some men aboard the prize, we haled close upon a wind for the isle of _Lobos_, and had we not been informed by our prisoners, had endangered our ships by running too far within that isle, as there are shoals between the island and the main, having a passage for boats only in that direction to get into the road which is to leeward of these islands in a sound between them. This sound is a mile long and half a mile wide, and has from ten to twelve fathoms on good ground. The only entrance for ships is to leeward of the islands. We went in with a small weather tide, but I could never observe it to flow above three feet while we were there. On the eastermost island there is a round hummock, behind which is a small cove, very smooth, deep, and convenient enough for careening a ship; we here hauled up and fitted our prize, which we named the _Beginning_. The highest part of the island of Lobos, as seen from the road, did not seem much higher than the top-mast head of a large ship. The soil is a hungry white clayish earth, mixed with sand and rocks; and there is no fresh water, nor any green thing to be seen on either of the islands. They are frequented by many vultures or carrion crows, and looked so like turkeys that one of our officers was rejoiced at the sight, expecting to fare sumptuously, and would not wait till the boat could put him ashore, but leapt into the water with his gun, and let fly at a parcel of them; but, when he came to take up his game, it stunk most abominably, and made us merry at his expence. The other birds here are pelicans, penguins, boobies, gulls, and one resembling teal, which nestle in holes under ground. Our men got great numbers of these birds, which they said were good meat after being skinned.

We found abundance of bulrushes and empty jars, which the Spanish fishers had left on shore; for all over this western coast of America, they use earthen jars instead of casks, for containing oil, wine, and all other liquids. There are here abundance of sea-lions and seals, the latter being much larger than those we saw at Juan Fernandez, but their fur not so fine. Our people killed several of these, on purpose to eat their livers; but a Spaniard on board died suddenly after eating them, and I forbade their use, and we learnt also from our prisoners that the old seals are very unwholesome. The wind commonly blows here fresh from the south, veering to the east, and coming over the land to where we lay, brought with it a most noisome smell from the seals on shore, which gave me a violent headach, and offended every one else extremely. We found nothing so offensive at Juan Fernandez.

Our prisoners told as, that the widow of the late viceroy of Peru was soon expected to embark in a Spanish man of war of thirty-six guns for Acapulco, with her family and riches; on which voyage she would either stop at Payta for refreshments, or pass in sight of that place, as is customary. They said also that about eight months before, a ship had passed Payta for Acapulco, loaded with flour and liquors, and having 200,000 dollars on board. Also, that they had left signior Morel at Payta, in a ship laden with dry goods, who was expected to sail shortly for Lima; and that a stout French-built ship richly laden, and having a bishop on board, was shortly expected at Payta. This is the common place for refreshments, and is frequented by most ships from Lima or other parts to windward, on their way to Panama or other ports on the western coast of Mexico. On this information, we determined to spend as much time as possible cruising off Payta, so as not to discover that we were in these seas lest we should thereby hinder our other designs.

In pursuance of this plan, we took a galleon on the 1st April, of 500 tons burden, commanded by two brothers, Joseph and Juan Morel, laden with dry goods and negroes; and next day we took another prize. We now determined to make an attack on the town of _Guayaquil_; and on the 11th April, in a grand consultation, this enterprize was fully resolved upon, and a paper of instructions was drawn up for the guidance of the officers who were to command, so that each might be taught and kept to his duty. This enterprize was to be conducted by the three captains, Rogers, Courtney, and Dover. Captain Dover was to command the van division, consisting of seventy marines; Rogers the centre company, of seventy-one men, mostly officers and sailors; and Courtney the rear-guard, of seventy-three men; while Captain Dampier, with a reserve of twenty-two men, was to bring up some pieces of cannon, to be employed if necessary. Our force therefore on this occasion consisted of 238 men.[221] Captain Cooke was to remain in the Duchess with forty-two men, and Captain Fry in the Duke with forty, our entire force being 320 men, while we had about 266 prisoners in both ships, including Indians and Negroes.

[Footnote 221: The enumeration in the text gives only 236 men.--E.]

