Chapter VI: Part 6

But, while possession of Fernando Po would, in time of war, completely command all the grand outlets of Central Africa, and place whatever European settlements were therein planted, completely at the mercy of Great Britain, still the possession of that island alone, would neither give us the monopoly of the trade to those parts, nor prevent other European nations from sharing in that trade with us in time of peace. A commanding station, however, inland on any spot which could controul the united stream, would give to this nation the complete monopoly and every advantage. Without this, Fernando Po would only become valuable to Great Britain when war occurred betwixt her and any European power which had settlements in the interior. Without such a controuling settlement also, in the interior, the trade from Great Britain to those Central parts of Africa, laid open by these rivers, had much better, as more convenient and less expensive, be carried on direct from any port in Great Britain, to Timbuctoo, &c. (should the Niger prove navigable for ships) than to have the goods landed, and afterwards reshipped at Fernando Po. This island may be of great use as a depot, till the point for forming a settlement in the interior is finally pitched upon, and rendered secure against any attack. In choosing the position for this settlement, care must be taken not only to take into consideration the security and advantage for the present moment, but those great advantages and important results which may be fairly anticipated for the future.

Granting that the navigation of the Niger was interrupted at Boussa, by reason of rapids or rocks rising amidst the stream; still, we know that the river can be navigated in safety from Boussa upwards, and from Boussa downwards. Therefore, on this commanding spot, let the British standard be firmly planted, and no power on Africa could tear it up. A trifling land carriage would then give this nation nearly all the advantages of an open navigation, and by such a natural barrier, place the Niger completely under her controul. Firmly planted in Central Africa, the British flag would become the rallying point for all that is honourable, useful, beneficial, just, and good. Under the mighty shade thereof, the nations would seek security, comfort, and repose. Allies Great Britain would find in abundance. They would flock to her settlement, if it had the power and the means to protect them. The resources of Africa, and the energies of Africa, under a wise and vigorous policy, may be made to subdue and controul Africa. Let Britain only form such a settlement, and give it that countenance, support, and protection, which the wisdom and energy of British Councils can give, and which the power and resources of the British empire can so well maintain, and Central Africa to future ages will remain a grateful and obedient dependency of this empire. The latter will become the centre of all the wealth, and the focus of all the industry of the former. Then the Niger, like the Ganges, would acknowledge Great Britain as its protector—our King as its Lord.

The extent of country and population whose improvements, labours, and wants would be dependent upon, and stimulated to exertions by, a settlement on the Niger, is prodigious, and all together unequalled. The extent compromises a country of nearly 40° of longitude, from W. to E., and through the greater part of this extent of 20° latitude, from N. to S., a space almost equal to Europe. Where the confluence of the Gir, or the Bahr Kulla with the Niger takes place, is the spot to erect the Capital of our great African establishments. A city built there, under the protecting wings of Great Britain, and extended, enriched, and embellished by the industry, skill, and spirit of her sons, would ere long become the capital of Africa. Fifty millions of people, yea, even a greater number, would be dependent on it.

Whoever turns his eyes to the map, must at one glance perceive that this is a kingdom—a colony—a trade in which no foreign power whatever could come into competition with us, or endanger its stability and prosperity. Insurmountable barriers oppose on every side. On the north and on the east deserts intervene, across which all attempts at mercantile competition must be fruitless, and where no hostile armies in any force can find their way. From the west, south-west, and south-east, impenetrable mountains (for I may say these are so for any purposes of trade or attempt at invasion) arise, insuperable barriers. By the majestic stream of the Niger an entrance can only be obtained. The Mistress of the Ocean may place a barrier there, which she, and she only, can shut and open at her pleasure. The rival which can approach nearest, must do so by means of the Senegal. But this stream ceases to be navigable above Galam. Thence to the Niger is nearly 200 miles, across such mountains, and through such forests, as may be considered impassable for any army of strength, or for any mercantile speculation which could alarm or shake the prosperity of the settlements eastward on the Niger.

The French nation have long looked towards Africa with an anxious and a longing eye, in order to repair the losses which revolution and war have occasioned in their colonial establishments. France is making every effort to explore and collect information concerning the interior parts of the northern division of that Continent. She is already established on the Senegal, and commands that river; and if the supineness and carelessness of Great Britain allow that powerful, enterprising, and ambitious rival to step before us and fix herself securely on the lower Niger, then it is evident, that with such a settlement in addition to her command of the Senegal, France will command all Northern Africa. The consequences cannot fail to be fatal to the best interests of this country, and by means surer than even by war or conquest, tend ultimately to bring ruin on our best Tropical Colonial establishments. She will then meet this country with a decided superiority in every market, not only with all colonial productions at present known, but also with others peculiar to Africa, and as yet, little known in Europe.

