Chapter II: Preface: Christian Reader, (2)

I. That as they did faithfully keep and contend for the word of Christ's patience under that dispensation, in asserting and maintaining both the verity of Christ's doctrine, and the purity of his worship, by testifying against the corruptions, errors, idolatries and superstitions of popery; so they did constantly bear witness against the usurpation and tyrannical domination of the antichristian prelates. And as the Culdees did vigorously oppose their first introduction, and after aspiring domination, as well as the corruptions of their doctrines, as we have the contendings of eminent witnesses recorded from age to age; in the fourth and fifth age, Columbe, Libthac, Ethernan, Kintegern or Mungo; in the sixth and seventh age, Colmanus, Clemens, and Samson, with others; in the eighth and ninth age, Alcuin, Rabanus, Maurus, Joannes Scotus AErigena, are noted in history. And the Lollards, by their examinations and testimonies, are found to have witnessed against the exercise of their power, and sometimes against the very nature of their power itself: so in their practice they condemned prelacy as well as popery, in that their ministers did in much painfulness, poverty, simplicity, humility, and equality, observe the institution of our Lord. And so far as their light served, and had occasion to enquire into this point, they acknowledged no officer in the house of God superior to a preaching minister, and according to this standard, they rejected and craved reformation of exorbitant prelacy. And it is plain, that they were frequently discovered by discountenancing and withdrawing from their superstitious and idolatrous worship; for all which, when they could not escape nor repel their violence, they cheerfully embraced and endured the flames.

II. That their adversaries did manage their cruel craft, and crafty cruelty, in murdering those servants of God, much after the same methods that ours do; except that they are many stages outdone by their successors; as much as perfect artists do outstrip the rude beginnings of apprentices. But, on the other hand, the sufferers in our day, that would follow the example of those worthies under Popery, would be much condemned by this generation, even by them that commend the matter of their testimony, though they will not allow the manner of it to be imitated in this day. The adversaries of Christ, in this and that generation, are more like than his confessors and witnesses are. The adversaries then, when constrained by diversions of the time's troubles, or when their designs were not ripe, pretended more moderation and aversation from severity; but no sooner got they opportunity, (which always they sought), but so soon they renewed the battle against Jesus Christ; so now: when they had seven abominations in their hearts, and many cursed designs in their heads, they always spoke fairest; so now: when they had a mind to execute their cruelty, they would resolve before hand whom to pitch upon before conviction; so now: and when so resolved, the least pretence of a fault, obnoxious to their wicked law, would serve their design; so now: they used then to forge articles, and falsely misrepresent their answers, and declarations of their principles; so now. Yet, on the other hand, if now poor sufferers should glory in that they are counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of Christ, as they did then; if now they should suffer with as great chearfulness, for the smallest points as for the greatest heads, as they did then, who endured the flames as gallantly, for eating a goose upon Friday, as others did for the doctrine of justification, or purgatory, or indulgences, or worshipping of images and saints; if now they should speak for every truth in question, with all simplicity and plainness, without reserves or shifts declining a testimony, as they did; if they should supersede from all application to their enemies for favour, and not meddle with either petitioning or bonding with them, as they did; nay, not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better resurrection: then they might expect the severe censure of ignorant and precise fools, as the most part who suffer now are counted.

III. That they stood aloof from every appearance of a base compliance with them; not so much as to give them an interpretative sign of it; which, in their meaning, might be thought a recantation, though, abstractly considered, it might be capable of a more favourable construction; as the required burning of their bill was; which might have been thought a condemning of their accusations; but because that was not their adversaries sense of it, they durst not do it. Not like many now a-days, who will not be solicitous to consult that. Neither would they take any of their oaths, nor pay any of their ecclesiastical exactions, as we find in the articles brought in against the Lollards of Kyle, Knox's History of Reformation. These things are easily complied with now: and such as will suffer upon such things are condemned.

