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Chapter LIV: Section II (1)

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_Proceedings in the South Sea, till Ship-wrecked on the Island of Juan Fernandez._

At length, on the 14th November at noon, our spirits were cheared by seeing the coast of Chili; yet here we found ourselves under very great difficulties. Our tedious passage and extraordinary consumption of provisions, had so reduced our wood and water, and even our food, that it was necessary to repair to some place where our wants might be supplied; but it was difficult to resolve where that might be done. We first tried Narborough island, but finding the road unsafe, sailed for the mouth of St Domingo river on the continent, where we had twenty-eight fathoms, shoaling as we advanced from eighteen to less than five as fast as a man could heave the lead. Finding this place too hazardous, we stood out to sea, and were blown farther north than we designed. Being greatly at a loss where to procure wood and water, one Joseph de la Fontaine, a Frenchman, proposed going to the island of Chiloe, assuring us that the towns of _Chaiao_ and _Calibuco_, the former on the island and the latter on the continent, were rich places, where we could not fail of procuring whatever we wanted. Cliacao was, he said, the usual residence of the governor, and at Calibuco was a wealthy college of Jesuits, having considerable magazines, always well stocked with provisions of all kinds. This person at the same time insinuated among the people, that our expedition would probably turn out unfortunate, if we passed this place, as Captain Clipperton must by this time have alarmed the coast, in consequence of which there would be an embargo on all ships trading to leeward.

My chief inducement for making an attempt on Chiloe was to procure such additional supply of provisions, as might enable us, in case the coast were already alarmed, to retire to some unfrequented island, to remain till the Spaniards should suppose we had abandoned the South Sea; after which we could resume our cruize, when they were under no apprehensions of being molested. Accordingly, on the 30th November, we entered the channel which divides the island of Chiloe from the main land of Chili, and stood in for the harbour of Chacao under French colours, intending to have attacked the towns of Chacao and Calibuco by surprise. Our pilot, however, seemed as much a stranger to the navigation here as I was, and as the wind began to blow fresh with thick weather, I came to anchor in thirteen fathoms, at ten in the morning, between the point of _Carelampo_ and the small island of Pedro Nunez. Soon after coming to anchor, the tide made outwards with prodigious rapidity, and the wind increased greatly, between which the sea became very boisterous, all the channel in which we lay appearing one continued breach or surf. Our ship consequently made a vast strain on her cable, which parted at two in the afternoon, and we could have no hopes to recover our anchor, as the buoy had been staved and sunk about an hour before we were thus set adrift. I did not think it adviseable to risk another anchor, and therefore immediately crossed over for the island of Chiloe, in a boisterous gale with thick rainy weather, surrounded on all hands with seeming shoals, and in a manner bewildered in an unknown navigation. When within a mile of Chiloe, we ranged along shore to the southward,[257] in hope of discovering the town of Chacao. We passed two commodious bays, which had no appearance of any town, and came to a point of land marked by a high pyramidal rock. After getting round this point, we found ourselves entirely out of the tideway, and quite sheltered from all other inconveniences, and came therefore to anchor opposite a cross on the north side of the harbour, having just sufficient day-light to enable us to get into this place of shelter.

[Footnote 257: The direction was more probably to the eastward--E.]

Next morning, I sent the second lieutenant, in the pinnace well manned and armed, to look out for the two towns; and sent at the same time Mr Hately in the launch, to endeavour to find a watering-place. He soon returned, accompanied by an Indian, who had shewn him a very convenient place where we could at once procure both wood and water, even under the command of our guns from the ship, and free from all danger of being surprised. I accordingly sent back the launch with casks to be filled, and several people to cut wood, all well armed, together with an officer of marines and ten men to keep guard. The Indians gave us hopes of a sufficient supply of provisions; but came in the evening to our people who were on shore, to acquaint them that the natives were forbidden to bring any thing to us. As the pinnace had not yet returned, this information gave me much concern, fearing that the enemy had taken her, and had by that means learnt what we were. On the 3d December, about seven in the evening, a Spanish officer came to us, in a boat rowed by eight Indians, being sent by the governor of Chiloe to enquire what we were. Meaning to pass upon him for a French captain well known in these seas, I ordered none of my people to appear on deck but such as could speak French or Spanish, and hoisted French colours. When the officer came on board, I told him my ship was the St Rose, homeward-bound, that my name was _Janis le Breton_, and that I entreated the governor to spare me what provisions he could conveniently afford, that being my only business on the coast. The officer heard me with much civility, seeming to give implicit credit to all I said; even staid on board all night, and went away next morning, to all appearance well satisfied.