Every thing being arranged, we bore in for Cape _Blanco_ on the 13th, of which we had sight about noon, bearing E.S.E. ten leagues off. On the 15th in the morning we saw a ship near the shore, and having little wind, the Duke's boat, commanded by Captain Fry, and that of the Duchess by Captain Cooke, rowed directly for her, going off in such haste that neither of them had the swivel guns commonly used in the boats, neither had they their full complement of men, and only ten muskets and four pistols, with not much powder and shot, and no water. They rowed very hard for six leagues to get up with the ship, and on Mr Fry getting near, she hoisted Spanish colours. We could plainly see that she was French-built, and therefore concluded that it must be the ship we had long looked for, which was to carry the bishop. Our ships being almost out of sight, and the chase near the coast, making the best of her way to run ashore in a sandy bay, we resolved to lay her on board, one of our boats on each bow, I[222] being then on her weather quarter, and Captain Fry on her lee. It was our intention to pretend that we were friends, till we should get out of the way of her stern-chase guns; but the Duke's men, conceiving the Spaniards were going to give us a volley, poured in their shot. We then laid in our oars, and fell to with our small arms. We kept up a constant fire for a long time, which was returned by the Spaniards, who killed two of Captain Fry's men, and wounded one of his and two of mine. One of the dead men was John Rogers, our second lieutenant, and brother to Captain Woods Rogers, who had behaved himself gallantly. Finding the enterprize too difficult, Captain Fry drew off his boat, as I did soon after. Captain Fry then put some of his men aboard my boat, giving us some powder and shot, and taking in our wounded men, on which he stood away towards our ships, while I resolved to keep the chase if possible from running on shore, and rather than fail to clap her on board. Seeing our design, the enemy edged off to sea, and we after them. Our ships came up apace, while we kept close to the Spaniard, sometimes firing at him. At length the Duchess got up and fired a shot or two, on which she struck, and we immediately boarded. The men begged for quarter, and we promised them all civility. This ship was of 270 tons, commanded by Don Joseph Arizabella, and had come from Panama bound for Lima, where she was to have been fitted out as a man of war, the captain having his commission on board for that purpose. She had seventy negroes on board, with many passengers. The loading was bale goods, with some things belonging to the bishop, and a considerable quantity of pearls; but the bishop had been landed at Point St Helena, whence he was to go by land to Guayaquil. Many of the passengers were considerable merchants at Lima, and the briskest Spaniards I ever saw. After the capture of this ship, Captain Cooke remained on board, sending her captain and the rest of the prisoners to the Duke and Duchess.

[Footnote 222: This particular action is related by Harris in the words of Captain Cooke, who commanded the boat from the Duchess.--E.]

We now proceeded on our intended expedition against Guayaquil, sending the _Beginning_ ahead to _Punta arena_, or Sandy Point, on the island of Puna, to see if there was any force to oppose us; but she only found a Spanish bark, quite empty, riding close under the point. She had been sent to load salt, but her men had abandoned her on seeing us approach. At five in the afternoon, our whole force intended for the attack upon Guayaquil, being embarked in boats, rowed for that place; and at eleven at night we could see a light in the town, on which we rowed as easy as we could and in silence, for fear of being discovered; till we were within a mile of the place. We then heard a sentinel call to another, and after conversing for some time, bid him bring fire. Perceiving we were now discovered, we rowed to the other side of the river, opposite the town, whence we saw a fire lighted up at the place where the centinels had talked, and soon after we could see lights all over the town and at the water side, heard them ring the alarm bell, fire several vollies, and saw a fire lighted on the hill where the beacon was kept, all on purpose to give notice to the town and neighbourhood that we were come into the river.

Our boats were now moored with grapplings, and so hot a dispute took place among some of our officers, that they were heard on shore; but as the Spaniards did not understand what they said, an English prisoner was brought to the shore to interpret what they heard. By the time he came, the dispute was over; but this Englishman afterwards joined us, and gave us this account. We held a council in the stern sheets of one of our boats, to consider whether we should land immediately or wait till day-light; and, as the barks were not come up, in which were the artillery and half of our men, and as we did not know the ground sufficiently to act in the dark, it was agreed to wait till day, by which time it was hoped the barks would join. We accordingly fell down the river a short way, to meet our barks, hearing several musket shots by the way. On the 23d April at day-break, we saw one of our barks at anchor within a mile of the town, close under the shore, and the other coming up the river with the tide of flood. We then rowed up to our bark, which had fired the shots we heard in the night at some fishermen passing by, whom they took.

All our force being now joined, we proceeded up the river, and sent a flag of truce on shore, accompanied by Don Joseph Arizabella, the governor of Puna, and another prisoner; and then towed up our barks over against the town, where we came to an anchor. When Captain Arizabella came with our flag of truce before the corregidor or mayor of Guayaquill, he enquired our numbers, which the captain magnified, on which the corregidore said we were boys, not men. To this the captain answered, he would find them men, and brave ones too, for they had fought him gallantly in their open boats, although he had slain the brother of their commander and others; and therefore advised him to agree for the ransom of the town, as even if he had 3000 men he would be unable to withstand the English. To this the corregidore replied, _My horse is ready_.