IV. That while the love of God and his blessed truth, and the precepts, promise, and presence of our Lord Jesus Christ, did enable them unto all patience with joy, in a passive testimony, being by the call of a clear and necessary providence sent and set forth to be his witnesses; they did not indeed endeavour any resistance: yet we find they never resigned nor abandoned that first and most just privilege of resistance; nay, nor bringing public beasts of prey to condign punishment, in an extraordinary way of vindictive justice, for the murder of the saints. As, upon the murder of Mr. George Wishart, was done with Cardinal Beaton, who was slain in the tower of St. Andrew's by James Melvin: who, perceiving his consorts in the enterprize moved with passion, withdrew them, and said, 'This work and judgment of God, although it be secret, ought to be done with greater gravity.' And, presenting the point of the sword to the Cardinal, said, 'Repent thee of thy former wicked life, but especially of the shedding of the blood of that notable instrument of God, Mr. George Wishart, which albeit the flame of fire consumed before men, yet it cries for vengeance upon thee, and we from God are sent to revenge it; for here, before my God, I protest, that neither the hatred of thy person, the love of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble thou couldst have done me in particular, moved or moveth me to strike thee, but only because thou hast been and remainest an obstinate enemy against Christ Jesus, and his holy gospel.' Of which fact, the famous and faithful historian Mr. Knox speaks very honourably, and was so far from condemning it, that while, after the slaughter, they kept out the castle, he, with other godly men, went to them, and stayed with them, till they were together carried captives to France. Yet now such a fact, committed upon such another bloody and treacherous beast, the Cardinal Prelate of Scotland, eight years ago, is generally condemned as horrid murder.

V. However, though in this dark period there be no noted instances of these witnesses resisting the superior powers, for reasons above hinted: yet, in this period, we find many instances of noble and virtuous patriots, their not only resisting, but also revenging to the utmost of severity, rigorous and raging tyrants, as may be seen in histories. For, before the corruption of antichrist came to its height, we find Ferchardus 1st, the 52d King, was drawn to judgment against his will, great crimes were laid to his charge, and among others the Pelagian heresy, and contempt of baptism, for which he was cast into prison, where he killed himself in the year 636; Eugenius 8th, the 62d King, degenerating into wickedness, and rejecting the admonitions of his friends, and especially of the ministers, was killed in a convention of his nobles, with the consent of all, in the year 765; Donaldus 7th was imprisoned, where he killed himself, in the year 859; Ethus, surnamed Alipes, the 72d King, was apprehended, and his wicked life laid out before the people, and then compelled to resign the government, and died in prison, in the year 875. Afterwards when the government was transmitted to the Stewarts, James the 2d, the 103d King, who killed William Earl of Douglas in the castle of Stirling, most treacherously, after he had pretended a civil treatment, was publicly defied by the Earl's friends, who took the King's public writ and subscription made to the said Earl, and tied it to a horse tail, dragging it through the streets; and, when they came to the market-place, they proclaimed both King and Nobles perjured covenant breakers; and thereafter, when Earl James his brother was desired to submit, he answered, 'He would never put himself in their reverence who had no regard to shame; nor to the laws of God or man, and who had so perfidiously killed his brother and his cousins.' James 3d, the 104th King, for his treachery and tyranny, was opposed and pursued by arms by his own subjects; who, finding himself under disadvantages, sent to the rebels (as he thought them, and called them) an offer of peace, and received this answer--'That seeing the King did nothing honestly, a certain war seemed better to them than a peace not to be trusted, that there was no other hope of agreement but one, that he should quit the government, otherwise it was to no purpose to trouble themselves with treaties.' Thereafter, in a battle, he was slain at Bannockburn by Gray, Ker, and Borthwick. The same King was also constrained, by the valour of Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus, called Bell the Cat, to reform the court, and put away some wicked sycophants from his council, and give way, though against his will, to the execution of judgment upon others: which was the occasion of that foresaid agnomen to the Earl: for he, with other nobles, in a meeting at Lauder, consulting how to reform and repress the insolency of the Court, had the apologue of the mice laid out before them; that the mice fell upon deliberating how to be rid of the cat, and concluded that the best way was to put a bell about her neck; but when it came to be put in execution, never a mouse durst undertake it: the Earl quickly made application, saying, I will bell the cat; and forthwith went out, and meeting Cochran, one of these wicked counsellors, took hold of him, and hanged him with a horse halter over the bridge of Lauder; and, rushing into the King's presence, proceeded to snatch Ramsay, another of the country's enemies, out of the King's arms; but that he yielded at length to the King's earnest entreaties to spare him. However we see how generously zealous these noble patriots were for the country's good, against tyranny, though they were ignorant of religion: yet this all along was still the character of the Scots in these days, none more terrible to tyrants, none more loyal to Kings than they.

PERIOD III.

_Containing the_ TESTIMONY _of the_ REFORMATION _from_ POPERY.