On the 5th in the morning, two boats came towards us full of armed men; but, after taking a view of us, went to a small island in the mouth of the harbour. On the 6th we saw a white flag hoisted on shore, to which I sent my launch completely manned and armed, but they found no person near the flag, to the shaft of which a letter was fastened, and a dozen hams lying close by. The letter was from _Don Nicholas Salvo_, governor of Chiloe, intimating strong doubts of our ship being the St Rose, complaining of the behaviour of the people in our pinnace, and desiring me to leave the coast. I returned an answer in as proper terms as I could devise, and next morning had another letter, couched in the utmost civility, but absolutely refusing me any refreshments, and demanding the restitution of the Indians said to have been made prisoners by our pinnace. In fact I knew less of our pinnace than he did, and believed that he actually had the people in his hands of whom he now complained.

Despairing of ever seeing my people, and still ignorant where Chacao was situated, having no chart of the island on which I could depend, I determined to change my style of writing to the governor, and try what could be done by threatening to use force. I therefore wrote, that I was determined to have provisions by fair means or foul. Next day I sent my first lieutenant, Mr Brooks, with twenty-nine men well armed in the launch, ordering him to bring off all the provisions he could find. Shortly after, a boat came with a message from the governor, offering to treat with me, if I would send an officer to Chacao: But I answered, that I would treat no where but on board, and that he was now too late, as I had already sent eighty men on shore to take all they could find.

In the evening the launch returned, accompanied by a large piragua, and both were completely laden with sheep, hogs, fowls, barley, and green peas and beans. Soon afterwards, the pinnace arrived with all her crew, but so terrified that I did not expect them to be again fit for service for one while. The officer told me, that he had been forced to fight his way through several canoes, filled with armed Indians, from whom he got clear with the utmost difficulty, and had been under the necessity of making his passage quite round the island, a course of not less than seventy leagues.[258] This proceeded only from excess of terror, as they only met one boat with unarmed Indians and a Spanish sergeant, who came off to them without the least shew of violence, as some of them afterwards confessed, but with this addition, that there were great numbers of people on shore, who they were apprehensive would come off to them. The only excuse the officer could allege was, that the tide had hurried him away, and he forgot in his fright that he had a grappling in the boat, with which he might have anchored till the tide turned.

[Footnote 258: The circuit of the island of Chiloe by sea, could hardly be less than 350 English miles; an arduous navigation in an open boat upon an utterly unknown coast.--E.]

By this strange mismanagement, I missed a favourable opportunity of seizing the town of Chacao, which I might easily have done if I had appeared before it within forty-eight hours after our arrival, when the governor was totally unprovided for resistance. But now, having a whole week allowed for mustering the force of the island, he had collected near a thousand armed Spaniards, as I learnt from the Indian prisoners in the pinnace. I therefore laid aside all thoughts of going to the towns, in the hopes of furnishing ourselves from the Indian farms and plantations, in which I kept one of our boats constantly employed. By the 16th, our decks were full of live cattle, together with poultry and hams in abundance, and such quantities of wheat, barley, potatoes, and maize, that I was quite satisfied. On a moderate computation, we had added four months provisions to the stock we brought from England, so that I was well pleased with the effects of our stay at Chiloe, and prepared to depart. I might certainly have done much more for my own credit and the profit of my owners, had if not been for the mismanagement of the officer in the pinnace.

_Chiloe_ is the first of the Spanish possessions on the coast of Chili, reckoning from the south; and, though it produces neither gold nor silver, is a fine island, and is considered as of great consequence; insomuch that the Spaniards would be under great apprehensions when strange ships enter its ports, did they not confide in the number of its inhabitants, which is extraordinary for this part of the world. The body of this island is in lat. 42° 4' S. being about thirty leagues in length from N. to S. and not above six or seven leagues from E. to W.[259] It is watered by several rivers, and produces many kinds of useful trees, yielding an agreeable prospect, by the great number of Indian farms and plantations dispersed at small distances from each other, on rising grounds among the woods. Within this great island there is an archipelago or cluster of smaller islands, the number of which is not well known; yet the smallest of these is said to be well inhabited, and to abound in cattle. Among these islands there are very uncertain and violent currents, which are by no means safe. I would recommend all strangers to go in at the north end of the great island, giving the northern point of the island a good birth, and then to keep the island side of the channel on board, running along shore to the southward (eastward). Passing two bays, which seem commodious, you come to a point, almost contiguous to which is a high rock, somewhat like a pyramid; and passing between that rock and a small high island near it, you run directly into a harbour resembling the mouth of a river, which forms a safe anchorage. In going in, take care not to come nearer shore than having the depth of five fathoms, as the nearer to the small island the less water; wherefore keep the lead going, and be bold with the shore towards the north side of the harbour, which has the greatest depth, while the south side is shoaly.[260]

[Footnote 259: Chiloe reaches from lat. 41° 50' to 43° 50', both S. and from long. 73° 18' to 74° 24', both W. extending 135 English miles in extreme length, by 35 in medium breadth. See vol. V. p. 592, for an account of the Archipelago of Chiloe.--E.]

[Footnote 260: Shelvocke seems here to describe the harbour leading to the town or village of San Carlos.--E.]