After bringing our barks to anchor, we went up the river after some vessels, six of which we secured and brought to anchor beside our barks. We also took possession of two new ships of about 400 tons burden each. Soon after this, the governor came on board one of the prizes, to treat for the ransom of the town and ships, but could not then agree, but promised to meet the captains again at seven in the evening, but did not keep his sword. This evening our boats took some canoes having silver on board. On the 24th in the morning, the governor came off again to treat, but no agreement could be made; and at four in the afternoon we landed all our men in good order, when the Spaniards only fired one volley and then fled. Our men pursued them to where their cannon were placed, which they soon gained possession of, only one gunner, an Irishman, remaining by them till he was wounded in four places, of which he soon afterwards died. We marched through both towns in a compact body, driving the enemy before us, and then placed three guards in the three churches, setting fire to five or six houses which stood near to a wood into which the Spaniards had fled, that they might not have the cover of these houses to annoy our guard, which stood within pistol shot. All night they kept firing at our sentinels from the woods, yet without doing us any harm. Several parties also of horse and foot came out of the wood, as if to attack us, but made no attempt. In the mean time, the pinnace belonging to the Duchess, in which was Lieutenant Connely and twenty-two men, went up the river, landed at every house near its banks, and brought away all the plate and other articles of value they could find. In this service, they had some skirmishing with the enemy, in which one of our men was wounded.

On the 25th the enemy appeared numerous in the woods, whence they sometimes came out and skirmished with our guards, in which one of our men was wounded. We spent the afternoon in sending off provisions from the town to our ships, and in disposing all things in readiness in case of being attacked in the night, as the enemy appeared numerous about the outskirts. For this reason, all the captains concentrated our whole force at the main guard, where we had our cannon in readiness. Messengers arrived with a flag of truce in the morning of the 26th, to treat for ransoming the town, but could not agree; but in the afternoon it was at length agreed to pay 30,000 dollars for its ransom, giving three hostages, and we were to remain at Puna till they had time to raise the sum, as the inhabitants had carried away their money, and being so dispersed that it was impossible to collect the money while we were there, even the inhabitants of the adjacent country having carried off their valuable effects into the interior.

In the morning of the 27th, the hostages for the ransom were sent on board one of our barks, together with a boatload of brandy; and, as agreed upon with the Spaniards, we took down our union jack, hoisted a flag of truce, and fired a signal gun, that the Spaniards might come freely into the town, and that no hostilities should take place on either side during the time we had agreed to wait for the money. The purpose of admitting the Spanish inhabitants was to prevent the Indians and Negroes from robbing; and I am apt to believe they had already robbed as much as we had plundered, for we had taken many of them loaded with goods, while going our rounds, which they confessed to have stolen; and we were afterwards informed, that the inhabitants, in their hurry, had given much plate and money to Negroes to carry out of town, which they could never hear of afterwards.

The 29th in the morning we took a small Spanish bark, coming from Cheripe to Guayaquil, on board of which were 330 bags of meal, and 140 arobas or hundred-weights of sugar, with some onions, quinces, and pomegranates. This, with the six barks and two great ships ransomed with the town of Guayaquil, made 14 prizes taken in the South Sea. The plunder taken in Guayaquil, exclusive of the ransom, was very considerable. We found 230 bags of flour, beans, peas, and rice; 15 jars of oil, besides 160 jars of other liquor; some cordage, iron ware, and nails; about four half jars of powder; about a ton of pitch and tar; 150 bales of dry goods; a few packs of indigo, cacao, and arnotto; about a ton of loaf-sugar; a considerable parcel of clothes and other necessaries, and to the value of about £1200 in plate, ear-rings, and other trinkets; besides four pieces of cannon, and about 200 useless muskets. We left abundance of goods in the town, besides liquors of all sorts, and a variety of naval stores, and several warehouses full of cacao. We left also several ships on the stocks, and two new ships still unrigged, of above 400 tons each, which cost upwards of 80,000 crowns; and we also restored four barks, leaving two others to bring down the ransom. Thus it appears that the Spaniards had a good bargain; but the agreed ransom, though small, was far better for us than to burn what we could not carry away. The hostages informed us, that during our treaty 80,000 dollars belonging to the king had been sent out of the town, besides plate, jewels, and other things of the greatest value. Hence it is certain, if we had landed at the first, giving them no time at all, that we had been much greater gainers, and might have made 200,000 dollars, in ready money, plate, and jewels. Yet Guayaquil had not been so poor for forty years as now, there having been a great fire about a year and half before we took it, in which the best part of the town was burnt down, and had occasioned great expence for its rebuilding.