As in the former, the testimony was mostly passive; so, in the following period, when they were encreased in number and strength that embraced the gospel, the Lord called, and spirited to an active testimony, for these two twins, religion and liberty, that were then sought to be stifled in the birth, and are now designed more declaredly to be destroyed, after they have grown up to some maturity: which, as it renders the cruelty of the present destroyers the more grassant and grievous, so it rubs the more indelible infamy on the shameful security and ass-like stupidity of this generation, that have received such an excellent testimony deposited to their trust, transmitted to them through a continued tract of the witnessings and wrestlings of their worthy ancestors, and now let it slip and slide through their feeble fingers; and does the more justify, yea magnify, the poor endeavours of the present sufferers, who, at least, when they cannot re-act these mighty works, in defending religion and liberty, do chuse rather to die than to resign the testimony, or quit the least privilege that their progenitors possessed them of: and though they be superciliously despised, as little insignificant nothings in the eyes of the bulk of the big boasters of this blind age; yet if these valiant heroes, who did such exploits for their God, in commencing and carrying on the work of reformation, were now to see the dull dotages of this dreaming generation, (not only suffering and consenting to, but congratulating and applauding, the introduction and re-establishment of idolatry and tyranny, popery and slavery, upon the ruins of the work they built with so great expence); and were to read the pitiful petitions, and airy and empty, flattering and fawning addresses, to this antichristian tyrant, for the toleration of that religion and liberty, under the odious notion of a crime, which they had conveyed to them under the security of a fundamental law; they, if any, would be acknowledged as their children, who disdain and disown such dishonourable and dastardly yieldings, and are therefore most despised with disdain and despight. A brief rehearsal of their contendings will clear the case.

While the Queen Dowager regent reigned by the curse of God, and employed all her power and policy to suppress the gospel in Scotland, God so counteracted her, that the blood of the martyrs she caused to be murdered, proved the seed of the church; and the endeavours of his servants had such success, that no small part of the barons and gentlemen, as well as commons, began to abhor the tyranny of the bishops: yea, men almost universally began to doubt, whether they could without sin give their bodily presence 'to the mass, or offer their children to the papistical baptism? Whether these that were in any public trust, could with safe conscience serve the higher powers in maintaining of idolatry, persecuting their brethren, and suppressing Christ's truth? Or whether they might suffer their brethren to be murdered in their presence, without any declaration that such tyranny displeased them?' And, from the scriptures, they were resolved, That a lively faith requires a plain confession, when Christ's truth is impugned; and that not only they be guilty that do evil, but also they that consent to evil, and this they should do, if seeing such things openly committed, they should be silent, and so allow whatsoever was done. From doubts they came to determinations, to endeavour that Christ Jesus his glorious gospel should be preached, his holy sacraments truly ministred, superstition, idolatry, and tyranny should be suppressed in this realm; and that both as to the worship, discipline, and government, the reverend face of the first primitive and apostolic church should be reduced again to the eyes and knowledge of men. And in this they never fainted till the work was finished. To accomplish this, famous and faithful Mr. Knox, and other servants of the Lord, did preach diligently in private meetings. And for that, when they were summoned before the Queen, several zealous and bold men repaired to her, and plainly in the hearing of the Prelates, did charge them with the cruel device intended, and told her with a vow, 'They should make a day of it, because they oppressed them and their tenants for feeding their idle bellies, they troubled the preachers, and would murder all; should they suffer this any longer? No; it should not be.' Thereafter, the more effectually to prosecute the reformation begun, they entered into covenants, to maintain and advance that work of reformation, and to stand to the defence thereof; and of one another, against all wicked power, that might intend tyranny or trouble against them, and to resent any injury done to any of their brethren, upon the account of the common cause, as done to all. Of which covenants they entered into many very solemnly; one was at Edinburgh in the year 1557; another at Perth 1559; another at Stirling 1559, binding, that none should have any correspondence with the Queen, without notifying it to one another; and that nothing should proceed therein, without common consent of them all. Another at Leith, in the year 1560; another at Ayr, in the year 1562, of the same tenor. By which covenants, as their conjunction was the more firm among themselves, so was it the more fearful to their adversaries: when, according to the tenor of them, they kept their conventions, and held counsels with such gravity and closeness, that the enemies trembled. I mention these things more particularly, because these same very things commended in our fathers, are now condemned in a poor handful, that would aim at imitating their example, in renewing and reiterating such covenants of the same nature and tenor, and binding to the same very duties, and prosecute in the same methods of keeping general