The rivers are the roads in the Torrid Zone. Nature seems to have intended these as the great help in introducing agriculture and commerce. Wherever the continents are most extensive, there we find the most magnificent rivers flowing through them, opening up a communication from side to side. What is still more remarkable, and becomes of great utility, is, that these mighty currents flow against the prevailing winds, thus rendering the navigation easy, which would otherwise be extremely tedious and difficult. This is the case with the great Maranon and Oronoco in South America. The prevailing trade winds blow right up their streams. This is the case with the Niger, and in a more particular manner during the time it is in flood. For ten months in the year, but more particularly from May till November, the prevailing wind in the Bights of Benin and Biafra is from south-west, thus blowing right up all the outlets of the Niger. January and February are the months during which the Harmattan wind blows, a dry wind coming from the north-east, and from the great deserts south of the Mediterranean. In the Congo, Tuckey found the breeze generally blowing up the stream. It is needless to point out, at length, the advantages which may be derived from this wise regulation in the natural world. The meanest capacity may comprehend these.

But it is not the west coasts and interior of Northern Africa only that afford eligible situations for settlements, and a wide field for profitable commerce. The east coasts afford ample range for both. From the Cape of Good Hope, but more particularly from Caffraria to Cosseir on the Red Sea, there are rich and ample fields. These were the mines of wealth for the ancient world, and from whence the Phenicians, Tyre and Zidon drew their golden stores. By political events, cut off for ages from the civilized portions of the earth, these countries have become sunk in ignorance and barbarity, and their capabilities remain neglected and unknown. But the materials remain. And could Tyre and Zidon—cities on the Mediterranean in the earliest periods of history, while knowledge was limited to what it is now—do what Great Britain cannot? Certainly not. We have more than they ever had within our power. Immense rivers flow on the east coast of Africa. The Zambezi, or, as it is called at its mouth, Quilimanca, enters the sea in about 18° south latitude, and by five different mouths, forming so many Deltas. Far into the interior, and before it divides into branches, it is a league broad. It inundates the country in April, a proof that its sources are towards the Southern Tropic. The country up this river, and its tributary streams, is very rich in metals and minerals, as it is also towards the south about Sofala, so famous for its gold mines. Northwards are other important rivers, particularly the Zebee. But the grand station in these parts is the Island of Socotora, to the east of Cape Guardafui. In the hands of a naval power, such as Great Britain, this shuts up the Red Sea most completely, and gives us the command of Western Arabia, and all the inlets into Abyssinia and Nubia. The coasts of Africa opposite, are the lands so famed in ancient times for myrrh and incense. It brings us into immediate contact with, and in fact enables us to command, the fertile kingdom of Aden on the Arabian coast, so famous for its spices. Possession of this island would enable us to shut and open the Red Sea at our pleasure, in all the trade from the East Indies, or indeed from any part. A small exertion might get from the Turks Massouah, and Suakim, and Cosseir, ports on the west coast of the Red Sea. These places are of no use to them, but would be most valuable to us.

Unfold the map of the world. We command the Ganges—fortified at Bombay, the Indus is our own. Possessed of the islands in the mouth of the Persian Gulf, we command the outlets of Persia, and the mouths of the Euphrates, and consequently of countries the cradle of the human race. We command at the Cape of Good Hope; Gibraltar and Malta belonging to us, we controul the Mediterranean. Let us plant the British standard on the Island of Socotora—upon the Island of Fernando Po—and inland upon the banks of the Niger, and then we may say Asia and Africa—for all their productions and all their wants—are under our controul. It is in our power. Nothing can prevent us. A tenth part of the sum which our merchants and manufacturers have lost in overstocking old markets, would have been sufficient to fix us securely in Africa, and to have developed completely all the mercantile stores which she possesses, and the improvements of which she is susceptible.

To benefit Africa, and make Africa a benefit to Europe, we must know and consider the evils she suffers, and the wrongs she inflicts on herself. In every part of Africa her population, whether Moors, Arabs, Negroes, or the mixed race descended from these, is divided into innumerable petty states, who are engaged in constant quarrels and warfare with each other. Wherever we find more powerful states in Africa, there the ignorant sovereign rules over his trembling subjects by the terrors of superstition and the sword. Life, liberty, and property, are consequently every where insecure. Slavery exists universally, and the slave trade is prevalent every where. The elements of human society are dreadfully disjointed. Nevertheless, the nations in central Africa, I mean its northern part, are not savages. They are barbarians, and some less rude than others. Every where we find them collected into cities, cultivating the land, and carrying on commerce, which, though rude when compared to civilized nations, yet clearly distinguishes their condition from that of the savage state. Here, the fiery zeal and hard yoke of the Arab has done some good. Wherever their influence extended, cannibalism and human sacrifices, so prevalent on the coasts of Guinea, and countries bordering on it, were abolished. The days, however, of Arabian grandeur and greatness are fled. Their power in Africa is decaying fast. The governments on the southern boundaries of the Zahaara, and in the north-east parts of Sudan, exhibit the strangest compound of arrogance and weakness, pride and imbecility, despotism and ignorance, barbarity and folly, that are to be met with on the face of the earth.

