Chapter XXI: The Mission of Japan (1)

OUTLINE OF TOPICS: Aims and ambitions of Japan.—Grand park.—Commercial centre.—Advantageous position.—Leader in civilization.—Example of civilized nation.—Transmitter of Western civilization.—Japan and Korea.—Japan and China.—Fuchow, Yangtse Valley, and Manchuria.—Japanese leaders of Chinese.—Dr. Hirth on China and Japan.—Japanese invasion of China.—Siam and Japan.—The United States a Pacific Power.—A complete Anglo-Japanese Alliance.—Russia and Japan.—Two streams of civilization.—New Japan egotistic.—Prospects of Japan.—Confidence in Japan.—Bibliography.

It is now appropriate to inquire what is apparently the mission of Japan in the world. Since even much less powerful nations have played most important parts on the stage of the world’s history, it is simply inconceivable that Japan should have attained in so brief a period such an eminent position as a world-power without having some special mission to perform and some contribution to make to the sum total of what is called civilization. And in considering this topic of the mission of Japan, it may be well to ascertain what are the aims and aspirations of the Japanese, because it is usually along these lines that a nation, as well as an individual, achieves success. Let us then permit Japanese themselves to answer largely our queries concerning the _rôle_ which is to be theirs “in the great world-drama that continues unendingly, like a Chinese play, in the Far East.” And the opinions which are now to be presented, even though the individuals themselves are not, in every case, the most prominent personages that might have been selected, nevertheless fairly represent Japanese public opinion.

One[175] says: “Japan is especially favored by nature with beauty and picturesqueness of scenery and a healthful climate, and has been appropriately called the ‘Paradise of the East.’ We shall turn this country into a grand park of the nations, and draw pleasure-seekers from all parts of the world. We shall build magnificent hotels and establish excellent clubs, in most splendid style, to receive the royal visitors of Europe and the millionaires of America.” And while the objection has been raised that this is not “a very lofty _rôle_ for Japan,” it is claimed that “it is seen to be about the _rôle_ that France, the great nation of artists, is content to play in Europe—making herself infinitely beautiful and infinitely charming.” And certainly to minister artistically to the enjoyment of residents and visitors by making the country as pleasant and delightful as possible is an aim that accords well with the naturally æsthetic tastes of the Japanese people. Therefore, concerning success in this endeavor there cannot be the slightest doubt.

That _rôle_ is not, however, purely æsthetic, because it contemplates the mercenary advantages to be reaped from the expected throngs of pleasure-seekers, and is, therefore, also practical. And the same person makes another suggestion, wholly practical and pecuniary, as follows:—

“Japan is geographically situated in an advantageous position, as at the centre of the world’s commercial routes. China will be the future market of the world, and Japan will receive the mercantile vessels fitted to be despatched to all parts of the earth. Japan should provide herself with extensive docks at the various ports of the island on the route of the mercantile vessels, to give them shelter and, if needed, necessary repairs and cleaning, and eventually supply fuel and water.”

We have already referred, in the closing paragraphs of the first chapter, to the physiographical advantages of Japan, but we are impelled to dwell more at length on the subject. A noted Japanese[176] has emphasized the point with the following suggestions:

“To all appearances, the seas about Japan and China will be the future theatre of the Far East. The Philippines have been reduced to a province of the United States. China, separated from us only by a very narrow strip of water, is offering every promise of becoming a great resource open to the world of the twentieth century. The Siberia railway has been opened to traffic; and the construction of a canal across Central America is expected to be finished before long.... As for fuel, our supply of coal from the mines of Hokkaidō and Kyūshiu is so abundant that the surplus not required for our own consumption is exported largely into various parts of the East, where no productive coal mines have been found except a very few ones of poor quality....

“Taking all these [things] into account, it is not too much to say that the future situation of Japan will be that of a central station of various water passages,—a situation most conducive to the good of our country; and that, numerous as the attractive places of historical interest and natural beauty are, it is chiefly from our excellently advantageous position, a connecting link common to the three chains of water passage to and from Europe, America, and Asia, that we shall be able to obtain the largest share of the riches of the nations of the world.”

With reference to the success of Japan in such a purpose as this, there can be very little doubt; for the natural advantages are so great that they require comparatively little improvement.

But, besides this aim of commercial prosperity, there is a higher ambition. One writer[177] says:—

“Japan’s mission at this juncture would be to act as the leader to the Asiatic countries in introducing modern civilization: China and Korea, for instance, can learn about civilization much faster and easier than from the countries in Europe and America, for they have common systems of letters and to a certain extent of ideas.”

Prof K. Ukita[178] makes the following suggestion:

“It is the mission of Japan to set up an example of a civilized and independent national state for her Asiatic neighbors, and then to make a confederation of all the Asiatic nations on the basis of international law; just as it is the mission of the United States of America to form one vast pan-American Union of all the republics of the new hemisphere, and thus to hasten on the progress toward the organization of the whole world.”

Again we quote from the editor of the “Taiyō” (Sun), as follows:—

“It is our duty to transmit the essence of Occidental civilization to our neighbors, as better success may be realized by so doing than by introducing there the new institutions directly from the West. The present state of things in China does not allow her to appreciate fully the ideas of Westerners, more so because their fundamental conception of morals is at variance with that of Occidentals. But Japan has every facility to win the confidence of China, in consideration of its geographical situation and of its literary affinity. The valor, discipline, and order of our army have already gained the confidence and respect of the Chinese, and it now remains for us to guide them to higher possibilities with enlightened thoughts and ideas. Such a work cannot be accomplished in a day; it will require years of perseverance and toil.”