As it was, we thought ourselves well off, and great care was taken that all concerned in the expedition should be satisfied, by which our people were much gratified, and afterwards shewed great alacrity in executing our other enterprizes. This is of the utmost consequence with privateers; for, if the men have the smallest jealousy of being ill treated in this respect, disputes arise which do infinitely more mischief than the value of what can be got by such sinister practices. Among all the men who landed in this enterprize, the only man who drank a cup too much was one John Gabriel, a Dutchman, who served in the company commanded by Captain Rogers. When we were evacuating the town, he was missing, and was supposed to be either taken or slain. But he had found some excellent brandy in the house where he was quartered, of which he drank so liberally that he fell fast asleep on the floor, and was in that condition when we evacuated the town. The master of the house returned soon after, and found the Dutchman stretched out at full length, and so dead asleep that he could hardly distinguish whether he were living. Calling in some of his neighbours, and securing the Dutchman's weapons, they set him on his feet, and with some difficulty brought him to his senses, when he was not a little alarmed at finding himself in such company. At length the Spaniard restored his arms, and desired him to make all the haste he could after his comrades, who were not yet embarked.

On the 2d May, which was the day appointed for payment of the ransom, no boat appeared, and we began to be uneasy for our money; but at length the boat arrived, and brought us 22,000 dollars. We received the money, and sent back a message that we proposed to sail from Puna next morning, and should carry away the hostages, if the rest of the money were not then sent. We staid however till the 6th, when Captain Courtney was anxious to depart, lest we should be attacked by the French and Spanish ships from Lima. I endeavoured in vain to convince him that we were in no danger, as they could not by this time have received notice at Lima, and have fitted out a force sufficient to attack us. We sailed however, and came to anchor in the afternoon a few leagues from Point Arena. Next morning, when we were preparing to sail, Mr Morel, a gentleman from Puna related to our prisoners, and another gentleman from Guayaquil, brought us 3500 dollars, in farther payment of our ransom. This put us into such good humour, that we discharged all our prisoners except the Morels, the three hostages, and three or four more. The gentleman from Guayaquil had a gold chain and some other things of value, for which we sold him our bark, the _Beginning_, having no farther use for her. We also gave Captain Arizabella three negro women, and another to Mr Morel, and returned their wearing apparel to most of our prisoners who were now liberated, so that we parted good friends.

_Guayaquil_ is divided into two parts, called the old and new towns, which together contain about 500 houses, and are joined by a long wooden bridge for foot passengers, near half a mile long. It is situated in low boggy ground, so dirty in winter that it is difficult to go from house to house. There is but one regular street along the river side, leading to the bridge, and from it along the old town. Besides this, there is a handsome parade or square in front of the church of St Jago, but that church is in ruins. Besides this, there are three other churches, St Augustin, St Francis, and St Dominic; before which last is another parade, and a half-moon battery fitted for mounting six guns, but there were none while we were there. There is also a chapel, and there had been a church dedicated to St Ignatius, belonging to the jesuits, but it was burnt down in the great fire. These were all decently adorned with altars, carved work, and pictures, and that dedicated to St Augustin had an organ, but all their plate had been carried away by the priests and students, who fled into the woods. Some of the houses were of brick, particularly about the parades, and the rest of timber or split bamboos, and some of them were decently furnished. Some of the inhabitants had calashes, but I know not what use they could be of, all the neighbourhood being so boggy that there was not road for them.

The boggy ground about Guayaquil was full of the largest toads I ever saw, some being as big as an English two-penny loaf. The town was said to contain 2000 inhabitants of all sorts, including Indians, Negroes, and Mulattoes. An Englishman who joined us here, told us that, in the preceding December, on occasion of a public rejoicing for the birth of the prince of the Asturias, which lasted for three weeks, they had mustered 1100 foot and 500 horse, all armed, which came from the surrounding country, besides a much greater number unarmed, the greater part of whom must have been Indians. Guayaquil is well situated for trade and ship-building, being fourteen leagues from Point Arena and seven from Puna, up a large river, into which fall several smaller ones, and on which there are many villages and farms. The water of this river is fresh for four leagues below the city, and all along its banks grow great quantities of mangroves and _sarsaparillas_, and on account of this last the water is thought salutary against the lues. But during floods, when it brings down many poisonous plants from the mountains, among which is the _manchinilla_ apple, it is not reckoned wholesome. All birds that eat of this apple are sure to die, and we saw hundreds of them dead, floating on the water.

The seasons here are very improperly denominated summer and winter. The winter is reckoned from the beginning of December to the end of May, in all which season it is sultry, hot, wet, and unhealthy. From the end of May to the beginning of December, which they call summer, the weather is serene, dry, and healthy, and not so violently hot as in what they denominate winter. The cacao is ripe and mostly gathered between June and August. Of the other fruits of this country, some are ripe and others green during the whole course of the year. Guayaquil is the chief city of a province of that name in the kingdom of Peru, governed by a president with five or six orders of judges, forming a royal _audiencia_, or chief court of judicature, and accountable only to the viceroy in military affairs,[223] and every province has a government of the same nature. The governors are appointed, or more properly purchase their offices, at the court of Old Spain, and are for life or good behaviour. If any one die or misbehave, the viceroy may name another during his time, which ought only to be for five years; but he sometimes gets those of his own placing confirmed by an order from Spain, by which means he derives a considerable portion of his unknown profits. The late viceroy of Peru continued in office fourteen years, several intended successors having died on the way. Scarcely does the king of Spain live in greater splendour than the viceroy does at Lima, where the chief courts of judicature are held, to which appeals are brought from all the courts and provinces of this extensive kingdom. I was told on good authority that the last viceroy, who died about four years ago, left at least eight millions of dollars to his widow and family, besides vast sums given in charity during his life, and building many churches, friaries, and nunneries. He left a better character than any viceroy had done for an age past.