meetings for correspondence, and consultation about common mutual duties in common danger; whereunto they have not only present necessity to urge them, but also preterite examples of these worthies to encourage them, and their experience of comfort and tranquillity they reaped, by these Christian assemblies and godly conferences, as oft as any danger appeared to any member or members of their body. These beginnings, the zealous covenanted reformers left no means unessayed to promote, by protestations to the parliament, and petitions, and many reiterated addresses to the Queen Dowager: from whom they received many renewed fair promises; which she had never mind to keep, and wanted not the impudence, when challenged for breaking them, to declare, 'It becomes not subjects to burden their princes with promises further than it pleased them to keep the same:' and, at another time, 'that she was bound to keep no faith to hereticks:' and again, 'that princes must not be strickly bound to keep their promises; and that herself would make little conscience to take from all that sort their lives and inheritance, if she might do it with an honest excuse.' Wherein she spoke not only the venom of her own heart, but the very soul and sense, principle and project of all popish princes: whereby we may see what security we have for religion and liberty this day, though the most part make such a pretence a pillow to sleep on. But, after many discoveries in this kind of the Queen's treachery, at length they would no more be bribed by promises, blinded by pretences, nor boasted by her proclamations, (slandering their enterprise, as if it pertained nothing to religion) from their endeavours to prosecute the same: but finding themselves compelled to take the sword of just defence, against all that should pursue them for the matter of religon, they first signified unto her; 'that they would notify to the king of France, and all Christian princes, that her cruel, unjust, and most tyrannical murder intended against towns and multitudes, was and is the only cause of their revolt from their accustomed obedience, which they owned and promised to their Sovereign; provided they might live in peace and liberty, and enjoy Christ's gospel, without which they firmly purpose never to be subject to mortal man; and that better it were to expose their bodies to a thousand deaths; than to deny Christ; which thing not only do they, who commit open idolatry, but also all such, as, seeing their brethren pursued for the cause of religion, and having no sufficient means to comfort and assist them, do nevertheless withdraw from them their dutiful support.' And thereafter, they published a declaration to the generation of antichrist, the pestilent prelates, and their shavelings within Scotland. 'That they should not be abused, thinking to escape just punishment, after that they, in their blind fury, had caused the blood of many to be shed; but if they proceeded in this their malicious cruelty, they should be dealt withal, wheresoever they should be apprehended, as murderers, and open enemies to God and to mankind. And that with the same measure they had measured, and intended to measure to others, it should be measured to them;--that is, they should, with all force and power they had, execute just vengeance and punishment upon them; yea begin that same war which God commandeth Israel to execute against the Canaanites; that is, contract of peace should never be made, till they desist from their open idolatry and cruel persecution of God's children.' I rehearse this declaration the more expressly, because in our day declarations of this style and strain, and aiming at the same scope, are hideously hissed and houted at as unheard of novelties. Finally, when by all their letters, warnings, admonitions and protestations, they could obtain no redress, but rather an increase of insupportable violence, they proponed the question in a general meeting, 'Whether she, whose pretences threatened the bondage of the whole common wealth, ought to be suffered so tyrannically to domineer over them?' Unto which the ministers, being required to give their judgment, answered, That she ought not. And accordingly they declared her deposed from all government over them; 'because of her persecuting the professors of the true religion, and oppressing the liberties of the true lieges, never being called nor convinced of any crime; because of her intrusion of magistrates against all order of election; because of her bringing in strangers to suppress the liberty of the country, and placing them in greatest offices of credit; because of her altering and subverting the old laws of the realm,' &c. Which I mention, because hence we may see what things our fathers judged did dissolve the relation between the people and their rulers; and, when applied to our case, will justify their reasons that have renounced the present tyranny. This was done at Edinburgh in the year 1559. And thereafter, while they vindicated themselves, and went on with the work of reformation, throwing down all monuments of idolatry, and propagating the reformed religion, God so blessed their endeavours, that their confession of faith, and all articles of the protestant religion, was read and ratified by the three estates of parliament, at Edinburgh, July 1560. And the same year the book of discipline, containing the form and order of presbyterial government, was subscribed by a great part of the nobility. Thus, through the wisdom and power of God alone, even by the weakness of very mean instruments, against the rage and fury of the devil, and of all the powers of hell, was this work of reformation advanced and effectuated; and came to the establishment of a law, which did not only ratify and confirm the protestant religion, but abolish antichristian popery, and appoint punishment for