Now, it may be profitable to ascertain to what extent Japan is fulfilling her self-appointed but natural mission to uplift her neighbors and kindred in Eastern Asia. In Korea, for instance, what is the scope of Japanese influence? In that peninsula there are thousands of Japanese, by whom almost all the important enterprises of the country are managed. Of the foreign trade of Korea, by far the largest per cent of both exports and imports is in connection with Japan; while the trade of Russia with Korea is positively insignificant. The principal articles of export to Japan are agricultural products, while the imports from Japan are chiefly manufactured goods. At every open port of Korea there is a Japanese post and telegraph office, through which alone can communication be had with foreign countries. As Korea is almost wholly destitute of shipping, her coasting trade is chiefly carried on by Japanese vessels, which also furnish almost all the means of trade and travel abroad. In railways, too, the Japanese have largest control; and their banks are strong and prosperous. Fisheries and mining likewise furnish employment for Japanese, who also carry on numerous miscellaneous business enterprises.

When we pass on to China, we find most astonishing results, a full treatment of which would require a volume, so that we must be content with a few typical examples. In Fuchow, for instance, in the six years since a Japanese consul first landed there, the number of Japanese residents had increased from 8 to 70, and the number of Formosan natives, now naturalized Japanese, who were staying there, was more than 160. The Ōsaka Shōsen Kwaisha[179] has a branch office in Fuchow; and the Formosan Bank has sent there a special commissioner. In Amoy also, on account of its proximity to Formosa, Japanese influence is growing.

The great increase of Japanese enterprise on the Yangtse River during recent years deserves a paragraph by itself. There are several Japanese lines of steamers, besides special vessels for the coal and iron trade. “Side by side with this development of carrying facilities many Japanese, in the capacity of merchants, Government employes or projectors, may be seen travelling in the Yangtse Valley; and further the number of persons engaged in the translation of Japanese books into Chinese has increased in an extraordinary degree.... Nothing is more remarkable than the popularity enjoyed by Japanese things and Japanese subjects.”

In view of the complications with Russia, it is well to call attention to the fact that Northern China, especially Manchuria, is most important to Japan from the commercial point of view. The trade with Dalny alone is from 30,000,000 to 40,000,000 _yen_ per year, and that with all Manchuria amounts to about 20,000,000 _yen_ annually. It is perfectly natural, therefore, that Japan should object to continued Russian occupation, from which she has already suffered by direct and indirect interference, and that she should demand a fair field with “open doors.”

From such instances, of which more might be cited, it is apparent that Japan is doing her duty in the way of helping China to the benefits of material civilization. But her influence is being exerted for good on higher planes. For, as the editor of the “Japan Mail” observes, “every Japanese subject employed in China in whatever capacity will be a centre for diffusing the light of liberalism”; and “the Chinese are apparently to be led along their new path by the Japanese,” who “have some degree of distant kinship with the Chinese.”

The words of Dr. Hirth will add weight because he is, perhaps, the most eminent Chinese scholar in the country and holds the professorship of Chinese in Columbia University, New York City. He spoke as follows:[180]—

“No capable observer of events in China since the Imperial Court returned to Peking can doubt that the government has decided to adopt the policy of Japan, which is to take the methods of western civilization for their models. In directing the new movement in China, Japan is taking the lead over other foreign nations, and this, it is asserted, is due to her superior command of the language.

“Moreover, every educated Japanese is imbued with the ideas prevalent in Chinese literature, religious and political, and hence he has a different standing in the eyes of the Chinese from that of Americans and Europeans. China has thus placed the work of educating the rising generation in the hands of the Japanese as being less likely to destroy the old knowledge while familiarizing the students with the advantages of the new.

“A National University has been established by the Emperor at Peking, which it is calculated will be the model for educational institutions all over the country. Recently a Japanese professor has been selected to draft a new code of laws for the empire. The reason why a Japanese was selected for this work in preference to an equally learned German, American, or Englishman, is because men who are both willing and capable of making due allowance for traditional prejudices will never arise from a country where the study of Chinese institutions is so much in its infancy as with all of us, except Japan.”

The present peaceable invasion of China by Japanese, “not this time with guns for weapons, but with ideas and educational influences,” is along these seven lines:[181]—

“1. The Agricultural College, established some years ago at Wuchang by the Viceroy Chang Chih-tung, and managed for some time by an expert American, has now been given over to Japanese management.

“2. The military school in Hangchau is taught wholly by Japanese.

“3. A large amount of translation work is done by the Japanese.

“4. Many Chinese students have been sent by Chang Chih-tung during recent years to be educated in Japanese schools for Chinese government service.

“5. More than one large and influential Chinese newspaper is owned and edited by Japanese, one of which is an especially strong advocate of closer union between the two great nations of the East.

“6. Nearly 100 Japanese students are in attendance at school in Shanghai, studying Chinese and English with a view to positions of usefulness in China.

“7. A large and increasing number of translation societies are being organized in Shanghai, the principal object of which is to get into circulation books on Western learning. The significant fact is that the large majority of them are translated from the Japanese rather than European languages, because, as they say, the Japanese have already selected the best, and they wish to profit by their experience. Books on Political Economy, General Science, Agriculture, Pedagogics, Ancient and Current History are now commonly on sale in Chinese bookstores, most of which are advertised as having been adapted from the Japanese.”