Yet the materials for a better order of things exist both amongst them and the Negro population. The power that could curb the lawlessness of the one, and enlighten the ignorance of the other, would soon make them useful. Were it not that the power of the Arabs is so much decayed in better countries, the population of Africa to the Gold Coast had at this day acknowledged Mecca as their temple, and Mahomet as the prophet of God. Decayed as their power is, still they are more than a match for the timid and indolent Negro, whose lands are invaded and plundered by these marauding bands. The Mahommedan religion teaches its votaries that it is a deed meriting paradise to convert, by any means, an infidel to the true faith. To accomplish this, the Negro is loaded with chains. Enthusiasm and interest goad on the Arab and Moor. Large caravans seek Sudan from every quarter, and barter the commonest merchandize for men. Into Morocco, the Barbary States along the Mediterranean, Egypt, Nubia, Abyssinia, across the Red Sea into Arabia and other countries, from 60,000 to 70,000 slaves are carried annually. Since the abolition of Christian slavery in the Barbary States, this traffic in Negro slaves is greatly increased. The miseries the slaves endure marching across the deserts, sinks the middle passage of the European slave trade into insignificance.

There is no efficient way to arrest the progress of this deep-rooted evil, but to teach the Negroes useful knowledge, and the arts of civilized life. Left to themselves, the Negroes will never effectually accomplish this. It must be done by a mighty power, who will take them under its protection— a power sufficiently bold, enlightened and just, to burst asunder the chains of that grovelling superstition, which enthrals and debases their minds, and that, with the voice of authority, can unite the present jarring elements which exist in Africa, and direct them to honourable and useful pursuits. A small portion of European knowledge and spirit would be sufficient to rouse the Negro to assert his independence, and drive back, with shame and disgrace, any force which either the Moors or the Arabs could send against him. Till this is done— till the native princes are taught that they may be rich without selling men—and till Africa is shown, that it is in the labour and industry of her population, and in the cultivation of her soil, that true wealth consists—and till that population see a power which can protect them from such degrading bondage, there can be no security for liberty or property in Africa; and, consequently, no wish or hope for improvement amongst her population. Slavery, and a slave trade, existed in all their virulence many centuries before Europeans had any knowledge of Western and of Southern Africa. Were the European abolition rendered ever so effectual— were all the traffic with the other places previously enumerated completely abolished, still this would scarcely dry up one tear that flows to swell the tide of African misery. Millions are still slaves—slaves to slaves in Africa. It is in Africa, therefore, that this evil must be rooted out—by African hands and African exertions chiefly that it can be destroyed. It is a waste of time and a waste of means, an aggravation of the disorder, to keep lopping off the smaller branches of a malignant, a vigorous and reproductive plant, while the root and stem remain uninjured, carefully supplied with nourishment, and beyond our reach. Half the sums we have expended in this manner, would have planted us firmly in Interior Africa, and rooted up slavery for ever. Only teach them and shew them that we will give them more for their produce than for the hand that rears it, and the work is done. All other methods and means will prove ineffectual.

It is the policy of the Moors and Arabs to keep Christians, in any numbers, from penetrating into the interior of Africa. Fanaticism and interest make them oppose all such attempts. This jealousy is heightened by superstitious fears; for there runs a tradition amongst all the Mahommedans in Africa, that the Christians are one day to wrest the country from them. The Negro States on the south of Africa act with similar policy, and for similar reasons. They do every thing they can to hinder Europeans from having communication with the nations in the interior. They want a monopoly of every trade carried on with the interior; and all these people are convinced, that if ever Europeans can find their way into the interior, their monopoly, and all their power and influence, are gone. It is evident, therefore, that till all these barriers which stand in the way of African improvement are broken down and destroyed, no great progress will ever be made in civilizing Africa, or of rendering that continent serviceable to her inhabitants, or to the rest of the world. Protection and conquest, permanent and commanding, can only accomplish the object. Not that conquest, which, springing from unprincipled ambition, overruns to destroy, but that conquest which subdues and controls to restrain evil, and establishes what is good. This once civilized a part of Africa—this only can accomplish such a work again.

While the first and determined effort must be made to put down every foreign slave trade with, or in the interior of Africa, it may be a question, how far it would be politic and safe to intermeddle with the internal slavery there existing, except to ameliorate it. This, as in Russia, exists to an enormous extent. The number of slaves in Africa is about three-fourths of her population. But we must not grasp at too much at first. We must get their chiefs to go along with us at the outset. This, it is possible, we might not effect with that cordiality which is necessary, should we require all their slaves to be made free at once. In Africa there is no such a thing as a freeman hiring himself to labour; it is all done by slaves; consequently, without them no labour could be carried on. Also, we must create the labour in which freemen could be employed. With the present internal establishments, therefore, it might be prudent not to interfere further than to see strict justice maintained to all in their relative situations, till time prepared their minds for the change, and till a general system of industry, and influx of wealth from labour, enabled the freemen and their chiefs to emancipate their slaves, without reducing themselves to beggary and want: In short, till the one could procure labour to earn his subsistence, and the other free labourers to keep up his former rank and independence. But while we did not interfere too rashly in these internal regulations, so as to bring unnecessary difficulties on our hands, and which might blast our future prospects, still it must never be forgotten, that no time and no opportunity ought to be lost in making freedom universal in Africa; and every exertion must be made, in every way and at all times, by precept and by example, to prepare the minds of the one part of the population in Africa to give, and the other to receive it. We must instruct this to be done; and, above all, we must counsel and direct all external traffic in slaves to cease. With that there can and must be no compromise, if we wish to benefit Africa. But let these instructions and commands be issued and carried into effect in the spirit of moderation, conciliation, and peace—by that spirit which, placing ourselves in the situation of our neighbour, would do as it wishes to be done by; and with this, our object cannot fail, in time, of complete success. We must be the sole arbiter and director in this part of Africa; and therefore our intentions must be honest, our actions just, and our sentence irrevocable.