the professors and promoters thereof. Which law, often confirmed and ratified afterwards, though it be now cested and rescinded by the prerogative of the present tyrant; because it annuls and invalidates his pretence to succession in the government, (it being expressly enacted afterwards, by a parliament at Edinburgh, 1567, confirming this, that all princes and kings hereafter, before their coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true religion then professed, and suppress all things contrary to it), yet is still in force in the hearts of all honest men, that will not prostitute religion, law and liberty, to the lusts of tyrants; and will be accounted a better bottom to build the hope of enjoying religion upon, than the perfidious promises of a popish usurper, pretending a liberty to dissenting protestants, by taking away the penal statutes, the legal bulwark against popery: all which yet, to the reproach of all protestants, some are applauding and congratulating in this time by their addresses and petitions, to this destroyer of law and religion. I wish they would look back to see what the building of this bulwark cost our fathers, before they sell it at such a rate; and compare the present addresses, courting and caressing the papists, with the addresses of these worthy builders of what they are destroying. There is one dated Edinburgh, May 27, 1561, presented to the Council, shewing, that honesty craved them, to make the secrets of their heart patent, which was--'That, before ever these tyrants and dumb dogs empire over them professing Christ Jesus within this realm, they were fully determined to hazard life, and whatsoever they had received of God in temporal things.--And let these enemies of God assure themselves, that if their council put not order unto them, that they should shortly take such order, that they shall neither be able to do what they list, neither yet to live upon the sweet of the brows of such as are no debtors to them.' And when the mischievous Mary, the daughter of the degraded Queen, returning from France, set up the mass but in her own family, the godly at that time gave plain signification, that they could not abide that 'the land which God had purged from idolatry, should in their eyes be polluted again. Shall that idol (say they) be suffered again to take place within this realm? It shall not.' The idolatrous priests should die the death according to God's law. And a proclamation being issued to protect the Queen's domestic servants that were papists, there was a protestation given forth presently, 'That if any of her servants should commit idolatry, say mass, participate therewith, or take the defence thereof, in that case this proclamation was not extended to them in that behalf, no more than if they commit murder; seeing the one is much more abominable in the sight of God than the other; but that it may be lawful to inflict upon them, the pains contained in God's word against idolaters, wherever they may be apprehended, without favour.' The words of John Knox upon the following Sabbath may be added, 'That one mass was more fearful unto him, than if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any part of the realm, of purpose to suppress the whole religion: for (said he) in our God there is strength to resist and confound multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon him; but when we join hands with idolatry, it is no doubt but both God's amiable presence and comfortable defence will leave us, and what shall then become of us?' Yea, when it was voted in the General Assembly, whether they might take the Queen's mass from her? many frankly affirmed, 'That as the mass is abominable, so it is just and right that it should be suppressed; and that in so doing, men did no more hurt to the Queen's Majesty, than they that should by force take from her a poisoned cup, when she was going to drink it.' Thus we have some specimen of the zeal of our fathers against idolatry. But in a little time court favours blunted it in many; and then had the servants of God a double battle, fighting on the one hand against idolatry, and the rest of the abominations maintained by the court. And upon the other hand, against the unfaithfulness of false brethren, and treachery of sycophants, who informed the court against the ministers, for their free and faithful preaching and warnings on all occasions; yet they sustained the brunt of all these assaults, and came off with honour. At length, to be short, in process of time, this Mary, a woman of a proud and crafty wit, and an obdured heart against God and his truth, infilled in the same steps of tyranny and treachery (but with greater aggravations) that her mother walked in, and was served according to her desert. For after that her darling David Rizzo, the Italian fidler, (whom most men then supposed, and do still suspect to be the father of King James, this man's grandfather; and some do think it not unlikely, that his successors have derived from this stock the Italian complexion and constitution both of body and mind, spare and swarthy, cruel and crafty) received his due rewards in her presence, by the King's consent and counsel; she conceived such contempt of, and indignation against the poor uxorious young King, Henry of Darnley, that she never rested till she and Bothwel contrived and executed his murder, and then she married that murdering adulterer, the said Earl of Bothwel: whereupon the Protestant Noblemen pursuing the murder, took her, and sent her prisoner to Lochleven, where they made her resign the government to her son James, then an infant, and afterwards she was beheaded by Elizabeth Queen of England. We see now by this deduction, what was the testimony of this period, and how in many things it confirms the heads of the present sufferings, which we may particularly remark.