There is yet another country which is feeling the influence of Japan; and that is Siam. No doubt much of this increased interest in “things Japanese” may be attributed to the recent visit of the Siamese Crown Prince to Japan. He is having a Japanese building constructed for himself; and the king is to have a Japanese garden and house added to the grounds of his palace. The trade between Japan and Siam is not yet very extensive;[182] but it is capable of considerable expansion. Siamese boys and girls have begun to resort to Japan for educational advantages; so that, in more senses than one, Japan is coming to be the teacher and leader of Siam.

But there is another phase of the Far Eastern situation that demands close attention. The United States has definite and direct interests of several kinds in Japan, Korea, China, and Siam; and she must maintain these at all hazards. Through the possession of Hawaii, Guam, and particularly the Philippines, she has become a Pacific Power, more than ever concerned, and directly, in Oriental politics. The advent of the United States into that field was hailed with joy by the Japanese, who have the utmost confidence in our international policy.

In view of the fact, therefore, that the United States, by virtue of providential necessity, must be reckoned as a factor in Oriental politics, and cannot herself ignore such responsibilities, there is only one course open, only one policy to be pursued. It is most clearly our duty as a nation (passively, if possible, but actively, if necessary) to support the Anglo-Japanese Alliance in its efforts in behalf of the nations of Eastern Asia. The union of the greatest nations of Europe, America, and Asia in a complete Anglo-Japanese Alliance would make a “triple alliance” practically invincible.

There are two rival interests contending for mastery on the other shore of the Pacific Ocean,—Russia and Japan. Toward the former we must feel gratitude for her attitude toward us when our Union was in utmost peril; but that sentiment is overbalanced by other considerations. Toward the latter we have an imperative duty, as toward a _protégé_, because it was America who started Japan on her present career and must acknowledge the responsibility to assist her in every laudable purpose. And certainly her aims in the Far East coincide with ours and with the dictates of civilization. The supremacy of Japan in Eastern Asia means far more for America and American institutions than does the domination of Russia. Japan to-day enjoys rights unknown in Russia: social freedom, political privileges, representative institutions, local self-government, intellectual liberty, freedom of assembly and of the press, and religious liberty. Japan is already far in advance of Russia and, in many respects abreast of Germany, in civilization. And, as “Japan holds the key of the Far Eastern position,” she is our natural ally. _Dai Nippon banzai_—“Long live Great Japan.”

But let us now revert again to the Japanese writer quoted near the close of the first chapter. With a reminder of the ever westward course of empire, he pens a paragraph so bold and suggestive that it is worth transcribing:[183]—

“Two streams of civilization flowed in opposite directions when mankind descended from their primitive homes on the table-land of Iran or America. That towards the west passed through Babylon, Phœnicia, Greece, Rome, Germany, England, and culminated in America, while that through the east travelled through India, Thibet, and China, culminating in the Manchoo Court of Peking. The moral world is also a magnet with its two opposite poles on the opposite banks of the Pacific, the democratic, aggressive, inductive America, and the imperial, conservative, and deductive China. There have been constant attempts for the union of these magnetic currents.... Grander tasks await the young Japan, who has the best of Europe and the best of Asia at her command. At her touch the circuit is completed, and the healthy fluid shall overflow the earth!”

In fact, it seems not improbable that the nation which, having from ancient times imbibed and assimilated the elements of Oriental civilization, has been swallowing and digesting Occidental civilization, may produce a new and strong tissue. It is, therefore, argued with no little force that “to reconcile the East with the West: to be the advocate of the East, and the harbinger of the West: this we believe to be the mission which Japan is called upon to fulfil.”

To most persons, undoubtedly, this conception of the future of Japan appears to be teeming with national vanity. And, indeed, it cannot be denied that New Japan is extremely egotistic. She views with evident self-gratulation the astonishing progress she has made, and believes herself capable of even more wonderful transformations. And surely, when we contemplate the history of the past fifty years, and consider the remarkable facility with which Japan has metamorphosed herself, we need not wonder that she is confident or even boastful. To those conversant with this people, their capabilities, and possibilities, the above forecast of Japan’s future seems to photograph, with some exaggerations, the natural and not altogether improper self-confidence and reliance of an able, growing, and independent nation, which has shown an inexplicable power of assimilating the various and diverse elements of civilization. Even a foreigner has so much confidence in the grand future of Japan that he expressed himself in the “Atlantic Monthly” (June, 1892) in the following strong language:—

“In bringing to pass the fusion of eastern and western types, which ... shall create in both hemispheres a far more rounded civilization than either has ever known, Japan has the inestimable privilege of becoming our most alert pioneer. Through her temperament, her individuality, her deeper insight into the secrets of the East, her ready divining of the powers of the West, ... it may be decreed in the secret council chambers of destiny that on her shores shall be first created that new latter-day type of civilized man which shall prevail throughout the world for the next thousand years.”

But while we may not, perhaps, be fully warranted in such sanguine expectations, we cannot help being impressed with the fact that the prospects of Japan are unusually bright. She slept for 250 years while the Occident was moving rapidly onward in the path of civilization, and she must now hasten to catch up. But she can avoid the pitfalls into which the others, now and then, here and there, have fallen, and by which they have been delayed. She can profit by the mistakes, by the costly experiences, of those who preceded her along the rough road. She must move quickly to make up for lost time, but not too rapidly; she must “make haste slowly.” She can never go back, except to ruin and death. She has stepped into the path of progress forever. She must discard all things, whether manners, customs, letters, political forms, superstitions, moulds of thought, or anything else which tends to retard her onward movements. But it is sincerely to be hoped that even the demands of modern progress will allow her to retain much of that grace and charm, of that quaint simplicity, of that light-hearted and merry nature, all of which characterize the Japanese.