My pilot carried me the contrary way to that here directed, advising me to keep near the main land of Chili, which I did till I got to _Carelampo_ Point, having several small islands to the southward of my course, which proved unfortunate for me by the loss of my anchor. The soil of Chiloe is very fertile, producing all sorts of European fruits and grains, and has fine pasture lands, in which great numbers of cattle are grazed, particularly sheep. The air is wholesome and temperate; yet I suspect the winter may be rigorous, being bounded on the west by an immense ocean, without any land to screen it from the cold moist vapours brought thither by the tempestuous westerly winds, which generally reign in these latitudes, and which must render it uncomfortable in the winter months, as the parallels of latitude to the south of the equator are much colder than those in the same degrees to the northwards.

In this island they have abundance of very handsome middle-sized horses, which the natives are said to manage with great dexterity. They have also an animal, called _guanaco_ or _carneso de tierra_, that is, sheep of the country, which very much resembles a camel, but not nearly so large. They have long necks, and I have seen one of them between five and six feet high. Their wool or soft hair is very fine. They smell very rank, and move with a very slow majestic pace, which hardly any violence can make them quicken; yet they are of great service at the mines in Peru, where they are employed in carrying the ore and other things. Their flesh is very coarse, as we experienced, having salted some of them for our future use. Besides these, the inhabitants have European sheep and great numbers of hogs, but not many black cattle. The island has plenty of fowls, both wild and tame. Among the former is a small species of goose, found on the banks of the rivers, which are beautifully white, and of an excellent taste. The tame poultry are of the same kinds with our own.

The natives are almost in all respects the same with those on the continent of Chili, of moderate stature, with deep olive complexions, and coarse shaggy black hair, some of them having by no means disagreeable features. They seem naturally of fierce and warlike dispositions; but the oppressions of the Spaniards, and the artifices of the jesuits, who are the missionaries in these parts, have curbed and broken their spirits. Frezier says, that the Indians on the continent, to the southward of this island, are called _Chonos_, who go quite naked; and that there is a race of men of extraordinary size in the inland parts of the country, called _Cacahues_,[261] who are in amity with the _Chonos_, and sometimes accompany them to the Spanish settlements in Chiloe. Frezier says, that he has been credibly informed by eye-witnesses, that some of these were about nine or ten feet high. I had sight of two of these Indians, who came from the southward of St Domingo river, one of whom was a cacique, who did not seem to me to differ in their persons from the ordinary natives of Chiloe. They were decently clothed in _ponchos, monteras_, and _poulains_. The _poncho_ is a sort of square carpet, having a slit or hole cut in the middle, wide enough to slip over the head, so that it hangs down over the shoulders, half before and half behind, under which they generally wear a short doublet. On their heads they have a _montera_, or cap nearly like those of our postillions, and their legs are covered by the _poulains_, a kind of knit buskins, or hose without feet. In short, their appearance has little or none of the savage. Their habitations are firmly built of planks, but have no chimneys, so that they are very black and sooty within.

[Footnote 261: See an account of the native tribes, inhabiting the southern extremity of South America, vol. V. p. 401.]

They inclose some of their land for cultivation, by means of rails or paling; and although they have plenty of every thing necessary to a comfortable subsistence, they have no bread, from wanting mills in which to grind and prepare their wheat They use a miserable substitute, making a kind of cakes of sea-weeds, which from use is much esteemed by them, and was not even disliked by some of our men. Besides this, they prepare their maize in several manners to answer the purpose of bread, and they use potatoes and other roots with the same intention. They prepare a liquor called _chicha_ from their Indian corn, in imitation of their neighbours on the continent of Chili; but the Spaniards endeavor to curb their propensity to the use of this liquor, as their drinking bouts have often occasioned seditions and revolts. Such of the natives as have no European weapons, use pikes, darts, and other arms of the country. Among these is a running noose on a long leathern thong, called a _lays_, which they use with surprising dexterity for catching cattle, horses, or other animals, even when at full career. From all that I could see of the natives of Chiloe, or hear respecting the Chilese, they seem to resemble each other in all things, which is not wonderful, considering the near neighbourhood of this island to the continent of Chili. They use small drums, the heads of which are made of goats skins with the hair on, and give a very dull sound.

The natives of Chiloe carry on a small woollen manufacture, consisting of _ponchoes_ and other articles of clothing, formerly mentioned. They also export considerable quantities of cedar, both in plank, and wrought up into boxes, chests, desks, and the like, with which they supply all Chili and Peru. They have no European trade; but the Spaniard who came to me from the governor expressed his astonishment that no trading ships ever put in there, saying they had plenty of money among them, with a safe port, free from the danger of going to the northward among the Spanish ships of war; as a great deal of business might be done here, before intelligence could be sent as far as Lima, and the ships could be fitted out and sent so great a way to wind-ward. It is observed of the Chilese, that, differing from all other nations ever heard of, they have no notion of a Supreme Being, and consequently have no kind of worship; and they are such enemies to civil society that they never live together in towns and villages, so that their country seems thinly inhabited, though very populous, the whole nation being dispersed in farms at a good distance, every family having its own plantation, and raising its own necessaries.