I. The reformation of Scotland had this common with all other protestant churches, that it was carried on by resisting the opposing powers; but it had this peculiar advantage above all, that at once, and from the beginning, both doctrine and worship, discipline and government were reformed: as Mr. Knox witnesseth, that there was no realm upon the face of the earth at that time that had religion in greater purity. 'Yea,' says he, 'we must speak the truth, whomsoever we offend, there is no realm that hath the like purity; for all others, how sincere soever the doctrine be, retain in their churches and ministry thereof, some footsteps of antichrist, and dregs of popery; but we (praise to God alone) have nothing in our churches that ever flowed from that Man of Sin.' The doctrine was purely reformed, according to the rule of Christ, both as to matter and manner of delivery. As to the matter of it, what it was, the Confession of Faith, ratified in parliament in the year 1560, doth witness. In the manner of it, they studied not the smooth and pawky prudence that is now so much applauded, for not observing which, such as would fain be honest in this duty, are so much condemned; but they cried aloud against, and did not spare the sins of the time, with application to every degree of men; as we have it published and vindicated in Mr. Knox's History. They cried, 'that the same God who plagued Pharaoh, repulsed Sennacherib, struck Herod with worms, and made the bellies of dogs the grave and sepulchre of the spiteful Jezebel, will not spare misled princes, who authorize the murderers of Christ's members in this our time. Many now a days will have no other religion than the Queen; the Queen no other than the Cardinal; the Cardinal no other than the Pope; the Pope no other than the devil: let men therefore consider what danger they stand in, if their salvation shall depend upon the Queen's faith.' And they used to defend such manner of free dealing, from the examples of the prophets reproving Kings personally. 'Now, if the like and greater corruptions be in the world this day, who dare enterprize, to put to silence the Spirit of God, which will not be subject to the appetites of misled princes.' Mr. Knox's defence before the Queen, when rebuked for speaking of her marriage in the pulpit, was: 'The Evangel, saith he, hath two points, repentance and faith; in preaching repentance, of necessity it is, that the sins of men may be noted, that they may know wherein they offend.' And in his dispute with Lethington, requiring where any of the prophets did so use Kings and rulers; he gave the example of Elias 'reproving Ahab and Jezebel, that dogs shall lick the blood of Ahab, and eat the flesh of Jezebel; which was not whispered in their ears, but so as the people understood well enough, for so witnessed Jehu after the accomplishment.' Elisha reproved Jehoram, saying, 'What have I to do with thee; if it were not for Jehosaphat, I would not have looked toward thee. Though a subject, yet he gave little reverence to the King.' These were their arguments for faithfulness then, which are now exploded with contempt. Their worship was also reformed from all dregs of popery, and fopperies of human ceremonies, retained in many other churches, especially in England; to whose bishops, in Queen Elizabeth's time, the Assembly wrote, 'That if surplice, corner cap, tippet, &c. have been the badges of idolaters in the very act of idolatry, what have preachers to do with the dregs of that Romish beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear to take, either in his hand or forehead, the mark of that odious beast?--We think you should boldly oppose yourselves to all power, that will dare extol itself against God, and against all such as do burden the conscience of the faithful, further than God hath burdened them by his own word.' The discipline and government was from the beginning presbyterial, even before the establishment: both in practice, among the persecuted ministers, who kept their private meetings; and in their doctrine. This was one of Mr. Knox's articles he sustained at St. Andrew's, upon his first entry unto the ministry. _Art. 8._ There is no bishop, except he preach even by himself, without any substitute. But so soon as they attained any settlement, they assembled in their first national synod in the year 1560, by virtue of that intrinsic power granted by the Lord to his church; nor did they so much as petition for the indulgence of the then authority; but upon Christ's warrant, they kept and held their courts in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ only; and in his sole authority, by direction of his word and Spirit, concluded all their counsels, votes and acts. And as they knew nothing of an exotic supremacy, so they put out and held out prelacy, and kept a perfect parity; which was nothing infringed by the extraordinary employments and commissions delegated to some superintendants, upon the account of the particular exigence of these times.

II. Next we find in the practice of these renowned reformers, many demonstrations of pure zeal, worthy of all imitation; which I remark the rather, because poor sufferers that would now imitate it, are condemned as blind and ignorant zealots. But why are not the reformers condemned for the same things? We find in the first place, that they were so far from complying with, or conniving at, or countenancing public sins, that they could not contain themselves from declaring their detestation of the sight of them; yea the very boys did abominate them, as at the reformation, at St. Johnstoun, a boy cried with a bold voice, This is intolerable, that when God by his word hath plainly condemned idolatry, we shall stand and see it used in despight. Whereupon he and others threw down all the monuments of idolatry in that place. But if now any should enterprise such a thing, when the idol of the mass is set up in every city, they might expect Jerubaal's censure of the Abiezrites; though it is true they might have the same encouragement, because they have the same command as he had, to wit, the perpetual precept of throwing down idolatrous altars. Next, they were so far from complying with the enemies, in keeping the peace with them, that they thought it a great sin not to oppose them, when their brethren were forced to take the sword of self-defence, being persuaded by these arguments: 'That by their fainting and abstracting their