We believe in Japan. We are confident that she has powers, both patent and latent, which will enable her to achieve still greater successes than she has yet accomplished. We have had our “blue spells,” when, for this or that reason, we felt discouraged over the apparent failure of some movement for reform; but in most instances we have eventually seen success crown the effort. With reference to political affairs F. V. Dickins has well expressed it: “There is a silent strength underlying the sound and fury of Japanese politics which will enable the country to weather much worse storms than any that threaten it.”[184] Therefore we reiterate that we have confidence in the future of Japan and the Japanese. We repeat that their achievements up to date are a guarantee of continued success in the future. We dare prophesy that they will yet display wonderful transformations in their development. We feel perfectly warranted in applying Vergil’s line,—

_Hos successus alit; possunt, quia posse videntur_,

which Conington translates into two verses,—

“These bring success their zeal to fan,
THEY CAN BECAUSE THEY THINK THEY CAN.”

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

“The Awakening of Japan” (Okakura); “The White Peril in the Far East”
(Gulick); “Dai Nippon” (Dyer), chap. xix.; “The Spirit of the Orient”
(Knox); and “The Future of Japan” (Watson).

THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR

The war between Japan and Russia was inevitable, because, as already pointed out in this volume,[185] the two countries represented different and naturally hostile interests. Ever since Russia, shut out from an open port on the European or Western Asiatic seaboard, began to spread eastward through Asia to seek an outlet into the Pacific Ocean, it had been inevitable that the two powers would some day come into collision. And it can be confidently affirmed that the Russians did nothing, while Japan had done much, to avert the conflict. Russia not infrequently committed overt acts to provoke Japan, and had generally treated the latter in an overbearing and insolent manner.

In 1875, Japan was forced to give up Sakhalin for the bleak and barren Kurile Islands. It was just twenty years later (1895) that Russia committed her most unjust act of interference and provocation. Japan, after her successful conflict with China, by the treaty of Shimonoseki, had obtained the cession of the Liaotung Peninsula, of which Port Arthur was then the most important port. “Hardly was the ink dry on it [treaty] before the three great European powers—Russia, France, and Germany—stepped in, and, in order to justify their interference, declared that any holding of Manchurian territory by Japan would constitute a menace to the peace of Asia.”[186] Japan, exhausted by her first foreign war under the new _régime_, was in no position to offer any opposition to three of the greatest World Powers, when they tendered her kindly(?) advice. The only two powers who might have assisted her against this combination were neither sufficiently interested nor far-sighted enough to interfere; and they (Great Britain and the United States) kept silent. Therefore, Japan had nothing to do but to submit and accept a monetary consideration for giving up her claim to the Liaotung Peninsula.

This in itself was not a _casus belli_, but it was enough to arouse to almost fever-heat the excitement of an intensely patriotic and naturally militant nation. The Government was able to hold in check the indignant people; but nothing could prevent the development of a not unnatural desire for revenge. From that time it was definitely and positively known that a war with Russia was inevitable in the not-distant future; and calmly and carefully the Japanese went to work to prepare themselves for that conflict. It is not necessary to go into the details of that preparation, the thoroughness of which has been surprising the civilized world.

But even then war might have been averted, for the spirit of revenge would have faded away in the multitude of other interests and sentiments that have been pressing upon Japan’s attention within the past decade. Indeed, during the Boxer troubles of 1900 and 1901 in China, when the troops of Japan were marching, in company with those of Russia, Germany, France, Great Britain, the United States, _et al._, to the relief of the beleaguered foreigners in Peking, it almost seemed like a harbinger of continued peace in the Far East. But this harmony was only apparent, not real,—only temporary, not permanent.

In fact, it was that very campaign which enabled Russia to complete her practical possession of Manchuria. She had, in the meantime, obtained from China a lease of that very territory which she had forced Japan to give up. She had also obtained permission from China to extend the Siberian Railway through Manchuria to Port Arthur and Dalny, and thus obtain an outlet to the Pacific Ocean. Measures of material expansion might not have alarmed Japan, if it had not been that Russia sought to obtain permanent possession of Manchuria through a military occupation ostensibly for the purpose of protecting her commercial interests. She marched her troops in large numbers into Manchuria in order to protect the railway from the depredations of Chinese bandits; she fortified Port Arthur and built up Dalny, the great “fiat city,” and in every way showed no intention of letting Manchuria slip out of her control. All such acts did not tend to allay the spirit of revenge in the hearts of the Japanese, but of course made them more and more indignant.

Nor was this all. Russia began to show most evident signs of encroaching upon Korea. “Japan watched all these things with profound anxiety. If there were any reality in the dangers which Russia, Germany, and France had declared to be incidental to Japanese occupation of part of Manchuria, the same dangers must be doubly incidental to Russian occupation of the whole of Manchuria; the independence of Korea would become illusory ...; an obstacle would be created to the permanent peace of the East.”[187]

If Russia succeeded in maintaining her position in Manchuria, her next step would take her into Korea, for whose safety and independence there would be no guarantee; and still another step would bring her over against Japan. Thus would be endangered, not only the influence of Japan on the continent, but even her very existence. She would sink at least into the position of a third-rate power, and would be completely isolated from all opportunities for expansion.

But, even in spite of insults and provocations, Japan set herself to resist the Russian encroachments by peaceable means and measures, in which she at last had the support of Great Britain and the United States. It was to be presumed that Russia would keep her promise to give up her military occupation of Manchuria and restore to China the administration of the “Three Provinces” on the dates specified in a convention with China signed April 8, 1902. According to this, Russia agreed to withdraw her troops gradually from Manchuria and entirely resign her control thereof within one year.