Though thus scattered, they are not wholly independent, each tribe being subject to a chief, called a cacique, whose dwelling is conveniently situated among them, for the more speedy summoning them together on affairs of importance. This is done by the sound of a sort of horn, on hearing which all his vassals repair to him without delay. The chief commands them in war, and has an absolute power of dispensing justice among his subjects, who all consider themselves as his relations, he being as it were the head of his family, and his authority hereditary. In all these respects the inhabitants of Chiloe resemble their neighbours on the continent, excepting that their caciques are stript in a great measure of their power and influence, by the tyranny of the Spaniards, who keep them under the most servile slavery, while the missionaries blind them by a superstitious and imperfect conversion to Christianity, of which not one of these natives know any thing more than merely that they were baptized; all their devotion consisting of mere idolatry of the cross, or the images of saints; for the Spanish clergy use no manner of pains to enlighten their minds, but probably think it better, by keeping them in ignorance, to make them more contented under the rigorous government of the Spaniards. Under this delusion, the caciques have changed their lawful prerogatives for the vain ostentation of being allowed to wear a silver-headed cane, which places them on a footing outwardly with a Spanish captain. Yet have they sometimes rebelled against their proud oppressors, deeming death preferable to slavery, as may be seen in the account of Frezier's voyage.

The vessels used in Chiloe are peculiarly constructed, as, for want of nails and other articles of iron, the planks of which their boats are constructed are sewed together very ingeniously with oziers. These boats are all constructed of three pieces only, the keel or bottom being one piece, and the sides two others; and they are rowed with oars, in the same manner as with us, more or fewer according to their size.

Having nothing farther to detain us in Chiloe, I determined upon proceeding to the island of Juan Fernandez, as directed in my instructions; but my men took it into their heads that great things might be done by a short trip to the Bay of Conception, to which also they were induced by the Frenchman who persuaded us to come to Chiloe. He pretended that there were always five or six ships in the road of Conception, besides others daily coming in or going out, and that these had often both ways considerable sums of money or silver, with other valuable things, on board; and, though large ships, they were of little or no force, neither were there any fortifications at that place to protect them; so that we could not meet any opposition in taking them, even if there were twenty sail. He said their, cargoes consisted chiefly of corn, wine, brandy, flour, and jerked beef; and that the ships bound for Conception always brought money to purchase their cargoes; besides that considerable booty might be made for rich trading passengers, who carry on a considerable trade over land between Conception and Buenos Ayres. He also alleged, that we could not fail of having any ships we might take ransomed; and that we should certainly make our fortunes, if we could only reach Conception before they had notice of our being in these seas. This man therefore advised my people to endeavour to prevail on me to make the best of my way to Conception, before the governor of Chiloe could send our deserter thither; after which all the coast would be alarmed, and we should have no opportunity of meeting with any thing till the Spaniards had imagined we were gone from the South Sea.

In similar cases, all are fond of delivering their sentiments; and, as it is impossible to keep a ship's company in so much awe in so remote a part as in short voyages, my men did not fail to speak their minds somewhat insolently. One William Morphew, who had been in these seas several years, took upon him to tell me, that it did not signify much if we arrived two or three days sooner or later at Juan Fernandez. He said also, that I was a stranger here, but the Frenchman and he were well acquainted with these seas, and every body hoped I would be advised to go to Conception; hoping I would not put a mere punctilious adherence to orders in balance against so fair a prospect, or almost certainty of success, if we arrived there in time. In short, they all assured me that they had the interest of the proprietors in view, as much as their own, and that they would perish sooner than injure them in any respect. They said at the same time, if I had not success in my proceedings nobody could be blamed but myself, and entreated me not to let slip this opportunity, in which they would stand by me with all fidelity.

On our way to Conception, we made the islands of Mocha and St Mary on the 23d December, and arrived that same evening in the Bay of Conception, but could not be certain whether there were any ships in the road. I immediately gave orders to man and arm our boats and sent them up that same night, in order to surprise any ships that might be there; and with strict orders, if they found them too strong, to endeavour to prevent them from sending any thing on shore till I were able to work the ship up to them. This I endeavoured to do all night, but to very little purpose; for at day-light next morning I could not discern any thing above us. Captain Hately returned about noon of the 24th, informing me that he had taken a ship of about 150 tons, lately arrived from Baldivia, and having only a few cedar plants on board, with no person in her but the boatswain, an old negro, and two Indian boys. He had left her in the charge of Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, with orders to bring her down the first opportunity; and had taken, while on his return, a small vessel, of about twenty-five tons, near the island _Quiri-quinie_, which lies in the harbour or bay of Conception, where this small vessel had been taking in pears, cherries, and other fruits, to sell at Conception. Immediately after taking this small vessel, I could perceive with my glass another small boat come in between the islands of _Quiri-quinie_ and _Talgaguana_, passing within pistol-shot of my pinnace, and yet Captain Hately did not engage her. For this his only excuse, after he came on board, was, that he did not mind her; though our boat's crew said she was full of men.