In establishing such a colony in Africa, we must not, as in the case of America and New Holland, go with a few unarmed settlers, as amidst a few straggling savages. We must go with a force that will command respect and obedience, and be able to resent and punish every aggression made, or insult offered. A force less than the garrison of Gibraltar would command all the interior of Northern Africa; and a few Congreve rockets would serve to disperse and reduce the most numerous armies that the most powerful sovereigns in these parts could arm against us. Europeans, indeed, could not undergo in these climates the same fatigues as the natives; but the superiority of the former in knowledge and skill would compensate for the mere physical superiority of the latter. The opinion universally entertained of European superiority, would, of itself, judiciously applied, half conquer Africa. Besides, we could levy and organize a force, to any extent judged prudent, amongst these natives, to aid in the control and command of the country. We have done this in India, and why cannot we do it in Africa? Nay, we might make India subdue Northern Africa;—the Ganges the mighty engine which would give us the command of the Niger. From the banks of the former we could obtain a voluntary force, which would enable us to dictate to the latter. By these means we should make India the means of preparing for us an empire of equal importance to replace her strength, when that, in course of political changes, is withdrawn from our allegiance. Once established on the Niger, the work is done. The resources and energies of Africa would complete the object. There are many of the people, both Moors, Arabs, and Negroes, who, though they could not be made agriculturists, followers of commerce and manufactures, would yet make good soldiers; and, commanded by European officers, would, with a small proportion of European troops, be equal to every purpose. The preservation of the health of European troops in warm climates, is now better understood than formerly, and in the interior of Africa there are numerous healthy situations.

There is but one opinion amongst all those who are, or who have had an opportunity of being acquainted with Africa, her population, and present institutions, namely, that colonization, fixed and stable, can only render her any permanent benefit. The mere abolition of the external slave trade, they all agree, will do little or nothing for the welfare of Africa. Governor Ludlam, than whom no person better understood the African character, or interests of Africa, goes even a step farther. “To abolish the slave trade,” says he, “is not to abolish the violent passions which now find vent in that particular direction. Were it to cease, the misery of Africa would arise from other causes; but it does not follow that Africa would be less miserable: she might even be less miserable, and yet be savage and uncivilized. The abolition of the external slave trade does not actually set us forward one step in our course to civilize or benefit Africa. Nay,” says he, “where they have been in some measure improved, I rather think they will sink back into their former state, which is still the state of the natives two or three hundred miles inland (from Sierra Leone.) In the next place, the administration of every African government must become extremely severe, if not extremely bloody. When so effectual a punishment as slavery is done away, which yet, as it sheds no blood, is readily executed on petty criminals, and in doubtful cases, severe punishments, and more terrible examples, must be introduced. Every ancient institution, the power of every hereditary chief, must now be sustained by blood instead of slavery. While the punishment of many small crimes has, by means of the external slave trade, been raised into slavery, it is not less true, that the punishment of some great ones has been sunk into it. The abolition, therefore, will be of little benefit to Africa, unless plans for its improvement and civilization be vigorously acted upon. That civilization will follow conquest, I readily allow;” and, adds he, “there will be no question that the French will diligently endeavour to extend their influence in Africa by all possible means, and as diligently endeavour to drive us out of it.” (_Letter to Zach. Macauly, Esq. Sierra Leone, April_ 14, 1807.)

This was the opinion of one intimately acquainted with the west coast. Every passing day has served to confirm his opinions, formed from actual observation. Let us attend to the observations and opinions of another intelligent observer, made in Eastern Africa, namely Burkhardt. Page 344, he says, “Were all the outlets to Sudan closed to the slave trade, and the caravans which carry on the traffic with Barbary, Egypt, and Arabia, prevented from procuring farther supplies, still slavery would universally prevail in Sudan itself; for as long as these countries are possessed by Mussulmans, whose religion induces them to make war upon the idolatrous Negroes, whose domestic wants require a constant supply of servants and shepherds, and who, considering slaves as a medium of exchange in lieu of money, are as eager to obtain them as other nations would be to explore the African mines, slavery must continue to exist in the heart of Africa; nor can it cease, until the Negroes shall become possessed of the means of repelling the attacks, and resisting the oppression of their Mussulmen neighbours. It is not from foreign nations that the Blacks can obtain deliverance; this great work must be effected by themselves, and can be the result only of successful resistance. The European governments who have settlements on the coasts of Africa, may contribute to it by commerce, and by the introduction among the Negroes of arts and industry, which must ultimately lead them to a superiority over the Mussulmans in war. Europe, therefore, will have done but little for the Blacks, if the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, _which is trifling_ when compared with the slavery of the interior, is not followed up by some wise and grand plan, tending to the civilization of the continent.”