But when the time came for the final evacuation, Russia showed no sign of intending to carry out her agreement. After futile protests from Japan, Great Britain, and the United States, Japan suggested to Russia to open up negotiations concerning their respective interests in the Far East; and to this Russia assented. It is scarcely profitable to follow the devious windings of these negotiations, which were delayed by Russia on one pretext or another. It is sufficient to state that Japan invited Russia to nothing more than “to subscribe to the policy enunciated by the United States and Great Britain,—the policy of the ‘open door’ and of the integrity of the Chinese and [the] Korean Empires.”

During the course of the prolonged negotiations, Russia was moving troops to the scene of action and making other military preparations. These did not necessarily mean that she anticipated war, but that she at least expected to overawe little Japan and thus obtain her desires.

“The only alternatives for Japan were war or total and permanent effacement in Asia. She chose war, and in fighting, she is fighting the battle of Anglo-Saxondom as well as of herself,—the battle of free and equal opportunities for all without undue encroachment upon the sovereign rights or territorial integrity of China or Korea, against a military dictatorship, against a programme of ruthless territorial aggrandizement, and against a policy of selfish restrictions.”[188]

ADMIRAL URIU

ADMIRAL KAMIMURA

COMMANDER HIROSE]

But it was not till after six months of negotiations that the Japanese Government, on February 5, 1904, “having exhausted without effect every means of conciliation,” and “finding that their just representations and moderate and unselfish proposals in the interest of a firm and lasting peace in the extreme East are not receiving the consideration which is their due,” officially announced to the Russian Government that they would not only “terminate the present futile negotiations,” but also “sever their diplomatic relations with the Imperial Russian Government,” and “reserve to themselves the right to take _such independent action as they may deem best_.”[189] This was tantamount to a declaration of war.

On February 6, Admiral Togo left Sasebo under official instructions, and about midnight of February 8 struck the first blow of the war. Six of his torpedo-boats attacked the Russian squadron in the harbor of Port Arthur, inflicted serious damage upon the enemy, and retired without much loss. On the following day a detachment of the fleet under Admiral Uriu defeated two Russian cruisers in the harbor of Chemulpo, Korea. Thus within a few hours the Japanese gained control of the sea, and landed troops, who soon entered Seoul.

The formal declaration of war was made by Russia on February 9, and by Japan on February 10, for publication in the newspapers of the following day, which was the anniversary of the founding of the Japanese Empire in 660 B. C. and of the promulgation of the Constitution in 1889.

On February 23, a treaty of alliance between Japan and Korea was formally signed at Seoul.[190] On the next night began a series of attempts on the part of the Japanese squadron to block the mouth of the harbor of Port Arthur. After several essays, in one of which Commander Hirose met his heroic end, the Japanese so far succeeded that the Russian war vessels were shut up in the harbor for a long period. This enabled Japan to land troops with perfect immunity at several points on the coast of Manchuria.

In the meantime, the First Army, under General Kuroki, was marching across Korea without encountering much opposition, and, by brilliant strategy, succeeded in crossing the Yalu River in the face of a well-fortified Russian army. The Second Army, under General Oku, landed at Kinchow, and after bloody contests, especially at Nanshan, was able to get possession of Dalny, and sever connections between the Russians in Port Arthur and their main force under General Kuropatkin. The Third Army, under General Nodzu, having landed at Takushan, soon got into touch with the First Army; and together they continued their march northward in the face of constant opposition.

When Port Arthur was isolated from the rest of the Russian forces, still another army was sent out, under General Nogi, to carry on the investment of that place, so that the former armies might be free to give undivided attention to General Kuropatkin’s force. The attempt of the latter to relieve Port Arthur was checked by the Japanese in bloody battles at Telissu and Kaiping, after which they advanced northward toward Liaoyang.

In the meantime, in March, the Imperial Diet had met and voted unanimously the Government’s proposals to raise from various sources a special war fund of _yen_ 576,000,000. Indeed, in every possible way, the Japanese people, as a unit, supported the Government in the carrying on of war, even to undergoing many hardships. All domestic loans thus far issued have been over-subscribed three or four times.

Moreover, on the last day of March, the fiftieth anniversary of Commodore Perry’s treaty with Japan, a memorable meeting to celebrate the event was held in the Y. M. C. A. Hall, Tōkyō. It was attended by a large number of both Japanese and foreigners, and, after listening to eloquent speeches, unanimously adopted a resolution to raise a Perry Memorial Relief Fund for the destitute families of Japanese soldiers and sailors. The subscription of over 60,000 _yen_ on the spot has since been increased to about 100,000 _yen_.

The events off Port Arthur were colored still more tragically on April 13, when the Russian flagship “Petropavlovsk” of Admiral Makaroff was sunk, and almost all on board, including the admiral and the famous painter Verestchagin, perished. In May, the Japanese suffered their first heavy losses in the sinking of the “Hatsuse” and the “Yoshino.”

In April the Russian Vladivostok squadron had taken the offensive and sunk a Japanese transport with a few troops on board. After that it made occasional sorties toward the Korean Straits in the hope of creating a diversion from Port Arthur, and in one instance sunk the “Hitachi Maru” with a large number of Japanese troops on board. Moreover, in July this squadron succeeded in getting through the Tsugaru Straits to the eastern coast of Japan, where it committed depredations, even just off the entrance of Tōkyō Bay. But later it was met in the Korean Straits by Admiral Kamimura’s squadron and defeated with the loss of the “Rurik.”