On the 26th about noon, Mr Brooks brought down the prize, and anchored about half a mile short of us. The boatswain of this prize had not been two hours in the Speed-well, till he told us of a vessel, laden with wine, brandy, and other valuable things, riding at anchor in the Bay of Herradura, about two leagues to the north of us, and bound for Chiloe. On receiving this information, I ordered Mr Randal, my second lieutenant, with twenty five men, to go in the Mercury, which name we gave to the captured flour bark, and, accompanied by the Spanish boatswain of the other prize, to go in search of the vessel in the Bay of Herradura, with positive orders not to land or to make any other hazardous attempt. But they returned next evening with the following melancholy story.

On getting into the bay, they found the vessel hauled dry ashore, when Randal ordered his people to land and bring away what they could find in her, while he and three or four more kept the bark afloat. The people found the bark empty, but seeing a small house hard by, they suspected her cargo might be lodged there, and the inferior officer along with them ordered them to examine that house. The poor fellows went accordingly, without any officer at their head, and without any regard to order, every one endeavouring to be foremost. Their career was soon stopped, as they had hardly got beyond the top of the bank when they discovered the enemy coming furiously towards them. Some of the seamen were of opinion they might have retreated at this time in safety, if they had not been astonished at the strange manner in which they were attacked, by a number of horses galloping up to them without riders, which caused them for some time to stand amazed, not knowing what way to proceed; but on a little reflection they bestirred themselves to make the best of their way to the Mercury, in which they all succeeded except five, who were made prisoners. Fortunately for them, the Mercury had by some accident got aground, or they must all have been cut off, as the Spaniards thought fit to retire on getting within musket-shot of the Mercury. They now got the bark afloat, but as the water was still very low, and they were obliged in going out of the bay to keep very near to a point of land, the Spaniards galled them from that point, under the shelter of the wood. They soon passed this point, having a fair wind, all lying close in the bottom of the bark, so that on this occasion only one man was wounded, who was shot through the thigh. The Spaniards came down upon them in this affair after the following singular manner. They were preceded by twenty or more horses abreast, two deep, and linked together, behind which extraordinary van-guard came the enemy on horseback, lying on the necks of their horses, and driving the others before them, never seen to sit up on their saddles, except to fire their muskets, or when there was no danger. When they got near our people, they threw their _lays_ or running nooses to catch them, and accordingly ensnared James Daniel, one of my foremast-men, who was a good way into the water, and whom they dragged out again at the rate of ten knots. The Spaniards in Chili are universally dexterous in the use of this running noose, for I have seen a Spaniard bring a man up by the foot as he ran along the deck, and they are sure of any thing they fling at, at the distance of several fathoms.

These misfortunes and disappointments made my crew extremely uneasy, and might have had bad consequences, if we had not been agreeably surprised by seeing a large ship coming round the northern point of the island of _Quiri-quinie_.[262] It was at this time almost dark, so that her people could not perceive what we were, and stood on therefore without fear, so that she came towards us, and was taken without resistance. This ship proved to be the St Fermin, of about 300 tons, last from _Cadaco_,[263] having only a small cargo, consisting of sugar, molasses, rice, coarse French linen, some woollen cloth and bays of Quito, a small quantity of chocolate, and about five or six thousand dollars in money and wrought plate. I sent Mr Hendric, the owners agent, to inspect her cargo, and to order every thing of value out of her into the Speedwell, and the ship's company sent their agent likewise. They returned in the afternoon, bringing all the bales, boxes, chests, portmanteaus, and other packages, with a large quantity of sugar, molasses, and chocolate, and about seventy hundred weight of good rusk, with all her other stores and eatables. Don Francisco Larragan, the captain of this ship, begged to be allowed to ransom her, which I willingly consented to, and allowed him to go in his own launch to Conception to raise the money, accompanied by a merchant, one of the prisoners.

[Footnote 262: A small island in the entrance of the Bay of Conception.--E.]

[Footnote 263: Callao, or the port of Lima, is perhaps here meant.--E.]

In the mean time we were very busy in searching the prize, lest any thing might have been concealed; and every one who came at any time from the St Fermin was strictly searched by some of our people appointed for the purpose, that they might not appropriate any thing of value. Our carpenter also was employed in making a slight spar-deck over the Mercury, as she might be of great use while cruizing along the coast. On the 30th December a boat came off to us with a flag of truce from the governor of Conception, and an officer, who acquainted us that two of our people, taken in the late skirmish, were still alive, but very much wounded. He brought also a present of seven jars of very good wine, and a letter from Don Gabriel Cano, the governor, in which he demanded to see my commission, as also that I should send ashore Joseph de la Fontaine, who had been servant to one of the mates belonging to Captain La Jonquiere, and some other things that I thought unreasonable, engaging to enter into a treaty, if I would comply with these requisitions. At length a formal treaty was begun, in which I demanded 16,000 dollars for the ransom of the St Fermin alone, while they offered only 12,000 for both the ships and the bark. Finding all his Spanish _puncto_ tended only to entrap us, I set fire to the Solidad, one of our prizes; and, giving them time to comply with my proposals it they would, I set the St Fermin also on fire.