Colonization, permanent and powerful, is this “wise and grand plan.” Established in the heart of Africa, Great Britain would be the arbiter of Africa. Her precept, and example, and assistance, would serve to teach and enable every Negro potentate to repel all foreign aggression, and the beneficial tendency of employing their present slave population in cultivating their own kingdoms. This would procure them wealth. Wealth would induce them to seek security, and enable them to obtain the means of protecting themselves from external injury; or, where they could not of themselves accomplish this object, bring them to place themselves under the wings of the power which could do so. On this grand and wise principle, colonization and cultivation were the first settlements of the Portuguese established in Africa. The beneficial results soon became most extensive and apparent, even after the attention of that power was unfortunately withdrawn to another quarter of the world. The number, and extent, and prosperity, of their settlements in Africa are well known. Unfortunately, however, for Portugal, and still more unfortunately for Africa, the spirit, strength, and influence of Portugal received a check in Europe, and the discovery of, and desire for cultivating America attracted her attention, withdrew her affections and care from these settlements in Africa; and not only so, but by a most erroneous policy, and barbarous system, induced her to withdraw the strength of Africa to cultivate the fields of America. In this manner her extensive colonies in the former were lost, or became only points for carrying on the slave trade; and all the good she had done, and might have done to Africa and to herself, was lost and disregarded. What she might have done, and what every European power has so long neglected, it is now in our power, under more favourable circumstances, to set about and accomplish.

There is, and can be but one opinion about the policy of extending our connections political and commercial with Africa. In the manner pointed out, these can only be permanently and beneficially extended. It must cost some expense, but the result will repay it. It is to her colonial system that Great Britain is indebted for her greatness and her glory. It is these possessions which enabled her to resist and beat down beneath her feet, the world united against her. It is her colonial trade that gives her sailors, acquainted with every coast, and inured to every climate. The whole trade of Northern Africa would augment more than others the number of these most useful subjects. Nor is it merely the number employed in that trade which such an intercourse would give her. The command of African produce would give her the trade to other quarters of the world, and by so much more, add to the numbers of her seamen. These would man her fleets with determined hands on every emergency. On these things depend the preponderance of Britain in the councils and affairs of Europe. If neglected, that preponderance is gone, and our existence, as a nation, is endangered. Our formidable rival France, understands this well. She has learned it by experience. Had the counsels of Talleyrand been followed by her Government, the fatal disasters which befel France had never happened, nor the glory and power of Britain been so raised and extended. To procure and rear up colonies, was at all times the earnest recommendation to his countrymen, of this crafty but wise politician. He placed Britain before their eyes as a most striking example of what such possessions did do, and could enable her to perform.

In his valuable pamphlet, written during the French Consulate, for the purpose mentioned, he says of Britain. “Her navy and her commerce are at present all her trust. France may add Italy and Germany to her dominions with less detriment to Britain than will follow the acquisition of a navy, and the extension of her trade. Whatever gives colonies to France, supplies her with ships, sailors, manufactures, and husbandmen. Victories by land can only give her mutinous subjects; who, instead of augmenting the national force by their riches or numbers, contribute only to disperse and enfeeble that force; but the growth of colonies supplies her with zealous citizens, and the increase of real wealth, and increase of effective numbers, is the certain consequence.”

“What would Germany, Italy, Spain, and France, combining their strength, do against England? They might assemble in millions on the shores of the Channel, but _there_ would be the limits of their enmity. Without ships to carry them over, without experienced mariners to navigate these ships, Britain would only deride the pompous preparation. The moment we leave the shore, her fleets are ready to pounce upon us, to disperse and destroy our ineffectual armaments. There lies her security; in her insular situation and her navy consist her impregnable defence. Her navy is, in every respect, the offspring of her trade. To rob her of that, therefore, _is to beat down her last wall, and to fill up her last moat_. To gain it to ourselves, is to enable us to take advantage of her deserted and defenceless borders, and to complete the humiliation of our only remaining competitor.” These are great and serious truths, which every British statesman, and indeed every Briton should engrave on their memories. France will always consider us as her competitor; and she will, accordingly, pursue the plans which can only render her successful against our independence and prosperity. This, Britain ought carefully to remember.