By the early part of August the army investing Port Arthur had made such progress, in spite of severe opposition, that it became extremely dangerous for the Russian fleet to remain there longer. Therefore, on August 10, they made a sortie with the intention of escaping to Vladivostok. But Admiral Togo was not to be caught napping, and engaged in battle with the squadron. A few vessels, badly damaged, regained Port Arthur; others, some of which were severely injured, escaped to neutral ports, where they had to be dismantled; the “Novik” eluded its pursuers for a short time, but was finally overtaken and sunk in Korsakoff Harbor, Sakhalin.

On August 23 began the great battle of Liaoyang, which continued for over a week, and deserves to go down on the pages of history as one of the severest, bloodiest, and probably most decisive battles ever fought. It was only by the most tremendous exertions that General Kuropatkin was enabled to save his army from having its retreat cut off by the flanking movement of Kuroki, while Oku and Nodzu were pounding away from other directions.

The attempt of Kuropatkin to retrieve his fortunes by advancing with heavy reënforcements to retake Liaoyang met with another disastrous defeat in the battle of the Shaho River, October 10-15. After that, the two armies practically went into Winter quarters and engaged in nothing more than skirmishes until January, 1905, when Mitschenko’s cavalry made an unsuccessful raid upon Newchang and Yinkow, and Kuropatkin’s army, apparently urged on by the political exigencies caused by discontent at home, attempted a flanking movement on Liaoyang, but was repulsed in the battle of Heikeutai.

In view of the lull in hostilities along at the front, popular interest was once more directed toward Port Arthur. The Japanese navy continued faithfully its task of watching the harbor; and, although it could not maintain an absolutely complete blockade, it was nevertheless able to prevent exit and entrance, except in the case of Chinese junks and small steamers, which occasionally succeeded in running the blockade under cover of night or stormy weather. The navy also coöperated with the army by means of frequent bombardments of the harbor, in which the remnants of the Russian fleet had sought refuge, and even of the city of Port Arthur.

The Japanese army persistently pushed the attack from the land side; and the Russians stubbornly resisted every step of the advance. The former employed both direct and flanking attacks, and utilized every device known in engineering to overcome the “impregnable” fortress, so well fortified both by nature and by art. Slowly but steadily the besiegers pressed on and obtained possession of various forts. On October 30 they made a general assault, in which they succeeded in capturing several important positions. Just one month later, the “203-metre Hill” fell into the hands of the Japanese and gave them the command of the inner harbor. In a few days they had succeeded in completely disabling the remnants of the Russian squadron, so that the greater portion of their own fleet was released from its long and arduous blockade, and enabled to undergo a thorough overhauling in the docks. A portion of it, under Vice-Admiral Uriu, was despatched to watch the course of the Baltic fleet, and every preparation was made to accord to these visitors as warm a reception as possible.

Admirals Togo and Kamimura, with their suites, returned, for a short period, to Tōkyō, where they were greeted on December 30 with an enthusiastic welcome. And, when the eventful year 1904 passed away, it was generally thought that Port Arthur might be able to hold out a month longer.

It may, therefore, be easily imagined with what complete surprise came the news that on January 1 General Stoessel had opened negotiations with General Nogi concerning surrender. “Hope deferred maketh the heart sick”: but the relief from the long suspense showed itself in a kind of prolonged _banzai_ and a series of celebrations which lasted through the month. The stubborn defence and the bravery of the defenders had awakened in every Japanese heart a feeling of admiration; so that the chivalrous treatment of the garrison found a ready response on all sides.

GENERAL BARON KODAMA

GENERAL COUNT NOGI

ADMIRAL PRINCE ITŌ]

During most of the month of February, the two armies confronting each other along the banks of the Shaho River remained in apparent inactivity, except for occasional skirmishes, but in real preparation for another battle. Just when this began it is a little difficult to state precisely, because some of the earlier operations were only feints to disguise the real purpose. On February 24, the Japanese gained a point by the capture of Ching-ho-cheng after two days of hard fighting. And from this time the struggle went on practically without cessation for two or three weeks. Within a few days the Japanese had turned both flanks of the Russian army, which was compelled to beat a precipitate retreat in great confusion and barely escaped complete annihilation. The Japanese pushed on in hot pursuit, and occupied Fushun, Mukden, Tiehling, Kaiyuan, and Changtu. This was the result of the great battle of Mukden, which was much more decisive than even Liaoyang, and ended the military activity in Manchuria for several months.

In the meantime the Baltic fleet had been leisurely making its way eastward, and, apparently regardless of international law, had been enjoying the hospitality of neutral waters, especially those of Madagascar and Annam. But, although Japan, supported by Great Britain and the United States, vigorously protested against the flagrant violations of international law in the abuse of French hospitality, yet she did not allow herself to swerve from her original plan concerning the Baltic fleet, or to be lured away from her own strategic position to a battlefield of Russia’s choosing. The Japanese fleet, under the indomitable Togo, was watching and waiting in the waters between Japan and Korea; and, as all things come to those who wait, to the Japanese came finally the Russian fleet, steering boldly through the Tsushima channel for Vladivostok. May 27 and 28 (the latter the birthday of the Empress of Japan) are the red-letter dates of the great naval battle, which resulted in the practical annihilation of the Baltic fleet, with tremendous loss to the Russians and only slight damage to the Japanese. The Battle of the Sea of Japan, as it is officially designated, was the decisive conflict of the war; and it deserves also to rank among the decisive battles of the world’s history. If Togo had been defeated, the communications of the immense Japanese army in Manchuria would have been severed, and Japan itself would have been at the mercy of the depredations of the Russian fleet. But the destruction of the latter was so complete, that it is not strange that Russia was willing at last to listen to the tactful intervention of President Roosevelt. Peace commissioners were appointed by both combatants to meet in some suitable place in the United States about August 1. The Japanese representatives were Baron Komura, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Mr. Takahira, Minister to the United States; and the Russian representatives were Count Sergius Witte, President of the Imperial Committee of Ministers, and Baron Rosen, Minister to the United States.