support, the enemies would be encouraged; and thereby they should declare themselves both traitors to the truth once professed, and murderers of their brethren, whom their presence and concurrence might preserve; and that if they should deny their brethren suffering for his name's sake, they should also deny Christ, and be denied of him; and that God hath punished subjects with their princes, for winking at, and not resisting their manifest iniquity; and therefore, as he is immutable in nature, so would he not pardon them in that which he hath punished in others,' &c. Which arguments prevailed with the noble Earl of Glencairn, in zeal to burst forth in these words:--'Albeit never man should accompany me, yet I will go to my brethren, and if it were but a pike upon my shoulder, I had rather die with that company, than live after them.' But now professors cannot only sit at home, in their shops and cieled houses, when the Lord's people are pursued and murdered in the fields, but also can hire their murderers, and strengthen their hands, by paying them cesses and localities, and what they require for help to do their work, and maintaining them in their iniquity. Which famous Mr. Knox disproveth very much in his day, arguing, 'That if people thought they were innocent, because they were not the actors of such iniquity, they were utterly deceived; for God doth not only punish the chief offenders, but the consenters to such iniquity; and all are judged to consent, who give not testimony against it; as the rulers and bishops are criminal of all the innocent blood that is shed for the testimony of Christ's truth; so are all who assist and maintain them in their blind rage, and give no declaration, that their tyranny displeaseth them. This doctrine is strange to the blind world, but the verity of it hath been declared in all notable punishments from the beginning. When the old world was destroyed by water, Sodom and Jerusalem were destroyed, were all alike wicked? Yet all perished: why? All kept silence, or did not resist; by which all approved iniquity, and joined hands with the tyrants, as it had been in one battle against the Omnipotent.' Which words, if impartially applied, will condemn and confute the dull daubings of the present compliances, in maintaining tyrants and their emissaries, by emoluments which they require and exact, and that professedly, for promoting their accursed projects; and will justify conscientious sufferers, for refusing to pay these impositions. And this will the more appear, if we add some more of his pithy expressions in the same place, clearing the subject he is upon, and answering an objection, what poor people might do, when compelled to give obedience to all their rulers demanded? 'Ye may,' saith that author, without sedition, 'withhold the fruits and profits, which your false bishops and clergy most unjustly received of you: upon which he subjoins the preceeding arguments.' Yet now a-days these have no weight, but such as refuse either to pay oppressors exactions, or curates stipends, are condemned for giddy fools. Again we find, that when they were challenged for duty, they would never decline a declaration of its righteousness, nor do any thing directly or indirectly, which might seem a condemning of it. And therefore they would receive no pardons for these things which they could not confess to be offences. John Knox, challenged for offending the Queen, had her promise, that if he would confess an offence his greatest punishment should be, but to go within the castle of Edinburgh, and immediately to return to his own house; he refused absolutely. But now, if our pardon-mongers, and prudent men had been so circumstantiate, surely they could have helped themselves with their distinctions, they might confess and be pardoned for offending the Queen, though not confess it to be a fault in their conscience: but Mr. Knox had not learned that then. When they were pursuing the murderer of King Henry of Darnly, the queen finding herself not strong enough, offers to forgive and pardon that insurrection: the Earl of Morton, in name of all the rest, did not only refuse a cessation, but told her they would not ask a pardon. But now sufferers, for refusing of these base and unmanly, as well as unchristian compliances, are much condemned. Finally, because this strictness, especially in their severity against their enemies, may be accused of Jewish rigidity, inconsistent with a gospel spirit of lenity, which also is imputed to the much condemned sufferers of Scotland at this time, for their testimonies against toleration and liberty of conscience: let us hear what Knox says, 'whatsoever God required of the civil magistrate in Israel or Judah, concerning the observation of true religion during the time of the law, the same doth he require of lawful magistrates, professing Christ Jesus, in the time of the gospel: and cites a large testimony out of Augustine to this purpose.' And afterward objecting to himself the practice of the apostles, who did not punish the idolatrous Gentiles; he answers, 'That the Gentiles, being never avowed to be God's people before, had never received his law, and therefore were not to be punished according to the rigour of it, to which they were never subject, being strangers from the common-wealth of Israel; but if any think, after the Gentiles were received in the number of Abraham's children, and so made one people with the Jews believing; then they were not bound to the same obedience of Israel's covenant, the same seems to make Christ inferior to Moses, and contrary to the law of his heavenly Father; for if the contempt and transgression of Moses' law was worthy of death, what judge we the contempt of Christ's ordinance to be? And if Christ be not come to dissolve, but to fulfil the law of his heavenly Father, shall the liberty of his gospel be an occasion that the special glory of his Father be trodden under foot, and regarded of no man? God forbid: and therefore I fear not to affirm, that the Gentiles be bound by the same covenant that God made with his people Israel, in these words--"Beware that thou make not any covenant with the inhabitants of the land, but thou shalt destroy their altars," &c. When, therefore, the Lord putteth the sword in the hand of a people, they are no less bound to purge their cities and countries from idolatry, than were the Israelites, what time they received the possession of the land of Canaan.'