The change contemplated in Africa could not be wrought in a day. But were we once firmly established, in a commanding attitude, on the Niger, and an end put to the two great scourges of Africa, superstition and an external slave trade, the progress of improvement would be rapid, and the advantages great. Commanding the Niger, none could interfere with us. The Arab and the Moor would no longer be tempted, by gain from traffic, to brave the dangers of the great Zahaara; and, if from ambition or love of plunder they did so, then meeting a foe which could effectually oppose them, they would not venture to repeat their incursions and attacks. Thus cut off from the means of obtaining slaves from the interior of Africa to labour for them, as they are now debarred from enslaving Christians, they would be compelled to labour—compelled to follow the example of civilized nations—compelled, in a word, to become civilized also. Nor would the consequences stop here. Those fierce hordes, rendered savage by the hardships they endure, and who frequent the great Zahaara to plunder the traveller and the merchant, and who are tempted with the hopes of wealth to lead such unsettled lives, finding this trade no longer carried on by these routes, would be compelled to emerge from their burning wastes, seek more habitable spots, and thus come more within the power of civilized man. The accomplishment and carrying into effect the object and measures I have endeavoured to point out, would not only civilize Southern and Central Africa, but all the northern and eastern parts thereof; and is, perhaps, the only way by which it can be done, except by the conquest of all those countries by some formidable European power, which, even if one capable of doing that could be found, the jealousies of the other powers would oppose and prevent. But the same reason does not apply to controlling the Southern and Central parts of Africa, because that does not immediately threaten the independence, repose, or interests of any European power.

But it will, and may very justly be asked, what right have we, or any other European nation, to go and fix ourselves in Africa, conquer and controul the native powers, levy taxes, and make them our subjects? The answer is plain; we have no such right, nor is any such right here claimed or advocated. In every thing that has been stated, or that may yet be stated, in the prosecution of this subject, I have viewed matters prospectively, and considered our connection with Africa and our empire there, as extensively and permanently formed. But there is not the smallest idea of wishing to recommend that we should, or hope expressed that we would, enter Africa with the sword drawn to accomplish these objects. Quite the contrary. Fernando Po we may take possession of with the permission of the Portuguese, (should that be deemed necessary to ask,) without invading or violating, in the slightest degree, any right of the natives, or those of any native power in Africa. For the settlement inland, let us purchase the right and title to the space of country we may judge necessary for that purpose, from any of the native Princes or powers to whom it may belong. This was done at Sierra Leone, and may be done in any other part of Africa very readily, and at a trifling expence.

This done, there fixed and fortified, we have an unquestionable right to extend our connections in Africa by trade, and by treaties. We can form alliances, take nations under our protection who may solicit the same, (many certainly would,) and thus situated, we should have the clearest right to resist, repel, and conquer every power which might dare to attack ourselves, or any of our allies. In this manner, as in India, but at much less trouble and expence, our influence, power, and empire, would be felt, would be consolidated, extended, and securely fixed in Africa; and, ere long, it would comprehend all the countries which have been pointed out, either as friends, or immediately under our sway. It is in this manner I would recommend, and wish to see, and hope to see, our power and commerce extended in Africa; and, in this manner, it can and would extend, not only without infringing upon any legitimate rights, but extending inestimable blessings and benefits to all.

We have attempted to do much for Africa, but hitherto without effect. We have expended millions in endeavouring to arrest the career of the slave trade, and upon Sierra Leone; but, in regard to the former, it may be stated altogether without effect. Let it not be supposed that I mean any reflections upon any one on account of the measures which have been pursued, but the expence has hitherto been such as to be a serious item in our national expenditure, and all without any good resulting to either to ourselves or Africa, at least such as offers any prospect of permanent advantage. It was only the other day that, for one year, L.150,000 was voted to pay Portugal for illegal captures of her slave ships, and L.18,000 more as the expences for commissions to watch over and investigate these matters. Large as these sums are, still they are comparatively trifling to what has at different times previously been paid to Spain and Portugal, and in rewards to our naval officers for seizing those very vessels which this nation is thus obliged to repay. A portion, however, of the sums mentioned, and not a very large portion, would be sufficient to commence an establishment such as that recommended, and which, from the trade it would draw to it and protect, would not only be soon able to support itself, but to repay whatever advances government may, in the first instance, have made. On this principle also ought colonies only to be formed in Africa, to draw wealth to Britain, not to take it from her. We have done much for Africa. We are the best entitled of any European nation to secure to ourselves whatever advantages she may possess. To extend and to increase these advantages, a liberal policy in all things is absolutely necessary, and it may be equally advantageous to Africa and to Great Britain that foreign ships should be admitted into such a colony or colonies with the produce of their respective countries which Africa may require, and be permitted in return to take away cargoes of African produce to their own countries, but to these countries alone. This, so far from injuring our commerce in that quarter, would tend rather to increase it, or, where it might militate against our interests, a trifling duty imposed upon foreigners, might, without materially injuring them, make up the difference.