MINISTER TAKAHIRA

THE JAPANESE PEACE ENVOYS]

Accordingly, avoiding the heat of Washington, the peace envoys convened at Portsmouth, N. H., on August 9, after paying their respects to President Roosevelt. The Japanese presented the following twelve articles for the consideration of their opponents:

1. That Russia recognize Japan’s preponderating influence in Korea.

2. That Russia and Japan evacuate Manchuria.

3. That Japan restore Chinese sovereignty and civil government in Manchuria.

4. That both powers respect Chinese sovereignty in Manchuria and the principle of equal commercial opportunity there for all nations.

5. That the island of Sakhalin be ceded to Japan.

6. That Russia surrender to Japan all rights accruing under Chinese leases of the Liaotung peninsula, including Port Arthur, Dalny, and the Blonde and Elliott islands.

7. That Russia surrender to China by arrangement with Japan the branch of the Chinese Eastern railway from Harbin to Port Arthur and Newchwang, with retrocession of all privileges under the concession of 1898.

8. That the Russian concessions obtained in 1896 by which the short route connecting the Trans-Siberian and Ussuri railways in northern Manchuria be given to the Chinese Eastern railway, Chinese imperial police to be substituted for the Russian guards.

9. That Russia pay Japan the substantial costs of the war.

10. That Russia surrender to Japan all warships interned in far Asiatic waters.

11. That Russia limit strictly the naval establishment maintained in neutral waters of the far East.

12. That Russia grant fishing rights to Japan along the Russian littoral in Siberia.

After the agreement by Russia to certain of these articles, and skilful manœuvring by the Russian envoys until the demand by Japan for an indemnity was practically the one remaining cause for dispute between them, the world was startled on August 29 by the surrender of the Japanese of all demand for indemnification and the consequent declaration of peace. As amended the treaty grants to Japan all that Japan contended for before the declaration of war except the maintenance of the territorial integrity of China, with the addition of the valuable fishing rights along the Siberian coast and the right to establish a consular service throughout eastern Russia.

The two powers mutually obligate themselves not to fortify the Russo-Korean frontier nor to erect fortifications on the island of Sakhalin, the more valuable portion of which, situated below the fiftieth meridian, is ceded to Japan. Japan obtains the Chinese Eastern railway and the right to build a branch line to Kirin, while the South Manchuria railway is to be used for commercial purposes only, both powers maintaining guards along its right of way. Korea, Manchuria, and Siberia are opened to trade on the most favored nation basis, and Manchuria is given the “open door” for all the world to enter.

Japan finds herself in possession of the sea and land routes to Peking through the ownership of Port Arthur, and her influence in China has waxed as that of Russia has waned, the subjects of the czar standing now in the territorial position they occupied in 1890, with every diplomatic advantage then held at the Chinese capital practically annihilated.

By the surrender of all claim for compensation, except that for the care of Russian prisoners of war, and by the return of the warships interned in far Eastern waters, Japan has shown herself as magnanimous as brave, as thoughtful for the peace of the world as for the details which have brought her such success. Scrupulously respecting all the rules of war, Japan has also set the world a new standard of hygienic efficiency in the care of the wounded and especially in the prevention of disease among her soldiers in the field.

* * * * *

Space fails to tell of innumerable deeds of Spartan heroism at the front; of the calmness and dignity of the Japanese people in the time of war, which they do not allow to interfere with their usual daily duties; of working overtime to increase the productive wealth of the country in this crisis; of the extra labor performed, even at night, that a neighbor’s field or business may not suffer loss during his absence from home to fight his country’s battles; of the work of women, young and old, to provide necessary clothing and “comfort bags” for those at the front; of the suffering and self-sacrifice of many at home that loved ones may serve the country on the battlefield; of the kindly care of Russian prisoners, who are “treated more like guests”; of the work of the Red Cross Society, and its abundant labors both at home and at the front. The Japanese are truly heroic in every sense of the word.

Two features have already stood out prominently in this war,—the “splendid tenacity” of the Japanese soldiery, and the coördination of the movements of their armies and navy. The strategic phase of the war reflects the utmost credit upon Yamagata, Ōyama, Kodama, and the others who planned the campaigns.

It ought not to be necessary to consider seriously the so-called “Yellow Peril,” but it may be well to refer briefly to this bogy. For such an idea there is not an iota of a reason. It is true that the Japanese are ambitious to become the leaders and teachers of Korea, China, and Siam;[191] but it is for the purpose of leading and teaching them in civilization. Japan has turned her back, whether for good or for ill, upon Oriental civilization, and has turned her face, whether for good or ill, toward Occidental civilization. By this is not meant, either that she will throw away all things Oriental, or that she will accept all things Occidental. But it is simply meant, as before pointed out,[192] that she will be the true reconciler between East and West, and will develop that which is good and useful in both civilizations. It is her purpose, therefore, not to array the East against the West, but to bring them closer together in various bonds of unity. It would be absolutely impossible for her to take any backward step in the path which she has begun to tread, and in which she is striving earnestly and succeeding rapidly in catching up with Western nations. Japan represents in the Far East the ideals of Western civilization more than does Russia. The immense empire of China with its teeming population under Russian domination or only under Russian influence would constitute a real “Yellow Peril,” or “Muscovite Menace,” terrible to contemplate. But Japanese leadership or hegemony in Korean and Chinese affairs constitutes a guarantee of peace and prosperity, of the “open door,” of the spread of true civilization, in the Far East.