III. For the head of resistance of superior powers, we have no clearer instances in any period than in this, whereof the above-mentioned hints give some account, to which their sentiments and arguments may be here subjoined. They prized and improved this principle so much, that they put it in their Confession of Faith, Art. 14. To save the lives of innocents, to repress tyranny, to defend the oppressed, are among the good works of the second table, which are most pleasing and acceptable to God, as these works are commanded by himself; and to suffer innocent blood to be shed, if we may withstand it, is affirmed to be sin, by which God's hot displeasure is kindled against the proud and unthankful world. And if there were no more to render the late test of Scotland detestable, that condemns all resistance of kings upon any pretence whatsoever, this may make all Christians, and all men, abhor the contrivance of it; that that same test that confirms this thesis, doth also impose the antithesis upon conscience. It obliges to this confession in the first part of it, and to deny it in the latter. But no wonder, that men of feared consciences can receive any thing, though never so contradictory to itself, and that men who deny sense, and that principle radicated in human nature, may also deny conscience, and make a tool of it in soldering contradictories. But not only did our reformers assert this truth, for which now their children adhering to their testimony, suffer both rage and reproach; but also gave their reasons for it. As (1.) Mr. Knox, in his first conference with the Queen, argues thus, 'There is neither greater honour nor obedience to be given to princes than parents; but so it is, that the father may be stricken with a phrensy, in the which he would slay his own children; now if the children arise, take his weapon from him, bind his hands, do the children any wrong? It is even so with princes, that would murder the children of God subject to them, their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad phrensy; and therefore to take the sword from them, and cast them into prison till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no disobedience against princes.' (2.) In his conference with Lethingtoun, he proves the same point, from the consideration of the justice of God, punishing the people for not resisting the prince. The scripture of God teacheth me (saith he) 'Jerusalem and Judah were punished for the sins of Manasseh; if you alledge they were punished, because they were wicked, and not because the king was wicked; the scripture says expressly, for the sins of Manasseh; yet will I not absolve the people, I will grant the whole people offended with their king, but how? To affirm that all Judah committed the acts of his impiety, hath no certainty; who can think, that all Jerusalem should turn idolaters immediately after Hezekiah's notable reformation? One part therefore willingly followed him in his idolatry, the other suffered him, and so were criminal of his sin; even as Scotland is guilty of the Queen's idolatry this day.' In the same discourse he makes it plain, that all are guilty of innocents murder who do not oppose it, from Jeremiah's words in his defence before the princes.----"Know ye for certain, if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon yourselves, and upon the city, and upon the inhabitants thereof:" Now, if the princes, and the whole people should have been guilty of the prophet's blood; how shall others be judged innocent before God, if they suffer the blood of innocents to be shed, when they may save it? (3.) _Ibid._ He argues from the distinction between the person placed in authority, and the ordinance of God, the one may be resisted, the other cannot. The plain words of the apostle makes the difference, 'The ordinance is of God, for preservation of mankind, punishment of vice, which is holy and constant: persons commonly are profane and unjust: he that resisteth the power there, is only meant of the just power wherewith God hath armed his magistrates, which whoso resists, resists God's ordinance; but if men, in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury of princes, they then resist not God, but the devil, who abuses the sword and authority of God: it is evident the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn Jonathan should die, whom they delivered: the Spirit of God accuses them not of any crime, but praises them, and condemns the king: this same Saul again commanded the priests of the Lord to be slain, his guard would not obey, but Doeg put the king's cruelty in execution; I will not ask, whether the king's servants, not obeying, resisted the ordinance of God; or whether Doeg's murdering gave obedience to just authority? The Spirit of God condemns that fact, Psal. lii. that God would not only punish the commander, but also the merciless executor; therefore they who gainstood his command, resisted not the ordinance of God. (4.) _Ibid._ He argues from examples, not only of resisting, but of punishing tyrants; chiefly the example of Uzziah is pertinent to this purpose, 2 Chron. xxvi. who after his usurping the priest's office, was put out of the temple.' When it was replied, that they were the priests that withstood the king, not simple people: he answered, 'The priests were subjects, as Abiathar was deposed by Solomon, &c. yet they made him go out of the temple for his leprosy, and the people put him from the kingdom.' It is noted also, that Mr. Knox, in that discourse, adduces examples of those, who use to be brought in as objections against defensive arms, even the primitive Christians, before that passage last cited: 'what precepts,' says he, 'the apostle gave, I will not affirm; but I find two things the faithful did; the one was, they assisted their preachers even against the rulers; the other was, they suppressed idolatry wheresoever God gave unto them force, asking no leave of the emperor, nor of his deputies: read the Ecclesiastical histories, and ye shall find examples sufficient.'