In an undertaking of this kind, we are not to be led away by too sanguine hopes of immediate success; because, if we are so, we shall be completely and unnecessarily discouraged at any untoward circumstance which may, in the course of events, come in our way. Neither are we to imagine that the population of Africa, or indeed any other population within the Torrid Zone, can be brought to exert themselves in the same manner as the hardier natives of temperate climates. But were the exertions of the former only brought to equal one half the labours of the latter, the gain would be immense to Africa and to the world. It would give a new turn, and a different tone, to the feelings and pursuits of the population of that unhappy country. But nothing can be done—nothing ever will be done, to alter their present indolent and inactive mode of life, till justice and general security are spread throughout these extensive regions. It would be vain to expect industry or exertion on their parts, in order to procure the comforts and the luxuries of life, when no one can call any thing he may possess his own, or where the superior wealth which he does possess serves only to mark him out as the prey of the unfeeling robber or sovereign despot. Formidable as these two scourges are in Africa, still they are only so to the feeble and imbecile population, whom superstition and ignorance have, from time immemorial, taught to bend under the yoke. Before the power, energy, and intelligence—before the firmness, prudence, and justice of Great Britain, these would vanish. Those fearful butcheries, under the name of “_customs_,” at the death of any person of note, so prevalent in Southern Africa, would disappear. Industry and commerce would rear their heads. Christianity would enter, with Liberty in her train; and the unprincipled despot, and the sanguinary freebooter, would shrink back into the deserts, and be heard of no more.

The exertion on the part of Great Britain to accomplish all this would be small. The power of the Arab is declining; it is easy to contend with a power in that condition. The climate opposes some obstacles, the population of Africa none. The smallest gun-brig in our navy would lay the nations dwelling on both banks of the Niger, from Bammakoo to its mouth, from Bornou to Benin, prostrate before us, with awe, obedience, and respect. Coming as their friend—overthrowing what is evil— rearing up, encouraging and protecting what is just, we should teach the nations in these extensive regions to assume their rank amongst the sons of men. To accomplish this, we have, by means of the Niger, a safe and an easy road. Let no other nation pre-occupy it.

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TRADE AND COMMERCE
OF
NORTHERN CENTRAL AFRICA.
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TRADE AND COMMERCE
OF
NORTHERN CENTRAL AFRICA.

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CHAP. I.

_Colonies necessary to Great Britain — France anxious to colonize Africa — New markets can alone relieve our trade — Old overstocked — Africa, the best field — Superior productions — Country near the Niger — Powerful, populous, cultivated and commercial states — Large cities — Numerous valuable productions — Africa long neglected — Formerly enriched other countries — Articles of export and import — Particular enumeration and value of those most in demand — Salt — Ostrich feathers — Spices — Precious stones — Gums — Drugs — Dye stuffs — Gold dust — Ivory — Gunpowder, Fire arms, &c. — Value of articles — Great profits on trade — Immense advantages of a water conveyance — Hardships attending the trade at present — Value of articles at the Gold coast and the interior — Extent and value of the trade at present — Would supply our West India Colonies with provisions — Obtain plenty of fine cotton — Would open up a trade to the Cape of Good Hope and India — Abolition of the slave trade would relieve and cultivate Africa — If not checked our West India colonies must be ruined — Infringe the rights of no civilized nation in colonizing Africa — Three modes of establishing the trade — A chartered company the best — Regulations under which to be formed — Government must countenance and support such an undertaking — Plans to be adopted and pursued — General reflections on the climate of Africa, and the importance of the contemplated undertaking._

The high rank and preponderance of Great Britain in the scale of nations, can only be maintained by extensive commerce. This alone can give us naval superiority, and that can be secured to us only by colonial establishments. In the present depressed state of our manufactures and commerce, no permanent relief can be hoped for, if new markets for our trade be not discovered and established. The old, of which we had the monopoly, have, from the industry, the skill, and exertions of the population of other countries, become less beneficial to us than formerly; and for the reasons stated, as well as from the poverty of other countries, the demand from us is greatly reduced. Besides this, we must look forward to new colonies to replace such as in the course of time we must lose. Amongst this number are our North American possessions, and the East Indies, all of which will, sooner or later, throw off our yoke. Our West India colonies are also on the decline. The system that made them is destroyed; and it is quite certain, that a revolution in their internal establishments, violent or gradual, is not far distant, either of which will work such a change as will render these possessions of little value as commercial colonies. They are also daily getting more and more into contact with dangerous and ambitious neighbours, which must render the tenure of these possessions more insecure, and perhaps force us into future contests, the expences attending which, the parent state may, from their altered economy, grudge to bear. All these considerations render it imperious upon us to turn our thoughts to commence establishments in some other parts of the world, that by gradual improvement these may render the decay and ultimate loss of some of our present colonial establishments as light and little felt as possible. In establishing such colonies, care should be taken to keep them free from the inconveniences, dangers, and changes to which several of our present colonial establishments are so much exposed. There is, perhaps, no part of the globe where new commercial establishments could be set down more easily, or where these could be more effectually protected than in Africa. It is at present a noble, and at present an undisputed, but not long to remain an undisputed field.

The French nation is most anxious and most earnest to extend their settlements and influence in Africa. Deprived by the Revolution and by wars, of, I may say, all their valuable colonial possessions, France looks to Africa with a longing eye. To cultivate colonial produce in Africa by means of her population was the idea of Talleyrand, and the plan of her late Imperial Despot; and nothing but the constant wars in which his restless and unprincipled ambition involved him, and his ultimate downfall, prevented him from putting this plan into execution, with an energy and means which would have altered the whole face of European colonial policy in tropical regions. The same advice which suggested this plan has yet the ear of the French government, and every proceeding on the part of France shews clearly, that she has the object in view as soon as circumstances will permit. America has also turned her attention to Africa; and an expedition for a settlement, and another for discovery, was lately sent out to the west coast of Africa for similar purposes and similar views. The spot that we ought to choose for our exertions, may—nay, must soon be pitched upon by one or other of these powers.