The real policy of Japan in this war has been clearly set forth in various ways, of which one case follows:

On May 16 there was held in Tōkyō a most significant mass meeting of representatives of all kinds and shades of philosophies, cults, and religions. The thousand persons present included foreign missionaries, American and British, and Japanese Shintōists, Buddhists, Roman Catholics, Greek Catholics, and Protestants of various denominations, besides probably many free-thinkers. There was a small number of women, both Japanese and foreign, in attendance.

There were several speakers, all of whom dwelt upon the necessity of union in the present crisis in the history of Japan. From the “Japan Mail” we extract the following paragraphs in summary of some of the addresses:—

“Mr. Ōuchi, the representative of Buddhism, declared that the Japanese do not constitute the Yellow Peril. The Mongols constitute it, and, above all, the Russians, who are Mongols. Napoleon had well said that a Russian has a white skin over a yellow heart. Japan has a yellow skin over a white heart. The whole practice of Russia, her boundless aggressions, her despotism and intolerance, mark her as the true Yellow Peril of the era.”

“Mr. Shibata, representing Shintō, said that the pity of Buddhism, the charity (love) of Christianity, and the pure heart of Shintō are all one and the same thing under different names.”

“Dr. Imbrie (representative of Christianity) adduced as proofs that religion and race have nothing to do with the present war: first, the fact that one of the belligerents, Japan, has a constitution guaranteeing freedom of conscience; secondly, the meeting now assembled, where all creeds and all races united in a common cause. He believed that the heart of the nation was with them in this matter, and that such an assembly might be convened in any part of Japan. He believed also that the victory in the war would be with Japan for the sake of the principles she represented.”

The meeting unanimously adopted the following resolution:—

“The war now existing between Japan and Russia has for its object, on the part of Japan, the security of the empire and the permanent peace of the East. It is carried on in the interests of justice, humanity, and the civilization of the world. With differences between races or religions it has nothing whatever to do. We, therefore, meeting together without distinction of race or religion, agree that we will endeavor to publish to the world, each in a manner accordant with the methods observed in the religious body to which he belongs, the real purpose of the present war, as now described. We also express a most earnest desire for the speedy accomplishment of an honorable peace.”

The significance of this meeting can scarcely be overestimated. It is a perfectly conclusive answer to the attempts made in various quarters “to foment an anti-Japanese crusade on the ground of racial and religious prejudices.” Japan stands before the world as a champion of “the equality and fraternity of all races.” The so-called “Yellow Peril” is a myth, a fantasy, a delusion; the reality is to be found in the “Golden Opportunity” to win the Orient for Christ through Japan’s leadership.

H. E. Count Katsura, in his official capacity as Prime Minister and speaking in the name of His Majesty the Emperor, has given assurances that the “Yellow Peril” is a myth, and that the religious liberty guaranteed in the Japanese constitution is to be enforced. He has stated most emphatically that “Japan stands for religious freedom.” The leading statesmen of Japan, whether in or out of office, assert most positively that Japan’s interests in the Far East are practically identical with those of Great Britain and the United States, and that she desires to work in harmony with those nations.[193]

The cause of Christian civilization in Japan has been indirectly benefited by this war. The people, with minds broadened by the responsibilities of their country, and with hearts touched by the practical sympathy of Christian nations, are listening with deeper interest to the presentation of Christian truths. The noble work of the Young Men’s Christian Association at Antung proved so successful that the military authorities soon requested its extension to other portions of Manchuria. The Japanese have felt that though their nation is nominally non-Christian, yet it is fighting the battle of Christian civilization against a nation nominally Christian. The war has been one of the most momentous in history, and decides whether the Far East is to be dominated by conservative, despotic Russia or directed by progressive, liberal Japan.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR

Feb. 5, 1904. Severance of diplomatic relations.

8-9. Japanese naval victories at Fort Arthur and
Chemulpo.

9. Russian declaration of war.

10. Japanese declaration of war.

23. Treaty of Japan with Korea.

24. First attempt to block Port Arthur.

March 13. Marquis Ito starts on special mission to Korea.

27. Imperial Diet passed War Budget. Second attempt to
block Port Arthur.

31. Fiftieth anniversary of Perry’s treaty with Japan.

April 13. “Petropavlovsk” sunk by Japanese mine.

25. Transport “Kinshiu Maru” sunk by Russians.

May 1. Battle of the Yalu River.

3. Third attempt to block Port Arthur.

15. “Hatsuse” and “Yoshino” sunk.

16. Pan-Religion Mass Meeting, Tōkyō.

25, 26. Battle of Nanshan.

27. Occupation of Dalny.

June 15. “Hitachi Maru” (transport) sunk. Battle of Telissu.

23. Naval battle off Port Arthur.

27. Japanese capture Ta, Motien, and Fenshui Passes.

July 6-9. Battle of Kaiping.

21-30. Vladivostok Squadron in Pacific Ocean.

24. Battle of Tashikiao.

31. Japanese capture Simucheng.