[Footnote 223: This province is now in the kingdom or viceroyalty of New Granada, and audiencia of Quito.--E.]

The province of Guayaquil abounds in excellent timber of several kinds, so that it is the chief place in all Peru for building and repairing ships, of which there are seldom less than seven or eight on the stocks here at one time. Its chief commodity is cacao, with which it supplies most parts on the South Sea, and we were told it never exported less than 30,000 _carguas_ yearly, and sometimes double that quantity, a _cargua_ being eighty-one pounds weight, which only costs here two dollars and a half. They have also a considerable trade in salt and salt-fish, from Cape St Helena, which is mostly sent to Quito and other places of the inland country. It exports also a vast quantity of timber to Truxilo, Chana, Lima, and other places, where it is scarce. They export also from hence rice and cotton, with some dried or jerked beef. This province has no mines of gold or silver, but abounds in all sorts of cattle, which are very cheap, especially on the island of Puna, where we amply supplied ourselves. Their only grain is maiz, so that all their wheat flour is brought from Truxilo, Cherisse, and other places to windward, or to the south, as the wind blows here always from the south. They procure several kinds of woollen cloth, among which, are very strong and good bags, from Quito. Their wines, brandy, olives, oil, and sugar, come from Piscola, Nasca, and other places to windward. All kinds of European goods are brought from Panama, being brought there overland from Portobello on the Gulf of Mexico; and the trade of this port is so considerable as to employ forty sail every year, besides coasters. A market is also held daily on bark logs, or boats, every day, on the river before the town, containing every thing afforded by the interior country in great plenty.

The other towns in the province are governed by lieutenants, or deputies, appointed by the corregidore. Above half of these towns border on the same river or its branches, so that their inhabitants can all come to the capital in two tides, though some are many leagues distant. _Porto Vaco_ was formerly the capital. In the whole province, the Spaniards reckon 10,000 inhabitants, but I believe there are many more, including all the mixed races between Spaniards, Indians, and negroes, which they divide and subdivide into eleven denominations. Few of the prisoners who fell into our hands were healthy or sound, and nearly half of the native Spaniards applied to our doctors for remedies against the French disease, which is so common here that it is reckoned no scandal.

On the 11th May, with a strong gale at S.S.W. we bore away for the Gallepagos islands, being in a very sad condition; for we had upwards of twenty men ill in the Duke, and near fifty in the Duchess, seized with a malignant fever, contracted, as I suppose, at Guayaquil, where a contagious disease had reigned a month or five weeks before we took it; which swept away ten or twelve persons every day, so that all the churches were filled, being their usual burying places, and they had to dig a great deep hole close by the great church, where I kept guard, and this hole was almost filled with putrefying bodies: and our lying so long in that church, surrounded by such noisome scents, was enough to infect us all. In twenty-four hours more we had fifty men down and the Duchess upwards of seventy, and in the next twenty-four hours, ten more fell sick in each ship. We discovered land on the 17th, and on the 18th, at day-break, we were within four leagues of two large islands almost joining each other, having passed that we first saw during the night. We sent repeatedly ashore here in search of water, but could find none, though the people went three or four miles up into the country, and they reported that the island was nothing but loose rocks like cinders, very rotten and heavy, and the earth so parched that it broke into holes under their feet. This made me suppose there had been a volcano here; and though there is much shrubby ground, with some green herbs, there was not the smallest signs of water, neither was it possible for any to be contained on such a surface. In short, we found these islands completely to disappoint our expectations, and by no means to agree with the descriptions of former voyagers. We had also the misfortune to lose company of one of our barks, in which was Mr Hately, with five of our men, two Spanish prisoners, and three negroes.[224]

[Footnote 224: Mr Hately, being unable to rejoin his companions, was forced to land at Cape Passado in lat. 0° 25' S. on the coast of Guayaquil, where he and his people were barbarously used by a mixed race between the Indians and negroes; but were rescued by a priest, and sent to Lima, where he was kindly treated.--E.]