The object which this country ought at present to attend to, is, as has been shortly noticed, to look out for and obtain new markets for the productions of her industry. Laying open the trade to India and to China, taking off all the restrictions with which our commerce is at present unavoidably fettered, will merely afford a temporary relief to the mercantile interest of the country. Other nations may adhere to restrictive systems, and, at all events, we will be met on equal terms on that point. In and with the countries particularly mentioned, and many others not enumerated, we have and will continue more and more to have the unencumbered efforts of the mental skill and physical exertions of their whole population to contend with. To no civilized country can we at present send manufactures in which we do not find native manufactures springing up to oppose, and to be encouraged, in preference to ours. This is what we had reason to expect, and of which we have no just reason to complain. In France, Germany, the kingdom of the Netherlands, Russia, and Prussia, this is remarkably the case. The renovated governments of several nations of Europe, the moment they are got clear of political storms, will turn their attention to similar objects. In India our manufactures are met by cheapness and superiority. The British manufacturer and merchant may there gain the superiority; but, in effecting their object, both may be forced into sacrifices which no future compensation will be able to repay; while any partiality shewn in that trade may very readily raise a tempest, which will tear up to its foundations the fabric of our power in India. In China we may say they exchange no manufactures with us. South America is convulsed with civil war, and, end as that contest may, still the greater part of the real property of the country, namely, the slaves, by whom alone the land was cultivated and produce raised, is, by their emancipation, destroyed; and it is evident that a long time must elapse before the loss is replaced or injury repaired under another system. The United States are stripped of all their neutral carrying trade, and all that valuable trade to our West India colonies so long their great gain and support; and thus situated, these States cannot, if they were inclined, take from us any thing like the quantity of manufactures which they formerly did. Besides, they are endeavouring to rear up manufactures amongst themselves, while the independence of South America will lay open to all the world a trade of which Great Britain, from particular circumstances, has long enjoyed almost the complete monopoly. It is a fact that they prefer the linens of Silesia and other manufactures of Germany to many articles of our manufacture.

New markets, therefore, can only afford this country a great and a permanent relief;—new markets in countries where no competition from manufactures produced by native skill and industry can for ages lessen the value of, the demand for, or come in competition with ours;—new markets which can supply us, in return for the productions of our skill, with the precious metals, and with the raw materials for many branches of our trade, and other articles which we at present must take from rival commercial states. Africa is that country, and the natives in the interior of the northern central parts thereof the people we have to look to as consumers of our manufactures, and from whom we can fear no competition at all. The introduction of gold dust alone would tend to lessen the value of money raised by the resumption of cash payments, and consequently tend greatly to lighten the load of our national debt.

On the United States of America, we may say, we chiefly depend for the superior cottons for our finer manufactures. War betwixt those States and this country is by no means an improbable event. Their interests would no doubt, notwithstanding, lead them to get their cotton to a British market; but, during war, it is evident that it could only find its way at an enhanced rate. This additional price might be such as would raise the value of our manufactures to a price beyond what Continental nations could afford, or are inclined to give, and therefore lead them more and more to encourage manufactures of their own growth, and to manufacture for themselves. It must therefore be of the first importance to our cotton manufacturers to be independent of America for a supply of fine cottons. Africa, as we shall presently see more at large, can furnish that supply. The tea trade to China is a continued drain upon this country for specie. From good authority, it seems that this valuable plant may be cultivated to advantage on the rich plains which extend between the Rio Volta and the Niger. Also the old Arabian traveller, Batouta, who had visited China, states, that in the interior parts of Africa, along the Niger, which he visited, the tea plant grew abundantly. Here is another and a mighty inducement to secure as ours the produce of these regions. In comparison with China, these parts are at the door; and the difference in freight and insurance alone, would give the tea there produced a decided superiority in the European market, and in the markets of every part of the western world. It could also be obtained from Africa in exchange for our manufactures, and not as from China, in exchange for specie only.

It is to the Niger and his tributary streams that our attention ought to be turned. The magnitude and importance of these, have elsewhere been sufficiently dwelt on. The wide extent of Africa through which these rivers run, is susceptible of great improvement, and is every way adapted for trade. Here is not a barren wilderness inhabited by a few savage individuals, who possess not one idea of useful knowledge or civilized life. We should not, in Africa, wander as the first European settlers did on the banks of the Maranon and the La Plata, for hundreds of miles, without seeing a habitation where a half civilized human being would be content to shelter his head. No! numerous, powerful, and populous cities, rise around us on every side. The inhabitants of these are indeed unlettered barbarians, compared to Europeans, but the materials for a better state of society are most abundant, and want only a power to direct, to excite, and to controul them.