We sailed from the bay of Conception on the 7th January, 1720, intending for Juan Fernandez; and on the 8th we observed the sea to be entirely of a red colour, occasioned, as the Spaniards say, by the spawn of the _camarones_, or pracous. On the 9th, the plunder taken in the St Fermin was sold by the ship's agent at the mart, and brought extravagant prices. The account being taken, and the shares calculated, the people insisted for an immediate distribution, which was made accordingly, and each foremast-man had after the rate of ten dollars a share, in money and goods. On the 11th we saw the island of Juan Fernandez; and at noon it bore from us five leagues W.S.W. the meridional distance from Conception being 275 miles[264] W. From that day to the 15th, I stood off and on, waiting for my boats which were employed in fishing. In this time I sent the Mercury ashore to stop her leaks, while the boats caught so many fish, that we salted the fill of five puncheons. I could find no marks of Captain Clipperton having been here for a long time; but at length some of my men saw accidentally the words _Magee_ and Captain John cut upon a tree. Magee was the name of Clipperton's surgeon, but no directions were left, as agreed upon in his instructions to me, so that it was evident he never meant I should keep him company, or ever join him again.

[Footnote 264: The difference of longitude between Conception and Juan Fernandez is six degrees of longitude W. and, consequently, 360 minutes or marine miles.--E.]

Being by this certified of the arrival of Clipperton in the South Sea, I directly made the best of my way from Juan Fernandez, being in a pretty good condition as to provisions, by the additional stock of fish caught here, all our casks being filled. On the 21st, while sailing along there with the design of looking into _Copiapo_, I put Mr Dodd, second lieutenant of marines, into the Mercury, with a reinforcement of eight men, and sent her next evening to cruize close in with the land, while I kept with the Speedwell in the offing, to prevent being discovered from the land. On this occasion I took care to give the officer commanding the Mercury a copy of my commission, with all necessary instructions how to proceed, appointing the _Moro_, or head-land of Copiapo, to be our place of meeting. The business of the Mercury was to look into the port of Copiapo, called _Caldera_,[265] near which there are some gold-mines, and from whence considerable quantities of gold are exported in small vessels; and our bark had the advantage of being of that country build, so that she could not excite suspicion. Next day I hove in sight of the head-land of Copiapo, and lay to the southward, that I might not be seen from that port, which is to the northward of the _Moro de Copiapo_. While here, opposite a small island which lies athwart the mouth of Copiapo river, I sent the pinnace to fish between that isle and the main, and soon after saw a vessel crowding all sail towards us. She at first seemed too large for the Mercury, yet turned out to be her; when the officer told me he had looked into the port, but could see no shipping; but he had looked into a wrong place, and having made him sensible of his error, I sent him again to the right place, which was about six leagues farther north.

[Footnote 265: The port of Caldera, or English harbour, is about twelve or fifteen miles to the N. of Copiapo river, having a considerable interposed promontory.--E.]

Next morning our pinnace returned, bringing only a few penguins which she had taken on the island in the bay of Copiapo. The Mercury had looked into Caldera, but saw nothing; and instead of making use of the land-wind to come off to me, had kept along shore in the bottom of the bay till the land-wind came in so strong that she was nearly lost on the lee-shore. On the 27th, I sent Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, and Mr Rainor, first lieutenant of marines, to relieve Mr Randal and Mr Dodd in the Mercury, which I had fitted with a gang of oars, and, upon trial, she was found to make way at the rate of three knots, which might render her extremely useful in a calm. The 5th February, I dispatched Mr Brooks ahead in the Mercury, to see if there were any ships in the harbour of Arica, in lat. 18° 26' S. and next day, at one p.m. having ranged along shore, by the breakers of _Pisagua, Camarones_, and _Victor_, I got sight of the head-land of Arica, with a ship at anchor on its northern side, and saw the Mercury standing out of the bay, by which I judged the ship was too warm for her, and therefore made all haste to get up to her with the Speedwell. On coming up, we found that the ship was already taken, and the Mercury only accidentally adrift. This prize was called the Rosario, of 100 tons, laden with cormorants dung, which they use for manuring the land which produces the cod-pepper, or _Capsicum_, from the cultivation of which they make a vast profit in the vale of Arica. The only white face in this ship was the pilot, whom I sent ashore to see if the owner would ransom his ship, the cargo being worth gold to them, but entirely useless to us. Next morning I received a letter from Miguel Diaz Gonzale, the owner of the ship, insisting pitifully on his poverty and distress, having a large family to provide for, and promising to meet me at Hilo or Quaco, to treat for a ransom.