In a consultation on the 26th May, we resolved to proceed for the island of Plata in quest of water, and then to come immediately off the coast again, having information of two French ships, one of sixty and the other of forty-six guns, together with a Spanish man of war, that would soon be sent in search of us. It was also our intention to refit our ships there, and not to go near the main, our ships being out of order, and our men very weak and sickly, several of them having already died. We accordingly sailed on the 27th, and in another conversation on the 30th, it was agreed to go first to _Gorgono_, to see if there were any English ships there; and afterwards to sail for _Maugla_, Malaga, or _Madulinar_,[225] where there are some Indians at enmity with the Spaniards, who, as the pilots informed us, come seldom there, and were not likely to procure any intelligence of us from thence. They told us also, if we could induce the Indians to trade with us, we might have hogs, fowls, plantains, bananas, and other refreshments.

[Footnote 225: The island of Gorgona is on the coast of New Granada, in lat. 2° 54' N. and long. 78° 35' W.]

While on our course towards Gorgona, the Duchess took the _San Thoma de Villa nova_ of ninety tons, having about forty people on board, including eleven negro slaves, and but little European goods, except some cloth and iron. Next day we made the island of _Gorgona_,[226] and on the 8th of June our boats brought in another prize, a small bark of fifteen tons belonging to a creek on the main. She was bound to Guayaquil, having ten Spaniards and Indians on board, and some negroes, but had very little cargo, except a small quantity of gold dust and a large gold chain, together of about 500_l_. value, which were secured aboard the Duchess. In a consultation, held on the 19th June, proceeding upon information procured from our prisoners, it was resolved to proceed to Malaga, at which there was an anchorage, where we proposed to leave our ships, and to row up the river for the rich gold mines of Barbacore, [_Barbaceas_][227] called also the mines of St Pean, from a village of that name about two tides up the river. At that place we proposed to seize canoes, as fitter than our boats for going up against the stream, in which, at this season of the year, according to the information of an old Spanish pilot, there are such strong freshes, that he did not expect we should reach the mines in less than twelve days. But having discoursed with several of the prisoners, we found the island of Malaga an unsafe place for our ships, and besides, they represented the river as so narrow, that the Indians would be able to assail us with poisoned arrows, and the Spaniards might easily cut off our retreat, by felling trees across from bank to bank. On this information, we held another consultation, in which it was agreed to desist from this enterprize, and we came accordingly back to Gorgona, in so very weak a condition that we could hardly have defended ourselves, if attacked.

[Footnote 226: It is somewhat difficult to ascertain what island is here meant. There are some islands at the mouth of the _Rio de Mira_, in lat. 1° 38' N. on one of which is _Punta de Mangles_, or Cape Mangles, resembling one of the names in the text; but from the context, the island for which they were next bound appears to have been that now called _Del Gallo_, in lat. 1° 55' N. not above ten miles south from the river they proposed to enter.--E.]

[Footnote 227: Barbacoas is one of the provinces of New Granada, having a town of the same name in the _Rio Telemli_, which joins the _Rio Patia.--E.]

We arrived at Gorgona on the 13th June, where we anchored in forty fathoms, and resolved to careen our two ships in succession, beginning with the Duchess. Our sick men were removed into the galleon, and the sick officers to the French-built ship. We landed tents for the cooper's and armourer's crews, and cleared a place for tents to accommodate the sick on shore. All this was performed with so much diligence, that by the 28th both ships were careened, caulked, rigged, and restored fit for sea. On the 29th, we set up tents ashore for the sick, who were already much recovered, though the Spaniards had represented this island as unhealthy; yet by walking about on shore they soon gathered strength enough to return to their duty. We here fitted out the French-built ship, with twenty guns, putting Captain Cooke into her, with a crew taken from the other two ships, resolving to carry her home with us, and to employ her as a third cruizer while in these seas; and this great work employed us from the 29th June to the 9th July, calling her the _Marquis_. She had thirty-five men from the Duke and twenty-six from the Duchess, making a crew of sixty-one British, to which were added twenty negroes.

Our next care was to get rid of our prisoners, who were a great burden to us, and we resolved therefore to set them on shore, after trying every possible method to engage them in a scheme for trading with us. For this purpose I proposed going to Panama, to remain six days near that place, till they should bring the money we could agree for, as the price of our prize goods; and to this the two Morels and Don Antonio agreed, provided we would take 60,000 dollars for the whole. I then proposed to give them up the galleon and all the goods and negroes, if they would give us 120,000 dollars for the whole. They told us that trading in these seas with strangers, especially the English and Dutch, was so rigidly prohibited, that they would have to give more than the original cost in bribes, to procure licence to deal with us, and could not therefore assure us of payment, unless we agreed to take a low price. Finding it therefore not worth while to waste time, and knowing we should run much risk in treating with them, we at length resolved to set them all ashore, hoping the Morels and Don Antonio would get money for us, to prevent us from burning the ships we could not conveniently carry away. At parting, I made them sensible that we had treated them like generous enemies, and said we would sell them good bargains for what money they might be able to bring us in ten days, after which we should burn or carry away all that was not then disposed of. We accordingly landed seventy-two prisoners on the 10th July. On the 16th the Morels came off with what money they had been able to procure, and bought some of our goods, behaving with much honour, and putting great confidence in us. On the 18th, a negro belonging to the Duchess was bitten by a small brown speckled snake, and died in twelve hours. There are many snakes in this island of Gorgona, and I saw one above three yards long, and as thick as my leg. The same morning the Mr Morels went off a second time in our bark for money; and this day one of the same kind of snakes that killed our negro was found on the forecastle of the Duke, having crawled up the cable, as we supposed, as they were often seen in the water.

On the 2d of August we were like to have had a mutiny, for the steward informed me that he understood many of the men had entered into a secret agreement, and he had heard some ringleaders boasting that sixty men had already signed the paper, but knew not the nature of their design. I immediately convened the officers in the cabin, where we armed ourselves, and soon secured four of the principal mutineers, putting the fellow who wrote the paper in irons. By this time all the people were on deck, and we had got their paper from those we had in custody; the purport of it being to refuse accepting the intended distribution of plunder, and not to move from this place, till they had what they termed justice done them. Not knowing how far this mutiny might have been concerted with the people of the other ships, we agreed to discharge those in confinement, on asking pardon, and faithfully promising never to be guilty of the like again.

We sailed from Gorgona on the 11th August, and as our ships were now rather thinly manned, I engaged thirty-two of our negro prisoners to join our company, placing Michael Kendall, a free Jamaica negro, who had deserted to us from the Spaniards, as their leader, and charging him to exercise them in the use of arms. At the same time I supplied them with clothes, desiring them to consider themselves now as Englishmen, and no longer slaves to the Spaniards. After this we stood over to the bay of _Jecames_, [Atacames,] where the Indians are free; and with much ado entered into trade with them, by the help of a priest. We sent them three large wooden saints to adorn their church, which they took as a great present; and I sent a feathered cap to the wife of the chief which was well accepted. We here sold some of our prize goods to good account, so that we had provisions very cheap. We sailed from hence on the 1st September, intending for the Gallapagos, and on the 8th we made one of these islands.

Next day we came to anchor in about thirty fathoms; and in the evening our boats brought us off a lading of excellent turtle, having sent our yawl and several men ashore previously to turn over these creatures in the night; but to no purpose, as we afterwards found they only came ashore in the day. The island off which we lay was high, rocky, and barren, with some low land next the sea, but now water was to be found, like those we had seen formerly. On the 12th the Duchess, which lay at anchor a good distance from us, had got about 150 land and sea-tortoises, but not generally so large as ours; while we had 120 turtles, but no land-tortoises as yet. The Marquis had the worst luck. On the 13th, I sent our pinnace to the place where the Duchess got land-tortoises, which returned at night with thirty-seven, and some salt they had found in a pond; and our yawl brought us twenty sea-turtles, so that we were now well provided. Some of the largest land-tortoises weighed 100 pounds; and the largest sea-turtles were upwards of 400 pounds weight. The land-tortoises laid eggs on our deck; and our men brought many of them from the land, pure white, and as large as a goose's egg, with a strong thick shell, exactly round.

These are the ugliest creatures that can well be imagined, the back-shell being not unlike the top of an old hackney-coach, as black as jet, and covered with a rough shrivelled skin. The neck and legs are long, and as big as a man's wrist, and they have club-feet as large as a fist, shaped much like those of an elephant, having five knobs, or thick nails, on each fore-foot, and only four on the hind-feet. The head is small, with a visage like that of a snake; and when first surprised they shrink up their head, neck, and legs under their shell. Some of our men affirmed that they saw some of these about four feet high, and of vast size; and that two men mounted on the back of one of these, whom it easily carried at its usual slow pace, not appearing to regard their weight. They supposed this one could not weigh less than 700 pounds. The Spaniards say that there are no others in these seas, except at the Gallapagos, but they are common in Brazil.