We soon after took a small bark of ten tons, laden with _guana_, or cormorants dung, and having also some dried fish, which lay within a mile of Arica. By this time all the adjacent country was up in arms, and great numbers had come down to the coast, well mounted and armed, and seemingly well disciplined. To try their courage, I ordered the Mercury and launch to draw near the shore, as if we had really intended to land, though the landing-place here is altogether impracticable for European boats; and I also cannonaded the town briskly. Our balls made no execution, yet ploughed up the sand in front of the Spanish horse, throwing it all over them: But neither this, nor the approach of my small craft, made any impression, for they stood firm, and at least shewed the countenance of as good troops as could be wished. This much disappointed me, as it shewed my men that the Spaniards were far from being cowards, as they had been represented. As soon as it was dark, Gonzales came off to me, and I agreed to let him have back his ship and six negroes on receiving 1500 dollars, reserving right to take any thing out of her that might be useful to us; and at ten next night he brought me the agreed sum, being the weight of 1300 dollars in ingots of virgin silver, called _pinnas_ by the Spaniards, and the rest in coined dollars. He also made great enquiry for English commodities, for which he offered high prices, complaining that the French only supplied them with paltry goods and mere trifles, for which they carried off vast sums. He added, that he supposed the English merchants were all asleep, or too rich, as they did not come near them: And, although their ports were not so open as in other parts of the world, they yet know how to manage matters tolerably well; and that their governors, being generally Europeans, who seldom remained above three years in the country, used any means to improve their time, and could easily be gained so as to act very obligingly. He said much more as to the blindness of the English, in suffering the French pedlars to carry on, uninterruptedly, the most considerable branch of traffic in the world. Before leaving me, he desired me to carry his ship two or three leagues out to sea, and then to turn her adrift, on purpose to deceive the governor and the king's officers; and, if I would meet him at _Hilo_ (_Ilo_,) about twenty-five leagues to the north-westwards, he would purchase from me any coarse goods I had to dispose of, which might be done there with all imaginable secrecy. At this time also, the master of the small bark came off in a _balsa_. This is an odd sort of an embarkation, consisting of two large seal skins, separately blown up, like bladders, and made fast to pieces of wood. On this he brought off two jars of brandy and forty dollars; which, considering his mean appearance, was as much as I could expect. One part of his cargo was valuable, being a considerable quantity of excellent dried fish.

The port of _Arica_, formerly so famous for the great quantities of silver shipped from thence, is now much diminished in its riches, and appears mostly a heap of ruins, except the church of St Mark, and two or three more, which still look tolerably well. What helps to give it a very desolate appearance is, that the houses near the sea are only covered with mats. Being situated on the sea-shore, in an open roadstead, it has no fortifications of any kind to defend or command the anchorage, the Spaniards thinking it sufficiently secured by the heavy surf, and the rocky bottom near the shore, which threaten inevitable destruction to any European boats, or other embarkation, except what is expressly contrived for the purpose, being the _balsas_ already mentioned. To obstruct the landing of an enemy, the Spaniards had formerly a fort and entrenchments, flanking the storecreeks; but being built of unburnt bricks, it is now fallen to ruins. In 1680, when Dampier was here, being repulsed before the town, the English landed at the creek of _Chacota,_ to the south of the head-land, whence they marched over the mountain _(Gordo)_ to plunder Arica. Earthquakes also, which are frequent here, have at last ruined the town, and Arica is now no more than a little village of about 150 families, most of them negroes, mulattoes, and Indians, with very few whites. On the 26th November, 1605,[266] the sea, violently agitated by an earthquake, suddenly overflowed, and broke down the greatest part of the town, and the ruins of its streets are to be seen at this day. What remains of Arica is not now liable to such an accident, being situated on a little rising ground at the foot of the head-land. Most of the houses are only constructed of a sort of fascines, made of flags or sedges, bound together, called _totora_, set up on end, crossed by canes and leather thongs; or are made of canes set on end, having the intervals filled with earth. The use of unburnt bricks is reserved for churches and the stateliest houses; and as no rain ever falls here, they are only covered with mats, so that the houses seem all in ruins when seen from the sea. The parish church, dedicated to St Mark, is handsome enough. There are also three religious houses, one a monastery of seven or eight _mercenarians_, a second is an hospital of the brothers of _St John of God_, and the third a monastery of Franciscans, who formerly had a house a short way from town, in the pleasantest part of the vale, near the sea.

[Footnote 266: Perhaps this date ought to have been 1705.--E.]