The 15th, being under sail with a fine breeze, we agreed to lay to till midnight. The 16th, seeing many islands and rocks to the westwards, we agreed to bear away, not caring to encumber ourselves among them during the night; but by six in the evening, from the mast-head, we could see so many low rocks, almost joining from island to island, that we seemed land-locked for more than three parts of the compass, and no way open except the S.W. whence we came. We resolved therefore to return that way, making short trips all night, and continually sounding, for fear of shoals, having from forty to sixty fathoms. The 18th and 19th we saw several more islands, one of them very large, which we supposed to be near the equator. At noon of the 19th we had an observation, making our latitude 2° 2' N. We saw in all at least fifty islands, some of which we searched, and others we viewed from a distance, but none had the least appearance of fresh water.[228] Signior Morel told me that a Spanish man-of-war had been to an island in lat. 1° 20' or 30' S. 140 Spanish leagues west from the island of _Plata_, and to which they gave the name of _Santa Maria del Aguada_, a pleasant island with a good road, full of wood, and having plenty of water, with turtle and sea-tortoises in abundance. This I believe to have been the same island in which Davis the buccaneer recruited; and all the light he has left by which to find it again, is, that it is to the west of the islands he was at with the other buccaneers, which must be those we were twice at. We had no occasion to look out for this island on the present trip, though I believe it might easily have been found without farther directions. In these islands there are many kinds of sea-fowl, and some land-birds, particularly hawks and turtle-doves, both so very tame that we often knocked them down with sticks. I saw no kind of beasts, but there are guanas in abundance, and land-tortoises almost on every island, besides vast numbers of turtles or sea-tortoises. It is very strange how the land-tortoises have got here, as there are none on the main, and they could not have come of themselves. Some of these islands are the haunts of seals, but not in such numbers as at Juan Fernandez, neither is their fur so good. A very large one made at me three several times, and if I had not happened to have a pike-staff headed with iron, he might have killed me. I was on the level sand when he came open-mouthed at me from the water, as fierce and quick as an angry dog let loose. All the three times he made at me, I struck the pike into his breast, which at last forced him to retire into the water, snarling with an ugly noise, and shewing his long teeth. This animal was as big as a large bear.

[Footnote 228: In Cowley's voyage, formerly given, one of these islands, which he calls the Duke of York's Island, is said to have abundance of wood and water, but none to be had in any of the rest. Perhaps the Duke of York's Island of Cowley, and Santa Maria del Aguada of Morel, may be the same.--E.]

On the 1st October we made the main-land of Mexico, which Captain Dampier immediately recognized as near the place where he had attacked the lesser Manilla ship in the St George. Our men began again to fall sick, and two of them dropped down on the deck in a kind of scorbutic appoplexy, but recovered on being let blood. The 2d we made _Cape Corientes_, on the coast of Mexico, in lat. 20° 25' N. which we knew by our charts. Captain Dampier had been here, but it was a long time ago, and he did not seem to remember much of the matter; yet when he came to land at different places, he very readily recollected them. Our purpose now was to look for the islands called _Tres Marias_, to procure some refreshments, but found this somewhat difficult, being very uncertain as to their true situation. In the afternoon of the 4th, Cape Corientes bore E.N.E. about ten leagues, and next morning, being fine clear weather, we discovered two islands at the distance of about fourteen leagues, one bearing N. by W. and the other N. by E. At noon we had an observation, and found our latitude 20° 45' N.

The sight of these islands was very satisfactory, for though our men had their fill of land and sea-turtle, which kept them from the scurvy, they were but weak, as that is but a faint food, except they had enough of bread or flour to eat with it; whereas they only had a pound and a quarter of bread or flour to five men per day, on purpose to husband our stock till we came to live entirely on salt-meat, when we should be under the necessity to allow more. On the 6th I sent a pinnace to the eastern island, to look if there were any good road, or convenience for wooding and watering; but the officer reported that the island had foul ground for near half a mile from the shore, with bad anchorage and worse landing; and though there was abundance of wood, no water was to be had. This was bad news for us, as our water began to grow scarce. We now bore up for the middle island, which Captain Dampier believed he had been at when he sailed with Captain Swan, and on which occasion they found water. On the 8th our boat returned from the middle island, they and the boat of the Duchess having landed at several places on the S.E. side of the island, where was plenty of good water. They saw no signs of any people having been there lately, but found a human skull on the ground. This was supposed to have belonged to one of two Indian chiefs, who were left there by Captain Swan, about twenty-three years before, as Dampier told us: for victuals being scarce with these buccaneers, they would not carry the poor Indians any farther, after they had served their turns, but left them to starve on this desolate island. The Marquis and bark having separated from us, we kept a light up all night, and made a fire on the island, that they might see where to find us at anchor; but not seeing them next morning at day-break, I proposed to have gone in search of them; but Captain Courtney and the rest made light of the matter, believing they might soon come in without assistance, which they afterwards did.

The supply of cattle, hogs, and plantains we procured at Atacames lasted us to the Gallapagos, and we had fed on turtle ever since till the last two days, which was a great refreshment to our men, and husbanded our stock of European provisions. On the 9th, I sent an officer to view the other side of the island, who told me, on his return, it was much better than where we were, having several sandy bays, on which he had seen the tracks of turtle. On this intelligence I sent the boat back in the evening; and it came back next morning with a full load of turtle, leaving another load ready turned; and, what was of much more consequence, they found good water; whereas that we had gotten hitherto purged the men excessively. As we wooded, watered, and furnished ourselves with fresh provisions here, and as these islands are little known, some account of them may be acceptable.