The vale of Arica is about a league wide next the sea, all barren ground except where the old town stood, which is divided into small fields of clover, some small plantations of sugar-canes, with olive-trees and cotton-trees intermixed, and several intervening marshes, full of the sedges of which they build their houses. Growing narrower about a league eastward at the village of _St Michael de Sapa_, they begin to cultivate the _agi_, or Guinea pepper, which culture extends over all the rest of the vale, in which there are several detached farms exclusively devoted to its culture. In that part of the vale, which is very narrow, and about six leagues long, they raise yearly to the value of above 80,000 crowns. The Spaniards of Peru are so much addicted to this spice, that they dress no meat without it, although so hot and biting that no one can endure it, unless accustomed to its use; and, as it cannot grow in the _Puna_, or mountainous country, many merchants come down every year, who carry away all the Guinea pepper that grows in the districts of _Arica, Sama, Taena, Locumba_, and others, ten leagues around, from all of which it is reckoned they export yearly to the value of 600,000 dollars, though sold cheap. It is hard to credit that such vast quantities should go from hence, as the country is so parched up, except the vales, that nothing green is to be seen. This wonderful fertility is produced by the dung of fowls, which is brought from _Iquique_, and which fertilizes the soil in a wonderful manner, making it produce four or five hundred for one of all sorts of grain, as wheat, maize, and so forth, but particularly of this _agi_, or Guinea pepper, when rightly managed. When the plants are sufficiently grown in the seed-bed to be fit for transplanting, they are set out in winding lines like the letter S, that the furrows for conveying the water may distribute it equally to the roots of the plants. They then lay about the root of each plant of Guinea pepper as much _guana_, or bird's dung formerly mentioned, as will lie in the hollow of the hand. When in blossom, they add a little more; and, lastly, when the pods are completely formed, they add a good handful more to each plant, always taking care to supply them with water, as it never rains in this country; otherwise, the salts contained in the manure, not being dissolved, would burn the plants, as has been found by experience. It is also for this reason that this manure is laid on at different times, as already explained, the necessity of which has been found by long use, and by the superior value of the crops thus produced.

For the carriage of this _guana_, or fowl's dung, the people at Arica generally use that sort of little camels which the Indians of Bern call _Llamas_, the Chilese, _Chilihneque_, and the Spaniards, _Carneros de la tierra_, or native sheep. The heads of these animals are small in proportion to their bodies, and are somewhat in shape between the head of a horse and that of a sheep, the upper lips being cleft like that of a hare, through which they can spit to the distance of ten paces against any one who offends them, and if the spittle happens to fall on the face of a person, it causes a red itchy spot. Their necks are long, and concavely bent downwards, like that of a camel, which animal they greatly resemble, except in having no hunch on their backs, and in being much smaller. Their ordinary height is from four feet to four and a half; and their ordinary burden does not exceed an hundred-weight. They walk, holding up their heads with wonderful gravity, and at so regular a pace as no beating can quicken. At night it is impossible to make them move with their loads, for they lie down till these are taken off, and then go to graze. Their ordinary food is a sort of grass called _yeho_, somewhat like a small rush, but finer, and has a sharp point, with which all the mountains are covered exclusively. They eat little, and never drink, so that they are very easily maintained. They have cloven feet like sheep, and are used at the mines to carry ore to the mills; and, as soon as loaded, they set off without any guide to the place where they are usually unloaded. They have a sort of spur above the foot, which renders them sure-footed among the rocks, as it serves as a kind of hook to hold by. Their hair, or wool rather, is long, white, grey, and russet, in spots, and fine, but much inferior to that of the Vicunna, and has a strong and disagreeable scent.

The _Vicunna_ is shaped much like the Llama, but much smaller and lighter, their wool being extraordinarily fine and much valued. These animals are often hunted after the following manner: Many Indians gather together, and drive them into some narrow pass, across which they have previously extended cords about four feet from the ground, having bits of wool or cloth hanging to them at small distances. This so frightens them that they dare not pass, and gather together in a string, when the Indians kill them with stones tied to the ends of leather thongs. Should any _quanacos_ happen to be among the flock, these leap over the cords, and are followed by all the _vicunnas_. These _quanacos_ are larger and more corpulent, and are also called _viscachas_. There is yet another animal of this kind, called _alpagnes_, having wool of extraordinary fineness, but their legs are shorter, and their snouts contracted in such a manner as to give them some resemblance to the human countenance. The Indians make several uses of these creatures, some of which carry burdens of about an hundred-weight. Their wool serves to make stuffs, cords, and sacks. Their bones are used for the construction of weavers utensils; and their dung is employed as fuel for dressing meat, and warming their huts.

Before the last war, a small fleet called the _armadilla_ used to resort yearly to Arica, partly composed of kings ships, and partly those of private persons. By this fleet, European commodities were brought from Panama, together with quicksilver for the mines of _La Paz, Oruro La Plata,_ or _Chuguizaca, Potosi_, and _Lipes_; and in return carried to Lima the king's fifth of the silver drawn from the mines. Since the galleons have ceased going to Porto-Bello, and the French have carried on the trade of supplying the coast of the South Sea with European commodities, Arica has been the most considerable mart of all this coast, and to which the merchants of the five above-mentioned rich, towns resort. It is true that the port of _Cobija_ is nearer _Lipes_ and _Potosi_; but being situated in a barren and desert country, where nothing can be procured for the subsistence of man or beast, the merchants chuse rather to go to Arica, though more distant, as they are sure to find at that place every thing they need. Besides, they find no great difficulty in bringing there their silver privately in a mass, and compounding with the corregidores or chief magistrates to avoid paying the royal fifth.

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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 10Chapter LIV: Section II (1)

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